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c/r  ^*-<s^c^»-F«^->*-W- — 


HISTORY 

OF 

NEW    HAMPSHIRE 


BY 

EVERETT    S.    STACKPOLE 

Author  of  "Old  Kittery  and  Her  Families/' 
"History  of  Durham,  N.  H.,"  etc. 


VOLUME    III 


THE  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 
NEW  YORK 


3M 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PACK 

I.     Political  Status  at  the  Opening  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  ----  3 

II.     The  War  of  1812  ...........................................  21 

III.  The  Dartmouth  College  Case  ................................  41 

IV.  Daniel  Webster  .............................................  53 

V.    Death  of  the  Federalist  Party  ...............................  65 

VI.     Reconstruction  of  Political  Parties  ..........................  85 

VII.    A  Miniature  Republic  .....................................  .  .  103 

VIII.     State  Politics  and  the  Mexican  War  .........................  113 

IX.    The  Abolitionists   ...........................................  129 

X.     Period  of  Discord  ..........................................  147 

XI.     Railroads    ...................................................  165 

XII.    Manufactures    ...............................................  181 

XIII.  Native  Sons  as  Manufacturers  and  Inventors  Abroad  .....  ....  197 

XIV.  Public  School  System  and  Institutions  of  Higher  Education..  209 
XV.    Honored  Sons  as  Educators  Abroad  ..........................  239 

XVI.    Franklin   Pierce  —  President    .................................  253 

XVII.     Sons  of  New  Hampshire  in  the  United  States  Senate  .........  289 

XVIII.    New  Hampshire  in  the  United  States  House  of  Representatives  311 

XIX.    Organization  of  Cities   ......................................  338 

Appendix  —  Constitution  of  1784  .............................  355 

Index  of  Subjects  and  Places  ...............................  373 

Index  of  Names  ............................................  375 


Chapter  I 

POLITICAL  STATUS  AT  THE  OPENING 
OF  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY 


Chapter  I 

POLITICAL  STATUS  AT  THE  OPENING  OF  THE 
NINETEENTH    CENTURY. 

Population — The  Country  Boys — Industries — Political  Rivalry — Vilifying  of 
Candidates — Mr.  Plumer's  First  Political  Machine — Triumph  of  Organ- 
ized Effort — Property  and  Education  Rule — The  Republicans  Come  to 
Power — Their  First  Legislative  Acts — Senator  Nahum  Parker — Concord 
the  State  Capital — Decline  of  Business  Affects  Politics — The  Embargo 
of  1807-9— The  Federalists  again  in  Office— Hon.  Jeremiah  Smith— Op- 
position to  President  Jefferson — Election  of  Gov.  William  Plumer — His 
Inaugural  Address — Sound  Advice  about  Corporations — Accusations 
against  Great  Britain — State  Prison  Built  in  1812 — Change  in  Courts — 
Sketch  of  Hon.  Jeremiah  Mason — The  New  Hampshire  Patriot  and 
Isaac  Hill. 

THE  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  found  New  Hamp- 
shire with  a  population  of  183,868,  about  enough  for  a 
respectable  city  of  the  present  time.  These  were  scattered  all 
over  the  State,  wherever  there  was  arable  land,  and  many  rocky 
slopes  of  its  hills  and  mountains  yielded  scant  returns  to  hard 
labor.  But  wants  were  few  then,  and  farmers'  boys  were  many ; 
therefore  the  thrifty  farmers,  with  economy  and  with  scorn  of 
privations,  accumulated  money  enough  to  send  their  sons  to 
college,  the  latter  aiding  by  teaching  school  and  doing  farm 
work  during  vacations.  Colleges  for  girls  were  then  unknown, 
and  so  they  took  the  earliest  promising  opportunity  to  get 
married,  not  often  to  the  college  boys,  who  went  into  the  cities,, 
but  to  some  neighboring  farmer  or  mechanic.  The  rural  dis- 
tricts from  that  time  to  this  have  been  raising  live  stock  and 
boys.  The  latter  have  become  the  leaders  of  this  and  other 
States.  Somehow  the  boys  reared  in  the  cities  have  not  done 
their  proportionate  part  in  professional  and  political  careers. 

The  age  of  mechanical  industries  had  not  yet  come.  At 
Portsmouth  there  had  been  from  the  first  settlement  consider- 
able shipbuilding,  and  also  in  the  towns  of  Exeter,  Durham, 
Dover  and  wherever  tide  water  reached.  Next  to  agriculture 
lumbering  and  shipbuilding  were  the  principal  industries.  The 


4  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

small  water  powers  were  utilized  for  saw-mills  and  grist-mills, 
but  there  was  no  demand  for  the  great  water  powers  of  the 
State.  These  awaited  capital,  machinery  and  better  means  of 
transportation.  The  first  cotton  factory  was  built  at  New 
Ipswich  in  1803,  followed  in  a  few  years  by  similar  manu- 
facturies  at  Peterborough,  Pembroke,  Hillsborough  and  Jaffrey, 
but  these  were  not  attended  with  great  success.  They  were  but 
the  beginning  of  a  great  movement,  accelerated  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  railways. 

It  was  during  the  first  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century 
that  the  oppositions  of  political  parties  became  more  pro- 
nounced. The  common  good  of  all  the  people  has  often  been 
lost  out  of  sight  in  the  desire  to  secure  the  victory  of  a  party. 
Then  began  the  practice  of  vilifying  both  presidential  candi- 
dates, Adams  and  Jefferson,  and  to  blacken  the  private  char- 
acter of  a  political  adversary  has  been  a  favorite  policy  of  party 
leaders  ever  since.  If  accusations  of  immorality,  infidelity, 
cowardice,  such  as  were  hurled  against  President  Jefferson, 
have  no  foundation  in  fact,  then  suspicions  and  inventions  have 
been  thought  expedient  and  necessary  in  order  to  win  an  elec- 
tion, or  defeat  a  rival.  The  tactics  of  war,  which  seem  in  the 
minds  of  many  to  justify  abrogation  of  all  moral  law  and 
decency,  have  been  used  too  often  in  time  of  peace.  Thus  politi- 
cal parties  'became  arrayed  against  each  other  as  though  they 
were  foes,  while  both  parties  and  all  parties  ought  to  have 
been  planning  and  striving  for  the  common  good.  Political 
oppositions  were  increased  by  the  spoils  system,  which  began 
with  President  Jefferson  and  culminated  in  President  Jackson's 
time, — that  the  victorious  party  should  divide  among  its  leaders 
and  bosses  the  fat  offices,  sometimes  regardless  of  personal 
qualifications  and  fitness.  Governmental  offices  with  enticing 
salaries  have  been  considered  in  all  times  the  perquisites  of  the 
wealthy  and  professional  classes,  and  when  this  has  become 
sufficiently  apparent  to  the  common  people  and  the  toilers, 
there  has  been  a  revolution  by  means  of  arms  or  ballots.  In 
our  country  ballots  have  determined  the  political  changes. 

The  Federalists  were  the  party  of  the  aristocracy,  as  it  was 
thought  and  at  length  systematically  taught.  William  Plumer 
was  the  first  to  set  up  widely  organized  party  machinery  to 


A    HISTORY  5 

sustain  the  Federalists.  John  Taylor  Oilman  had  been  governor 
of  the  State  from  1794  to  1804.  In  the  latter  year  both  houses 
were  Republican.  Mr.  Plumer  formed  a  self-elected  State  Com- 
mittee, associating  with  himself  five  others,  one  from  each 
county.  The  State  Committee  organized  county  committees, 
and  these  in  turn  selected  committees  in  towns  and  school  dis- 
tricts, the  end  in  view  being  to  bring  out  every  Federal  voter 
on  election  day  and  to  turn  every  wavering  and  doubtful  voter 
in  favor  of  that  party.  This  is  believed  to  have  been  the  first 
systematic  attempt  to  thoroughly  organize  a  body  of  voters  so 
as  to  control  an  election  in  New  Hampshire,  and  it  worked  so 
successfully  that  all  parties  ever  since  have  tried  to  establish 
and  perfect  such  a  machine.  It  has  been  found  that,  no  matter 
what  a  party  may  represent,  it  can  not  win  at  the  polls  without 
organized  effort.  Education  by  means  of  newspapers, 
pamphlets  and  stump  speeches  is  not  enough.  Voters  must  be 
pledged  definitely  in  advance,  and  it  is  generally  known  before 
election  about  what  the  majority  will  be  in  ordinary  times. 
Whatever  evils  there  may  be  in  this  system,  it  is  difficult  to  see 
how  the  general  plan  can  be  avoided  in  a  democracy.  There 
must  be  at  least  two  political  parties,  chosen  nominees  and 
concentration  of  votes  to  effect  a  purpose,  and  a  central  com- 
mittee must  direct  the  political  campaign.  Otherwise  the  efforts 
even  of  reformers  are  scattered  and  mutually  opposed.  Much 
has  been  said  against  the  party  machine.  Let  William  Plumer 
be  blamed  for  it  in  New  Hampshire,  if  blame  it  must  have,  but 
let  somebody  inaugurate  a  better  method,  if  possible.  Plumer's 
committee  circulated  newspapers  gratuitously  and  post-riders 
distributed  them  throughout  the  State.  Six  thousand  copies  of 
an  address  by  Mr.  Plumer  were  carried  into  all  the  towns. 
Thus  the  Federalists  elected  their  representatives  to  congress 
by  a  majority  of  nearly  eight  hundred  votes.  Who  furnished 
the  money?  History  does  not  name  them,  but  it  is  reasonable 
to  think  that  the  money  needed  came  from  those  who  hoped 
to  get  the  offices  for  themselves  or  for  their  friends.  Politicians 
usually  put  out  money  as  a  means  of  making  more  money. 
It  has  become  a  business  enterprise.  The  election  of  an  admired 
man  to  office  is  a  sufficient  inducement  to  open  the  pocket-books 
of  some.  Before  William  Plumer's  time  it  did  not  cost  much  to 


6  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

carry  an  election;  the  expense  has  been  steadily  increasing  ever 
since. 

At  the  presidential  election,  however,  the  Republican 
majority  was  five  hundred  over  the  Federalists,  and  the  next 
year,  1805,  John  Langdon  was  elected  governor  by  a  majority 
of  nearly  four  thousand.  William  Plumer  had  changed  his 
politics  and  perhaps  his  guiding  mind  may  be  seen  in  the 
changed  majorities.  The  successful  reformer  must  be  an 
organizer  or  get  somebody  to  do  the  practical  work  for  him. 
Plumer  in  1805  wrote  thus : 

"Democracy  has  obtained  its  long-expected  triumph  in  New 
Hampshire.  John  Langdon  is  governor-elect.  His  success  is 
not  owing  to  snow,  rain,  hail,  or  bad  roads,  but  to  the  incontro- 
vertible fact  that  the  Federalists  of  this  State  do  not  compose 
the  majority.  Many  good  men  have  grown  weary  of  constant 
exertions  to  support  a  system  whose  labors  bear  a  close  affinity 
to  those  of  Sisyphus." 

Any  political  organization  that  champions  the  cause  of  the 
common  people,  of  the  laboring  masses,  is  sure  to  win  at  last. 
All  political  reforms  have  their  welfare  in  view.  The  struggle 
between  capital  and  labor,  between  privilege  and  want,  has 
been  going  on  a  long  time.  If  the  masses  come  into  power  for 
a  short  time,  capital  and  brains  reassemble  and  deploy  their 
forces;  in  a  little  while  they  again  have  the  reins  of  authority 
and  manage  things  generally  to  suit  themselves.  Give  the 
people  their  rights  and  they  soon  lose  them.  Give  millions  of 
freedmen  the  ballot,  and  it  is  soon  taken  away.  Property  and 
education  have  always  ruled  this  world;  the  masses  must  get 
both  in  order  to  get  and  hold  political  rights.  It  is  true,  as 
Lincoln  said,  that  all  of  the  people  can  not  be  fooled  all  of  the 
time,  but  the  masses  have  been  fooled  and  oppressed  most  of 
the  time  in  the  history  of  all  governments, — and  still  we  hope 
for  something  better.  The  politicians  will  please  pardon  these 
reflections  suggested  by  the  first  political  machine  of  New 
Hampshire. 

The  Republicans  came  into  full  possession  of  power  in  the 
State  in  1805.  For  the  first  time  a  Republican  representative 
was  sent  to  congress,  in  the  person  of  Nicholas  Gilman  of 
Exeter.  Every  branch  of  the  State  government  was  in  the 


A   HISTORY  7 

hands  of  the  Republicans,  the  party  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  later 
called  Democrats.  Levi  Bartlett,  Joseph  Badger  and  Benjamin 
Pierce  were  in  the  council.  Clement  Storer  presided  over  the 
senate,  and  Samuel  Bell  was  speaker  of  the  house.  Dr.  Philip 
Carrigain  of  Concord  became  Secretary  of  State,  in  the  place  of 
Joseph  Pearson,  who  had  filled  that  office  for  nineteen  years  in 
succession.  In  fact  there  was  a  political  landslide  in  favor  of 
the  Republicans,  and  the  leaders  were  not  slow  to  seize  the 
offices.  The  administration  of  Jefferson  was  endorsed  by  the 
legislature  and  "that  spirit  of  malignant  abuse,"  with  which  he 
had  been  assailed,  was  condemned. 

The  new  party  legislature  sought  to  distinguish  itself  by 
reforms.  It  prohibited  the  issue  of  private  notes  as  currency. 
It  limited  all  action  for  the  recovery  of  real  estate  to  twenty 
years.  A  betterment  law  enabled  the  bona  fide  purchaser  to 
collect  the  value  of  improvements  after  occupation  of  lands  for 
six  years.  Another  law  of  1805  secured  the  division  of  towns 
into  school  districts.  Imprisonment  for  debt  still  remained  law, 
and  Hon.  Russell  Freeman,  once  speaker  of  the  house,  was  cast 
into  jail  with  one  Josiah  Burnham  and  another  companion.  All 
were  suffering  for  the  same  cause.  Burnham  became  angered 
by  the  complaints  of  his  fellow  sufferers  of  his  abusive  man- 
ners, and  he  murdered  them  both  in  prison.  For  this  foul  act 
he  was  executed  by  hanging,  at  Haverhill,  the  following  year. 
Yet  for  a  long  time  thereafter  men  were  imprisoned  for  debts 
which  they  could  not,  or  would  not,  pay. 

In  the  election  of  1806  Governor  Langdon  was  reelected  by 
a  strong  majority  and  five  Republican  representatives  were  sent 
to  congress.  The  vacant  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  was 
filled  by  choice  of  Hon.  Nahum  Parker  of  Fitzwilliam.  He  was 
born  in  Shrewsbury,  Massachusetts,  March  4,  1760,  and 
removed  to  Fitzwilliam  in  1786.  At  the  age  of  fifteen  he  took 
part  in  the  battle  of  Saratoga,  which  led  to  the  surrender  of 
Burgoyne.  He  served  in  the  State  legislature  from  1794  to  1804, 
and  was  judge  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  in  Cheshire  county 
for  many  years.  Preferring  the  latter  office  he  resigned  his 
seat  in  the  senate  after  three  years.  Afterwards  he  returned  to 
the  State  legislature  and  was  President  of  its  Senate  in  1828. 
His  career  in  his  town  and  State  was  an  honorable  and  useful 
one.  He  died  November  12,  1839,  aged  eighty  years. 


8  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

The  year  1807  marks  the  beginning  of  continuous  sessions 
of  the  legislature  at  Concord,  although  no  law  ever  fixed  upon 
that  place  as  the  seat  of  government.  The  June  sessions  of  1806 
and  1807  had  been  held  at  Hopkinton,  and  that  then  thriving 
town  aspired  to  be  the  capitol  of  the  State.  One  session  each 
had  been  held  in  Amherst,  Charlestown,  and  Hanover,  but  most 
of  the  sessions  had  been  in  Portsmouth,  Exeter,  or  Concord. 
Concord  was  found  to  be  easier  of  access,  and  there  were  enter- 
prising citizens  here,  that  offered  inducements.  The  sessions 
at  Concord  were  held  for  several  years  in  the  Town  Hall,  built 
partly  for  that  purpose,  where  the  County  Court  House  now 
stands.  In  1816  began  the  erection  of  a  State  House,  and  there 
was  great  agitation  in  Concord,  whether  it  should  be  at  the 
"North  End,"  or  "South  End"  of  the  town.  The  spot  selected 
was  called  a  frog  pond.  The  building  was  completed  in  1819, 
and  it  has  been  altered  and  enlarged  more  than  once.  The 
legislature  required  by  enactment  that  the  people  of  Concord 
should  furnish  gratuitously  all  the  stone  needed  and  haul  the 
same  to  the  spot  selected,  as  well  as  present  to  the  State  the 
building  site.  It  was  a  good  bargain  for  Concord  and  also  for 
the  State. 

Events  which  greatly  affected  American  commerce  deter- 
mined political  campaigns.  Nothing  affects  party  politics  so 
much  as  commercial  prosperity  or  the  reverse.  A  decrease  in 
revenues,  or  a  financial  panic,  is  laid  at  once  to  the  charge  of 
the  dominant  party.  Hard  times  demand  a  change  in  rulers;  it 
is  hoped  that  any  change  will  be  for  the  better.  About  the 
year  1807  the  encroachments  of  both  French  and  English  upon 
American  commerce  had  become  so  unendurable,  that  congress 
enacted  an  embargo  law.  This  prohibited  the  sailing  of  vessels 
from  our  ports  and  stopped  immediately  all  exportation  as  well 
as  importation  of  goods.  England  was  at  war  with  France,  and 
the  case  was  similar  to  that  which  now  exists  between  England 
and  Germany.  Both  nations  sought  to  ruin  the  commerce  of 
the  enemy  and  neutrals  had  to  suffer  from  both  fires.  Such  a 
result  is  in  some  degree  inevitable,  whenever  two  powerful 
commercial  nations  are  at  war;  the  neutrals  have  to  suffer  with 
the  combatants,  just  as  civilians  often  have  worse  trials  and 
mishaps  than  the  soldiers.  War  can  not  be  kept  within  the 
rules  of  peace. 


A    HISTORY  9 

Portsmouth  had  been  the  one  commercial  town  of  New 
Hampshire  up  to  the  time  of  the  American  Revolution.  During 
that  war  its  commerce  was  practically  destroyed.  Then 
followed  a  period  of  gradual  and  rapid  growth,  till  in  1807  it 
reached  the  amount  of  $680,000  in  exports  and  $800,000  in 
imports.  Its  tonnage  amounted  to  22,798  tons,  and  one  hundred 
and  three  vessels  cleared  from  its  harbor  for  the  West  Indies 
alone.  The  embargo,  which  was  in  force  from  1807  to  1809,  put 
an  immediate  stop  to  all  this  apparent  prosperity.  The  ships 
of  trade  rotted  at  the  wharfs.  Many  persons  were  thrown  out 
of  employment.  Fortunes  were  swept  away  and  ruin  stared 
many  in  the  face.  Jefferson  and  the  Republican  party  were 
called  to  an  account.  Some  persons  in  the  North  began  to 
threaten  secession,  and  the  Massachusetts  legislature,  in  1809, 
declared  the  embargo  "unjust,  oppressive,  and  unconstitutional, 
and  not  legally  binding  on  the  citizens  of  the  State."  It  is  a 
relief  to  declare  anything  unconstitutional  that  pinches  the 
pocketbook  and  there  are  easy  ways  of  proving  it  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  pinched. 

Depression  in  trade  and  hard  times  brought  restoration  to 
power  for  a  short  time  to  the  Federal  party  in  New  Hampshire. 
The  national  election  of  1808  yielded  five  members  of  congress 
to  the  Federal  party,  and  also  the  presidential  electors.  The 
following  year  John  Langdon  was  defeated  in  the  contest  for 
the  governorship  by  Judge  Jeremiah  Smith,  one  of  the  ablest 
lawyers  of  his  time. 

Jeremiah  Smith  was  born  in  Peterborough,  November  29, 
I759>  son  °f  William  and  Elizabeth  (Morrison)  Smith.  Both 
parents  were  of  Scotch  descent.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  was 
wounded  at  the  battle  of  Bennington.  He  studied  two  years 
at  Harvard  College,  but  graduated  at  Queen's  College,  now 
Rutgers,  in  1780.  After  studying  law  he  opened  an  office  in  his 
father's  farm-house  in  Peterborough  and  soon  began  to  serve 
as  a  member  of  the  legislature.  Previously  he  had  been 
instructor  one  year  at  Phillips  Academy,  Andover,  and  had 
taught  at  Salem,  Massachusetts.  He  read  everything  within  his 
reach,  and  his  memory  was  stored  with  literary,  historical  and 
legal  lore.  At  Peterborough  he  was  one  of  the  selectmen  and 
an  aider  of  public  schools.  As  a  member  of  Governor  Bartlett's 


io  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

staff  he  attained  the  rank  of  colonel.  The  constitutional  con- 
vention of  1791  numbered  him  among  its  most  useful  members 
and  he  was  chairman  of  the  committee  that  prepared  the  draft 
of  the  revised  statutes  in  the  same  year.  He  was  elected  to  the 
second,  third,  fourth  and  fifth  congresses  of  the  United  States, 
where  he  was  a  supporter  of  Washington  and  of  the  Federalist 
party.  In  1797  he  resigned  his  seat  in  congress  to  become 
United  States  district  attorney  for  New  Hampshire  and  removed 
to  Exeter,  which  became  his  home  for  many  years.  In  1800  he 
was  made  judge  of  probate  for  Rockingham  county  and  com- 
posed soon  after  a  treatise  on  probate  law,  which  was  never  put 
into  print.  He  was  judge  of  the  United  States  circuit  court  in 
1801  and  chief  justice  of  the  superior  court  of  New  Hampshire 
from  1802  to  the  time  of  his  election  as  governor,  during  which 
period  he  traveled  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  through  the 
State  twice  each  year.  As  governor  he  could  accomplish  but 
little  because  of  the  oppositions  of  the  legislative  body  and  he 
failed  of  a  reelection  in  1810,  John  Langdon  and  the  Republicans 
being  then  restored  to  power.  From  1813  to  1816  he  was  chief 
justice  of  the  supreme  court  of  New  Hampshire.  That  court 
was  abolished  in  1816  and  Mr.  Smith  confined  himself  to  the 
practice  of  law,  serving  as  counselor  and  advocate  in  many 
important  cases,  none  more  so  than  that  of  the  Dartmouth 
College  controversy,  where  he  furnished  with  Mason  the  legal 
arguments  for  Webster.  In  1820  he  retired  from  business  and 
spent  his  leisure  in  literary  studies,  serving  as  president  of  a 
bank  and  as  president  of  the  board  of  trustees  of  Phillips 
Exeter  Academy.  In  1842  he  removed  to  Dover,  where  he  died 
September  21,  1843. 

All  biographical  accounts  of  him  credit  him  with  doing 
more  than  any  other  for  reducing  the  administration  of  law  to  a 
system  and  of  bringing  order  out  of  chaos.  Daniel  Webster 
said  of  him,  "He  knows  everything  about  New  England,  having 
studied  much  of  its  history  and  its  institutions;  and  as  to  law, 
he  knows  so  much  more  of  it  than  I  do,  or  ever  shall,  that  I 
forbear  to  speak  on  that  point."  A  volume  selected  from  his 
manuscript  decisions,  while  he  was  judge,  was  published  in 
1879,  known  as  Smith's  New  Hampshire  Reports.  For  general 
character,  legal  abilities,  able  administration,  fulness  of  knowl- 


WILLIAM    PLUMER 


A   HISTORY  ii 

edge  and  conversational  powers  Judge  Smith  ranked  among  the 
very  foremost  of  New  Hampshire's  prominent  men. 

In  1810  John  Langdon,  as  the  Republican  candidate,  was 
again  elected  governor,  and  the  following  year  he  offered  $2000 
as  a  campaign  fund  to  be  released  from  being  a  candidate  for 
reelection,  yet  it  was  thought  that  no  other  candidate  could 
poll  as  many  votes  as  he,  and  so  he  was  elected  for  the  last 
time.  Charles  Cutts  of  Portsmouth,  descendant  of  the  President 
Cutt  of  colonial  times,  was  chosen  United  States  senator,  to 
fill  out  the  unexpired  term  of  Nahum  Parker.  The  two  political 
parties  were  pretty  equally  divided,  most  of  the  wealth,  educa- 
tion and  social  standing  being  with  the  Federalists.  Nearly  all 
the  clergymen  of  New  England  were  Federalists  and  cordially 
disliked  President  Jefferson  for  what  was  called  his  "infidelity," 
notwithstanding  his  religious  opinions  were  more  in  accordance 
with  modern  thought  than  were  the  doctrines  of  his  critics. 
Orthodoxy  has  ceased  to  be  a  required  presidential  qualification. 
The  unstable  equilibrium  of  parties  stirred  up  public  interest  in 
the  elections,  led  to  much  reading  and  discussion,  and  thus 
educated  the  voters  to  independent  opinions.  At  least  those 
who  read  the  political  journals  thought  they  were  thinking  for 
themselves. 

In  1812  William  Plumer,  who  has  been  often  mentioned 
as  a  political  leader,  was  the  victorious  candidate  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  for  the  governorship.  There  was  no  election  by  the 
people,  but  in  the  convention  of  both  houses  he  was  chosen  by 
one  hundred  and  four  votes  against  eighty-two  for  John  Taylor 
Oilman.  The  Federalists,  however,  chose  their  presidential 
electors  and  members  of  congress,  among  whom  was  Daniel 
Webster,  whose  career  must  be  noted  more  at  length  in  a  sub- 
sequent chapter.  Governor  Plumer  suffered  the  usual  amount 
of  personal  abuse  in  the  political  campaign,  but  his  conduct  as 
governor  won  approval  by  its  dignified  and  impartial  character. 
In  his  inaugural  message  he  summed  up  the  national  situation. 
It  is  interesting  when  we  compare  it  with  similar  accusations 
made  against  Germany  at  this  time. 

Both  from  France  and  England  we  have  long  suffered,  and  still  continue 
to  suffer  great  injustice.  They  have  unjustly  captured  and  condemned  our 
commerce,  imprisoned  and  held  in  servitude  our  seamen,  and  grossly  violated 


I2  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

our  national  rights ;  whilst  towards  both  those  nations  the  government  of  the 
United  States  has  steadily  and  uniformly  pursued  a  course  of  conduct  founded 
in  the  strictest  justice,  and  marked  with  the  most  impartial  neutrality.  .  .  . 
The  conduct  of  Great  Britain  towards  the  United  States  still  manifests  a 
spirit  of  obstinate  persevance  in  measures  hostile  to  our  dearest  interests  and 
most  essential  rights.  She  has  impressed  thousands  of  our  seamen,  forced 
them  to  serve  on  board  her  public  ships,  and,  in  the  event  of  war,  will  no 
no  doubt  compel  them  to  shed  the  blood  of  their  innocent  brethren  and  un- 
offending countrymen.  She  has  unjustly  captured  and  condemned  our  ves- 
sels and  cargoes;  permitted  her  subjects  publicly  to  forge  and  counterfeit 
our  ship  papers,  and  assume  the  American  flag,  thereby  exciting  suspicion 
against  our  mercantile  character,  and  subjecting  our  lawful  commerce  to 
capture  by  other  belligerent  powers.  And,  as  if  these  flagrant  acts  of  in- 
justice did  not  afford  sufficient  evidence  of  her  deadly  hostility,  she  has  sent 
spies  into  our  country,  to  alienate  the  affections  of  our  citizens  from  their 
own  government,  and  effect  a  dismemberment  of  the  Union.  Against  these 
outrages  and  aggressions  the  government  of  the  United  States,  preferring 
negotiation  to  war,  has  long  and  patiently  sought  redress — and  even  suppli- 
cated for  justice,  till  it  has  approached  a  state  of  humiliation  incompatible 
with  national  dignity.  ...  In  this  state  of  affairs  but  one  alternative  re- 
mained, either  tamely  to  surrender  our  rights,  or  manfully  to  prepare  for 
their  defense.  A  nation  of  freemen  could  not  long  hesitate  between  submis- 
sion and  war.  .  .  .  Though  war  is  a  great  calamity,  the  sacrifice  of  our 
essential  rights  is  greater.  It  is  with  a  nation  as  with  an  individual ;  there  is 
a  point  of  suffering  beyond  which  forbearance,  instead  of  repelling,  invites 
aggression.  If  we  cherish  a  spirit  of  submission  to  a  foreign  power,  and 
tamely  acquiesce  in  the  loss  of  one  right  after  another,  we  shall  thereby  pre- 
pare the  public  mind  for  a  state  of  degradation  and  servitude,  more  dreadful 
in  its  consequence  than  that  of  war ;  for  a  nation  cannot  long  survive  the  loss 
of  its  spirit. 

The  Federalists  were  excusing  the  conduct  of  England ; 
they  were  hyphenated,  or  English-Americans.  They  wanted 
peace  at  any  price.  They  could  not  forget  the  land  of  their 
origin;  they  were  just  like  some  German-Americans  at  the 
present  time.  Their  sympathies  were  with  the  mother  country 
in  her  fight  with  France.  History  repeats  itself,  since  human 
nature  always  remains  the  same.  The  message  of  William 
Plumer  might  be  a  good  campaign  document  for  the  present 
belligerent  party;  if  unsigned,  it  might  be  thought  to  have 
flowed  from  the  pen  of  Theodore  Roosevelt.  The  soundness  of 
its  principles  can  not  be  questioned,  yet  a  little  more  patience 
and  forbearance  would  have  prevented  a  war  with  England 
then.  Something  must  be  pardoned  in  the  acts  of  a  nation, 
when  it  is  in  mortal  struggle  with  another.  The  rights  of  on- 


A    HISTORY  13 

lookers  can  not  always  be  considered;  they  perhaps  should 
keep  out  of  the  way  as  much  as  possible  and  let  their  grievances 
be  arbitrated  when  blood  has  cooled. 

Mr.  Plumer,  in  his  message,  pleads  for  an  indissoluble 
Union  of  the  States  and  that  "the  people  of  the  United  States 
are  the  source  of  sovereignty."  He  urges  a  well  armed  and 
trained  militia  and  calls  attention  to  the  importance  of  encour- 
aging agriculture  and  manufactures,  to  take  the  place  of  depart- 
ing commerce.  The  following  clause  is  important  now  and 
shows  the  rightful  limitation  of  the  powers  of  corporations. 
The  greater  the  corporations,  the  more  needful  is  the  caution. 
The  following  is  wholesome  reading  for  our  times: 

Acts  of  incorporation  of  various  kinds  have  within  a  few  years  increased 
in  this  State;  and  many  of  them,  being  in  the  nature  of  grants,  cannot  with 
propriety  be  revoked  without  the  previous  consent  of  the  grantees.  Such 
laws  ought  therefore  to  be  passed  with  great  caution ;  many  of  them  should 
be  limited  to  a  certain  period  and  contain  a  reservation  authorizing  the  legis- 
lature to  repeal  them,  whenever  they  cease  to  answer  the  end  for  which  they 
were  made,  or  prove  injurious  to  the  public  interest. 

The  second  gubernatorial  message  of  William  Plumer, 
November  1812,  after  war  with  Great  Britain  had  been  declared, 
breathes  the  same  spirit  as  the  message  above  quoted.  It  is 
specially  hard  on  the  national  history  of  our  mother  country : 

Britain,  whose  history  for  centuries  has  been  characterized  by  war  and 
devastation,  has  become  so  inured  to  blood  and  slaughter,  that  her  govern- 
ment has  acquired  the  habit  of  committing  wrongs  and  inflicting  insults  upon 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  .  .  .  Her  spies  are  endeavoring  to  alienate  our 
citizens,  subvert  our  government,  and  dismember  the  union  of  the  States. 
And  to  add  to  this  catalogue  of  atrocious  crimes — crimes  tinged  with  the 
deepest  dye — have  we  not  sufficient  reason  to  believe,  that  she  has  excited 
the  numerous  tribes  of  Savages,  with  whom  her  subjects  have  long  been  con- 
nected in  trade,  to  wage  war  against  us,  a  war  whose  characteristic  is  in- 
discriminate cruelty,  and  whose  object  is  extermination.  Where  is  the  na- 
tion, ancient  or  modern,  that  has  borne  such  treatment  without  resentment 
or  resistance?  Where  is  the  nation  that  is  passive  under  such  humiliating 
degradation  and  disgrace?  Surely  wrongs  like  these  imperiously  demand 
redress. 

Then  he  goes  on  to  justify  the  war  by  appealing  to  the 
Sacred  Scriptures,  forgetting  that  he  was  no  longer  a  Baptist 
minister,  but  a  deistic  free-thinker.  The  men  of  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin  once  refused  to  give  up  lewd  and  dastardly  culprits 


I4  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

and  for  this  offense  the  other  tribes  of  Israel  made  war  on  the 
Benjamites  and  slew  one  hundred  thousand  of  them.  "And  we 
have  the  sure  word  of  testimony,  that  God  approved  of  that  war 
*  *  *  Is  not  the  agency  of  the  ALMIGHTY,  in  the  nature 
and  fitness  of  things,  employed  in  promoting  the  cause  of  truth 
and  justice,  and  in  supporting  and  vindicating  the  equal  rights 
HE  has  himself  established?  Our  cause  is  just."  Thus  all 
partisans  and  rulers  like  to  array  God  on  their  side.  It  is  the 
old  argument  of  Abraham,  when  he  pled  with  God  to  spare 
Lot's  family,  "Shall  not  the  Judge  of  all  the  earth  do  right?" 
Therefore, — we  and  God  must  win  the  fight.  Mr.  Plumer  only 
reechoed  the  pleas  and  arguments  of  people  in  all  times  who 
feel  themselves  unjustly  treated.  The  Republican  newspapers 
of  1812  wfere  full  of  such  appeals  to  patriotism  and  the  sense 
of  justice.  Nevertheless,  in  the  following  year  the  Federalists 
rallied  their  forces  and  elected  for  his  last  time  John  Taylor 
Gilman  to  the  office  of  governor  by  a  majority  of  only  two 
hundred  and  fifty  votes  out  of  more  than  thirty-five  thousand 
thrown.  Governor  Plumer  returned  to  power  in  1816  and  held 
the  office  of  governor,  by  reelection,  till  1819. 

In  1812  the  State  Prison  was  built  at  Concord,  at  an  expense 
of  thirty-seven  thousand  dollars.  The  criminal  code  of  the 
State  was  revised.  Whipping  and  the  pillory  ceased  to  be  legal 
penalties.  Capital  punishment  was  abolished  for  all  offenses 
save  murder  and  treason. 

It  was  during  the  administration  of  John  Taylor  Gilman, 
in  1813.  that  an  act  of  the  legislature  abolished  the  superior  and 
inferior  courts,  removing  twenty-one  judges  from  office  in  a 
manner  that  many  thought  to  be  unconstitutional.  A  supreme 
court  and  a  circuit  court  of  common  pleas  took  the  place  of 
the  former  courts,  and  Jeremiah  Smith  was  made  chief  justice, 
with  Arthur  Livermore  and  Caleb  Ellis  as  associates,  able  men 
who  greatly  improved  the  courts.  In  some  counties  the  old 
judges  attempted  to  hold  courts  at  the  same  time  with  the 
new,  and  some  refractory  sheriffs  had  to  be  removed. 

At  the  June  session  of  the  legislature,  in  1814,  Jeremiah 
Mason  was  elected  to  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  a  man 
whose  honorable  career  and  great  abilities  deserve  more  ex- 
tended notice. 


JEREMIAH   MASON 


A    HISTORY  15 

Jeremiah  Mason  easily  won  the  reputation  of  being  among 
the  foremost  lawyers  of  New  Hampshire.  Few  have  equaled 
him  in  the  entire  history  of  the  State.  He  was  born  in  Lebanon, 
Connecticut,  April  27,  1768,  and  was  descended  from  Captain 
John  Mason,  who  came  from  England  in  1630  and  settled  at 
Dorchester,  Massachusetts.  He  was  graduated  at  Yale  College 
in  1788.  He  began  his  legal  career  at  Westmoreland  in  1791  but 
removed  to  Walpole  three  years  later,  whence  he  went  to 
Portsmouth  in  1797.  He  soon  gained  an  extensive  practice  and 
was  made  Attorney-General  in  1802,  which  office  he  held  three 
or  four  years.  "As  a  prosecuting  officer,  he  was  courteous,  in- 
flexible, and  just;  careful  that  the  guilty  should  not  escape,  and 
that  the  honest  should  be  protected.  He  was  impartial,  almost 
judicial,  in  the  administration  of  his  great  office.  He  had  no 
morbid  eagerness  for  conviction;  and  never  permitted,  as  some- 
times occurs,  an  unworthy  wrangling  between  the  official  prose- 
cuting and  the  zeal  of  the  other  party  defending.  His  official 
course  produced  exactly  the  ends  it  was  designed  to  do.  The 
honest  felt  safe;  but  there  was  a  trembling  and  fear  in  the 
evil  disposed,  that  the  transgressed  law  would  be  vindicated. 
Very  much  confined  to  his  profession,  he  never  sought  office  or 
political  elevation.  Yet  he  held  decided  opinions  upon  all 
political  quesions,  and  cultivated  acquaintance  with  all  the  lead- 
ing subjects  of  the  day;  and  no  man  was  more  keenly  alive  than 
he  to  whatever  transpired  at  home  or  abroad,  involving  the 
great  interests  of  the  civilized  world.  His  political  principles, 
opinions,  judgments,  were  framed  upon  those  of  the  men  of  the 
times  of  Washington.  From  these,  to  the  last,  he  never 
swerved.  The  copy  was  well  executed.  His  conversation  on 
subjects  of  state  were  as  instructive  and  interesting  as  upon 
professional  topics.  He  had  the  same  reach  of  thought,  and 
exhibited  the  same  comprehensive  mind  and  sagacity  quick  and 
far-seeing,  with  regard  to  political  things  and  men,  as  he  did  in 
professional  affairs.  His  influence  was,  therefore,  hardly  the 
less  from  the  fact,  that  he  was  not  actively  engaged  in  political 
life.  There  was  an  additional  weight  given  to  his  judgment, 
arising  from  his  being  a  disinterested  beholder  only.  The 
looker-on  upon  a  contest  can  sometimes  form  a  more  independ- 
ent and  impartial  opinion  of  its  course  and  its  results,  than 
those  who  are  actually  engaged  in  it." 


16  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

In  1813  Mr.  Mason  was  elected  United  States  Senator  and 
was  in  congress  till  he  resigned  his  seat,  in  1817.  He  was  after- 
ward a  member  of  the  New  Hampshire  legislature  for  several 
years  and  assisted  in  revising  the  code  of  the  State.  He  was 
urged  to  become  Chief  Justice  of  the  Superior  Court  of  the 
State,  but  refused  that  honor.  In  1824  he  was  again  a  candidate 
for  United  States  Senator,  elected  in  the  House  and  defeated  in 
the  Senate.  After  a  long  residence  in  Portsmouth,  where  he 
was  admired  and  respected  for  his  great  abilities  and  hospitable 
and  friendly  character,  he  removed,  in  1832,  to  Boston.  As 
president  of  the  Branch  Bank  in  Portsmouth  he  had  some  trials 
and  made  some  persons  unfriendly.  His  biographer  says:  "Mr. 
Mason  was  a  great  man  in  a  small  town.  In  intellectual  force 
there  was  no  one  equal  to  him,  and  no  one  second  to  him.  But 
some  men  bear  with  impatience  the  sway  of  an  understanding 
superior  to  their  own;  and  thus,  while  he  had  the  respect  of 
all,  while  he  had  many  warm  friends,  there  were  some  who 
feared  him  and  some  who  envied  him.  He  had  not  the  char- 
acter or  the  manners  which  make  men  popular.  He  never 
angled  for  the  good  opinion  of  others.  Conscious  of  his 
strength,  and  careless  of  consequences,  he  never  suppressed 
what  he  thought  and  never  uttered  what  he  did  not  think.  He 
read  men  with  a  sharp  and  penetrating  glance.  No  form  of 
weakness  could  escape  him;  and  for  such  weakness  as  took  the 
form  of  vanity  or  pretension  he  had  an  intolerant  contempt, 
which  he  took  no  pains  to  conceal.  He  always  spoke  his  mind 
with  great  freedom.  His  powers  of  sarcasm  were  great ;  he  said 
pointed  and  pregnant  things  which  were  forgotten  by  himself, 
but  never  by  those  against  whom  they  were  directed.  Men  who 
are  universally  popular,  of  whom  everybody  speaks  well, 
usually  have  in  their  characters  something  of  weakness,  or 
something  of  insincerity;  and  the  kind  of  unfriendliness  which 
Mr.  Mason  called  forth  was  really  a  tribute  to  his  intellectual 
force  and  the  manliness  of  his  nature." 

In  Boston  he  took  rank  as  a  counselor  with  such  men  as 
Webster  and  Choate.  His  opinion  was  sought  on  difficult  and 
intricate  cases,  involving  commercial  and  constitutional  law,  as 
well  as  the  construction  of  wills.  He  knew  law  and  how  to 
apply  it.  He  had  the  reputation  of  being  a  very  great  lawyer 
and  a  very  tall  man,  being  six  feet  and  seven  inches  in  height. 


A    HISTORY  17 

Upon  his  death,  in  1848,  Daniel  Webster  made  the  principal 
address  in  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  of  Massachusetts,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  said,  "The  characteristics  of  Mr.  Mason's 
mind,  as  I  think,  were  real  greatness,  strength  and  sagacity.  He 
was  great  through  strong  sense  and  sound  judgment,  great  by 
comprehensive  view  of  things,  great  by  high  and  elevated  pur- 
poses. Perhaps  sometimes  he  was  too  cautious  and  refined,  and 
his  distinctions  became  too  minute ;  but  his  discrimination  arose 
from  a  force  of  intellect  and  quick-seeing,  far-reaching  sagacity, 
everywhere  discerning  his  object  and  pursuing  it  steadily. 
Whether  it  was  popular  or  professional,  he  grasped  a  point  and 
held  it  with  a  strong  hand.  He  was  sarcastic  sometimes,  but 
not  frequently;  not  frothy  or  petulant,  but  cool  and  vitriolic. 
Unfortunate  for  him  on  whom  his  sarcasm  fell.  His  conversa- 
tion was  as  remarkable  as  his  efforts  at  the  bar.  It  was  original, 
fresh  and  suggestive ;  never  dull  or  indifferent.  He  never  talked 
when  he  had  nothing  to  say.  He  was  particularly  agreeable, 
edifying  and  instructive  to  all  about  him;  and  this  was  the 
charm  of  the  social  intercourse  in  which  he  was  connected. 

"As  a  professional  man,  Mr.  Mason's  great  ability  lay  in  the 
department  of  the  Common  Law.  In  this  part  of  jurisprudence 
he  was  profoundly  learned.  He  had  drunk  copiously  from  its 
deepest  springs ;  and  he  had  studied,  with  diligence  and  success, 
the  departures  from  the  English  Common  Law,  which  had  taken 
place  in  this  country,  either  necessarily,  from  difference  of  con- 
dition, or  positively,  by  force  of  our  own  Statutes.  In  his 
addresses,  both  to  courts  and  juries,  he  affected  to  despise  all 
eloquence,  and  certainly  disdained  all  ornament ;  but  his  efforts, 
whether  addressed  to  one  tribunal  or  the  other,  were  marked 
by  a  degree  of  clearness,  directness  and  force,  not  easy  to  be 
equaled.  There  were  no  Courts  of  Equity,  as  a  separate  and 
distinct  jurisdiction,  in  the  State  of  New  Hampshire  during  his 
residence  in  that  State.  Yet  the  Equity  Treatises  and  Equity 
Reports  were  all  in  his  library,  not  'wisely  ranged  for  show,' 
but  for  constant  and  daily  consultation ;  because  he  saw  that  the 
Common  Law  itself  was  growing  every  day  more  and  more 
liberal ;  that  Equity  principles  were  constantly  forcing  them- 
selves into  its  administration,  and  within  its  rules;  that  the 
subjects  of  litigation  in  the  Courts  were  constantly  becoming, 


!g  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

more  and  more,  such  as  escaped  from  the  technicalities  and  the 
trammels  of  the  Common  Law,  and  offered  themselves  for  dis- 
cussion and  decision  on  the  broader  principles  of  general  juris- 
prudence." 

Mr.  Mason  was  always  a  man  of  decided  religious  convic- 
tions, and  after  his  removal  to  Boston  united  with  the  Episcopal 
church,  his  interest  in  spiritual  things  growing  with  advancing 
years.  His  whole  life  was  an  honor  to  his  profession  and  to  the 
States  in  which  he  lived.1 

During  these  years  of  political  struggle  between  the  Feder- 
alists and  Republicans  a  prominent  agent  of  the  latter  party  was 
the  New  Hampshire  Patriot,  a  newspaper  that  was  launched  in 
Concord  in  1808  by  Isaac  Hill,  afterwards  governor  of  the  State. 
Mr.  Hill  had  served  his  apprenticeship  with  the  proprietor  and 
publisher  of  the  Amherst  Cabinet.  He  speedily  acquired  a 
reputation  throughout  the  State  and  beyond  as  a  political  writer 
and  journalist.  He  took  charge  of  the  American  Patriot  after 
it  had  been  published  but  six  months  as  an  uncertain  venture, 
changed  its  name  slightly,  with  less  ambitious  title,  and  made  it 
a  guide  and  moulder  of  public  opinion.  It  became  the  most 
widely  read  newspaper  of  the  State,  made  so  by  the  intense 
convictions,  literary  style  and  political  soundness  of  Mr.  Hill. 
He  was  equally  opposed  to  British  and  French  aggressions  upon 
American  commerce.  There  were  but  two  Republican  news- 
papers in  the  State,  while  there  were  ten  managed  by  the 
Federalists,  but  the  New  Hampshire  Patriot  was  a  match  for 
them  all.  Even  under  the  editorship  of  William  Hoit  the 
American  Patriot  had  been  outspoken  in  its  criticisms  of  the 
conduct  of  England.  She  was  accused  of  atrocities,  treacheries 
and  injustices  with  all  the  forcible  words  at  command.  Mr.  Hill 
fought  fiercely  and  boldly  for  American  rights.  In  his  first 
editorial  he  speaks  of  the  "evil  spirit  of  Federalism  stalking  up 
and  down  our  land  seeking  whom  it  may  devour."  He  spares 
not  his  scorn  and  sarcasm  for  those  who  would  excuse  French 
injustice  and  British  perfidy.  The  sins  of  a  few  are  laid  at  the 
door  of  an  entire  nation,  when  the  spirit  of  war  has  made 
enemies  of  friends.  Those  who  stay  at  home  and  write  and 
talk  show  more  hatred  than  those  who  fight  the  battles. 

1  The  material  for  this  sketch  has  been  drawn  from  his  Memoir,  written 
by  George  S.  Hillard. 


Chapter  II 
THE  WAR   OF   1812 


Chapter  II 

THE    WAR    OF    1812. 

Causes  of  the  War — England's  Reason  for  the  Impressment  of  Seamen — A 
War  of  Passion — Inequality  of  the  Contestants — The  State  Militias — 
New  Hampshire  Troops  in  the  War — Portsmouth  Guarded — Example  of 
Daniel  Webster — Success  of  American  Privateers — Failure  of  the  Land 
Forces — General  Henry  Dearborn — Colonel  James  Miller — Surrender  of 
Detroit  by  General  Hull — Difference  between  American  and  English  Ac- 
counts of  a  Battle— "I'll  Try"— General  Ripley— General  John  McNeill— 
General  Timothy  Upham — Captain  John  W.  Weeks — Message  of  Gover- 
nor John  Taylor  Gilman — Reply  of  the  Senate — Federalists  Opposed  to 
the  War — The  Hartford  Convention — Benjamin  West  and  Mills  Olcott 
— Cost  of  the  War  and  Little  Gained. 

THE  causes  of  the  War  of  1812  have  already  been  briefly 
mentioned  and  are  well  known.  They  were  the  destruc- 
tion of  American  commerce  and  the  impressment  of  American 
seaman  by  the  British.  Hence  it  has  been  called  the  War  for 
Sailors'  Rights.  In  the  capture  of  American  neutral  vessels 
France  was  as  much  at  fault  as  was  England.  Both  of  those 
powers,  long  at  war,  had  declared  a  blockade  of  .the  enemy's 
entire  coast,  and  they  swept  in  every  vessel  they  could  find. 
The  United  States  had  no  navy  of  any  consequence  with  which 
to  defend  her  shipping.  The  policy  of  Jefferson  had  been  to 
reduce  both  army  and  navy,  and  thus  to  decrease  taxation  and 
at  the  same  time  pay  off  the  national  debt.  He  paid  off  forty 
millions,  but  in  the  end  the  policy  was  that  of  the  penny  wise 
and  pound  foolish.  Prior  to  July  1812  the  British  had  captured 
eight  hundred  and  seventeen  American  vessels;  the  French  had 
made  five  hundred  and  fifty-eight  captures ;  and  the  Neapolitans, 
forty-seven.  These  figures  are  taken  from  the  President's 
message  of  that  year,  with  an  accompanying  detailed  report. 
The  treachery  of  Napoleon  the  First  was  shown  in  that,  not- 
withstanding the  pretended  revocation  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan 
decrees,  he  ordered,  in  1810,  the  capture  of  all  American  vessels 
in  French  ports.  This  led  to  the  confiscation  of  ten  million 

21 


22 


NEW    HAMPSHIRE 


dollars'  worth  of  property.  The  country  was  divided  in  its 
sentiments.  Most  of  the  northern  States,  New  England  in 
particular,  sympathized  more  strongly  with  England.  The  vote 
for  war  was  carried  by  States  south  of  Pennsylvania.  The  ad- 
vocates of  peace  argued  that  the  country  was  unprepared  for 
war,  which  proved  to  be  lamentably  true;  that  there  was  as 
much  reason  for  making  war  on  France  as  on  England;  that 
matters  were  no  worse  in  1812  than  they  were  five  years  before. 
The  advocates  of  war  thought  that  with  a  volunteer  militia  we 
were  going  to  overrun  Canada  quickly  and  annex  it  by  conquest. 
The  reason  for  the  impressment  of  American  seamen  by  the 
British  has  not  been  sufficiently  understood.  The  development 
of  American  commerce  after  the  revolutionary  war  was  rapid. 
We  had  the  timber  at  hand  for  the  construction  of  vessels.  We 
could  then  build  ships  more  cheaply  than  other  nations  could. 
This  caused  the  enlistment  of  many  English  subjects  in  the 
service  of  American  merchant  vessels,  and  some  of  them  sought 
naturalization  to  escape  the  liability  of  service  in  English  ves- 
sels, for  England  had  always  claimed  the  right  of  impressing 
her  sailors  at  need,  wherever  they  might  be  found,  and  had 
exercised  that  right  ever  since  the  war  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion. The  main  inducement  offered  to  English  seamen  to  serve  in 
American  vessels  was  nearly  thrice  the  amount  of  wages.  This 
was  due  to  the  generally  higher  price  of  labor  in  the  United 
States.  To  this  day  seamen  in  American  vessels  demand  and 
receive  higher  wages  than  in  the  service  of  any  other  nation, 
and  this  is  one  reason  for  the  destruction  of  our  merchant 
marine.  The  English,  too,  held  that  a  born  Briton  must  be 
treated  always  as  a  Briton,  and  that  he  could  not  alienate  his 
nationality;  we,  on  the  other  hand,  have  claimed  that  America 
is  the  refuge  for  all  nations.  Perhaps  the  policy  in  both  cases 
has  been  dictated  by  the  fact  that  we  needed  immigrants  to 
develop  our  broad  territories,  while  England  needed  all  her 
men  for  self-defense.  There  were  many  desertions  among 
British  seamen.  Sometimes  whole  crews  would  go  ashore  in 
an  American  port  and  fail  to  return.  At  first  effort  was  made  to 
distinguish  between  English  and  American  seamen,  but  this  was 
not  always  easy,  and  often  Americans  were  seized  and  kept  in 
English  service  for  years,  because  they  could  not  prove,  to  the 


A   HISTORY  23 

satisfaction  of  English  officials,  that  they  were  Americans. 
Thus  between  March  n,  1803  and  August  31,  1804,  an  official 
report  to  congress  showed  that  one  thousand  three  hundred  and 
thirty-eight  American  seamen  had  been  pressed  into  service  on 
English  vessels.  The  number  of  complaints  registered  with  the 
secretary  of  state  before  the  war  was  six  thousand  two  hundred 
and  fifty-seven,  and  there  must  have  been  several  thousands 
more  who  never  registered  complaint.  It  was  admitted  that 
sixteen  hundred  native-born  Americans  were  serving  on  English 
vessels  in  1811  by  impressment,  and  nearly  two  thousand  more 
claimed  to  be  Americans.  When  the  war  began  twenty-five 
hundred  of  these  impressed  Americans  refused  to  fight  against 
their  country,  and  consequently  they  were  sent  to  Dartmoor 
and  other  English  prisons,  where  those  who  survived  remained 
till  the  end  of  the  war.  New  England  suffered  more  than  any 
other  part  of  our  country,  both  from  capture  of  her  vessels  and 
impressment  of  her  seamen,  yet  New  England  was  more 
opposed  to  the  declaration  of  war  than  any  other  section.  Her 
leaders  thought  that  war  could  be  averted  by  diplomacy,  and 
this  proved  to  be  true,  for  only  five  days  after  the  declaration 
of  war  by  the  American  congress  the  British  government 
revoked  the  objectionable  Orders  in  Council  which  had  been 
objects  of  popular  disfavor  and  diplomatic  controversy.  It  has 
been  stated  that  an  Atlantic  cable,  if  then  in  existence,  would 
have  prevented  the  War  of  1812.  Lord  Liverpool  said  witfi 
some  truth,  in  1813,  "that  the  war  on  the  part  of  America  had 
been  a  war  of  passion,  of  party  spirit,  and  not  a  War  of  policy, 
of  interest,  or  of  necessity." 

That  it  was  a  war  of  hasty  passion  is  shown  by  the  lack  of 
preparation.  Presidents  Jefferson  and  Madison  had  imbued  the 
people  with  the  notion  that  freemen  would  spring  to  arms  at  a 
moment's  notice  to  defend  their  rights;  that  untrained  soldiers 
could  fight  as  well  as  well-drilled  and  experienced  troops;  that 
the  State  militias  were  as  good  as  a  standing  army.  The 
people  stopped  not  to  consider  that  eight  millions  of  people  were 
declaring  war  upon  twenty  millions,  who  had  the  assistance  of 
powerful  colonies ;  that  the  annual  revenue  of  the  United  States 
was  about  ten  millions,  while  that  of  England  was  three  hundred 
and  fifty  millions;  that  our  national  army  consisted  of  only 


24  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

sixty-seven  hundred  soldiers,  while  England  had  hundreds  of 
thousands,  trained  in  the  Napoleonic  wars;  that  the  United 
States  had  a  navy  of  sixteen  sea-going  vessels  to  oppose  to 
England's  fleet  of  eight  hundred  and  thirty  ships.  Our  fleet  was 
manned  by  about  five  thousand  seamen,  and  England's  by  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  It  was  thought  that  our  land 
forces,  led  by  superannuated  left-overs  from  the  revolutionary 
period,  would  sweep  everything  before  them,  while  not  much 
was  expected  from  our  little  navy.  The  exact  reverse  proved 
true.  Our  seamen  were  unsurpassed  in  the  management  of 
vessels,  and  our  naval  commanders  were  brave  and  competent. 
The  old  officers  in  the  army  had  to  be  set  aside  and  troops  had 
to  be  trained  before  we  made  any  headway  in  Canada. 

It  is  remarkable  how  the  State  militias  of  the  North  clung 
to  the  doctrine  of  State  Rights.  The  States  wanted  to  control 
their  own  militia  and  not  suffer  them  to  go  outside  of  State 
limits.  Governor  Plumer,  in  his  message,  opposed  this  interpre- 
tation of  the  Constitution  and  argued  that  the  President  had  a 
right  to  call  upon  the  militia  for  aid  whenever  and  wherever  it 
was  needed.  New  York  once  refused  such  aid,  when  it  was 
implored  under  trying  circumstances.  New  England  feared  in- 
vasion of  her  coasts  and  wanted  to  keep  all  her  men  at  home. 
She  had  little  interest  in  the  campaign  about  Detroit.  New 
Hampshire  detached  three  thousand  five  hundred  men  from  her 
militia  and  organzed  them  for  service  at  the  call  of  the  Presi- 
dent. The  militia  of  the  State  at  that  time  consisted  of  thirty- 
seven  regiments.  There  were  three  Major-Generals  and  six 
Brigadier-Generals,  none  of  whom  had  a  chance  to  become  dis- 
tinguished in  the  war. 

On  requisition  by  General  Henry  Dearborn  of  troops  for 
the  defence  of  Portsmouth  two  companies,  commanded  by 
Captain  Robert  Neal  and  Captain  Samuel  Shackford,  were 
detached  from  General  Clement  Storer's  brigade  and  stationed 
in  that  place  in  June  1812.  New  Hampshire  men  helped  to 
garrison  Fort  McClary,  but  such  troops  saw  no  opportunity  for 
active  service.  British  cruisers  were  seen  off  the  coast  and  an 
attack  was  so  much  feared  that  some  women  and  children, 
with  household  valuables,  were  removed  into  the  interior.  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Moody  Bedel  opened  a  recruiting  office  in 


A    HISTORY  25 

Concord  for  volunteers  in  the  regular  army  or  on  privateersmen. 
Three  hundred  and  ninety-seven  recruits  joined  his  regiment, 
the  eleventh  United  States  infantry,  at  Burlington,  Vermont. 
This  regiment  was  mainly  from  New  Hampshire. 

In  November,  1812,  eleven  companies  of  volunteers  rendez- 
voused at  Concord  and  were  organized  as  the  First  Regiment  of 
New  Hampshire  Volunteers,  commanded  by  Colonel  Aquila 
Davis  of  Warner.  In  the  following  January  the  regiment  was 
disbanded,  and  the  enlisted  men  were  distributed  to  regiments 
in  the  regular  army,  most  of  them  in  the  forty-fifth  United 
States  regiment,  of  which  Aquila  Davis  was  lieutenant-colonel. 
Many  reenlisted  at  the  end  of  the  year,  that  regiment  being 
made  up  principally  of  New  Hampshire  men.  A  voluntary 
corps  of  infantry  was  organized,  composed  of  men  who  were 
not  liable  by  law  to  do  military  service,  to  be  called  upon  only 
in  case  of  invasion  of  the  State,  but  no  foreign  foe,  in  any  war, 
ever  set  foot  on  the  soil  of  New  Hampshire. 

It  was  represented  that  the  northern  part  of  the  State  was 
in  danger  of  invasion,  and  at  the  suggestion  of  Governor  Plumer 
and  by  order  of  General  Dearborn  a  company  of  detached 
militia  from  the  brigade  of  General  John  Montgomery  was 
stationed  at  Stewartstown,  under  command  of  Captain  Ephraim 
H.  Mahurin  of  Stratford,  who  as  lawyer,  sheriff,  surveyor  and 
commissioner  had  a  long  career  of  usefulness  in  Coos  county. 
This  company  served  six  months.  John  Page  Jr.,  was  lieutenant 
of  this  company,  who  afterward  served  as  United  States  senator 
and  governor  of  his  State.  This  company  was  relieved  in  Janu- 
ary, 1813,  by  a  company  under  command  of  Captain  Edmund 
Freeman  of  Lebanon. 

It  is  related  that  while  British  cruisers  were  off  the  coast  of 
New  Hampshire  the  people  of  Portsmouth  became  alarmed  and 
assembled  in  town  meeting  to  provide  means  of  defense.  Daniel 
Webster  made  one  of  his  brilliant  speeches.  "Talk  is  not  what 
the  crisis  demands.  The  forts  near  the  town  want  repairs,  want 
men  to  defend  them  when  repaired.  The  government  of  the 
United  States  and  the  State  government  have  been  applied  to 
for  men  to  repair  and  defend  these  forts ;  but  we  know  not  that 
either  will  attend  to  our  application.  But  one  thing  we  do 
know,  the  crisis  demands  labor,  and  we  can  labor,  we  can  repair 


26  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

the  forts.  And  then  we  know  another  thing,  we  can  defend 
them.  Now,  I  propose  that  every  man  who  wants  these  forts, 
aye,  the  town  of  Portsmouth,  defended,  appear  on  parade 
tomorrow  morning  with  pickaxe,  spade,  and  shovel,  and  that 
they  go  to  the  islands  and  repair  the  forts."  The  next  morning 
Mr.  Webster  went  with  his  intrenching  implements  and  joined 
a  crowd  of  volunteer  laborers.  In  a  few  days  the  defences  were 
completed,  and  forts  Washington  and  Sullivan  were  repaired.1 

The  few  ships  of  the  American  navy  were  generally  vic- 
torious, and  Commodores  Perry  and  McDonough  rendered 
notable  service  on  the  lakes.  The  privateers  continually  an- 
noyed British  commerce.  Fourteen  of  them  were  fitted  out  at 
Portsmouth  during  the  first  year  of  the  war.  They  were  com- 
missioned by  the  United  States  "to  take,  burn,  sink  and  destroy 
the  enemy  wherever  he  could  be  found,  either  on  high  seas  or  in 
British  ports."  While  the  American  navy  were  capturing 
twenty-six  war  vessels  carrying  six  hundred  guns,  the  privateers, 
in  two  years  and  a  half  took  over  fourteen  hundred  prizes, 
worth  many  millions  of  dollars.  Yet  American  foreign  trade 
was  practically  destroyed.  One  privateer  took  twenty-seven 
prizes  in  little  over  a  month;  another  brought  in  twenty  prizes 
in  thirty  days.  Vessel  for  vessel  and  man  for  man  the  seamen 
of  America  far  eclipsed  those  of  England,  and  they  restored  to 
the  American  flag  the  glory  lost  by  the  weak  and  treacherous 
surrender  of  Detroit  by  General  Hull  and  the  massacres  by 
England's  Indian  allies.  Into  the  particulars  of  naval  and 
military  campaigns  it  is  impossible  rightly  to  enter  in  a  history 
of  New  Hampshire.  She  had  about  two  thousand  of  her  citizen 
soldiery  distributed  in  the  regular  army  and  navy,  and  they  did 
their  part  well  when  under  competent  leadership.  Perhaps 
enough  may  be  said  in  biographical  sketches  of  a  few  New 
Hampshire  men  who  acted  an  honorable  part  in  the  War  of 
1812. 

Major-General  Henry  Dearborn  was  born  in  Hampton, 
March,  1751.  He  settled  as  a  physician  in  Nottingham  in  1772, 
whence,  at  the  call  of  Lexington  he  marched  with  sixty  volun- 
teers and  joined  General  Stark's  forces  at  Cambridge.  He 
fought  at  the  rail  fence  on  Bunker  Hill.  With  Arnold's  ill- 

1  McCHntock's  Hist,  of  N.  H.,  p.  496. 


GEN.    HENRY    DEARBORN 


A   HISTORY  27 

fated  expedition  he  endured  the  hardships  and  privations  of 
that  winter's  march  through  the  wilderness  of  northern  Maine, 
from  Augusta  over  the  Bigalow  range  of  mountains  toward 
Quebec.  In  the  assault  upon  that  city  Dearborn  was  taken 
prisoner.  He  was  soon  exchanged  and  made  a  major  in  Colonel 
Alexander  Scammers  regiment.  He  fought  with  commended 
gallantry  at  the  battles  of  Stillwater  and  Saratoga,  was  with 
General  Sullivan  in  the  expedition  against  the  Indians,  and 
took  part  in  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  being  present  at  the  sur- 
render of  Cornwallis.  On  the  death  of  Scammel  his  regiment 
was  assigned  to  Colonel  Dearborn.  After  the  revolutionary 
war  he  settled  in  Maine,  where  he  was  marshal  by  appoint- 
ment of  Washington.  For  two  terms  he  was  a  member  of 
congress  and  in  1801  entered  Jefferson's  cabinet  as  secretary 
of  war.  This  office  he  held  till  1809,  when  he  was  appointed 
collector  of  the  port  of  Boston.  On  the  outbreak  of  the  War 
of  1812  he  was  appointed  senior  major-general  in  the  army. 
Most  of  the  military  leaders  were  over  sixty  years  of  age,  ap- 
pointed by  reason  of  some  long  past  service  in  war  or  politics. 
Dearborn's  plan  of  campaign  aimed  at  the  capture  of  Montreal 
by  easy  access  by  way  of  the  Hudson  and  lake  Champlain.  He 
planned  also  invasions  from  Sackett's  Harbor,  Niagara  and 
Detroit.  The  plan  was  good  enough,  if  it  could  have  been 
worked  out  by  competent  generals  and  well  trained  and  hard- 
ened troops.  Dearborn  delayed  at  Albany  to  allow  time  for 
negotiations  with  the  British,  with  a  view  to  possible  peace. 
Failing  in  this  he  marched  his  militia  to  the  northern  frontier 
of  New  York,  when  they  refused  to  go  any  further,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  return  to  Plattsburg  for  winter  quarteft.  He 
was  relieved  of  command  in  June,  1813.  His  failure  seems  to 
have  been  due  to  a  lack  of  proper  equipment  and  support.  He 
needed  an  army  and  subordinates  of  courage,  experience  and 
vigor.  Nevertheless,  he  captured  York,  in  Canada,  and  Fort 
George,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara. 

In  1822  General  Dearborn  was  appointed  minister  plenipo- 
tentiary to  Portugal,  whence  he  was  recalled,  at  his  own 
request,  after  an  absence  of  two  years.  He  settled  at  Boston 
and  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  attending  to  his  farm  in  Maine 
and  in  private  affairs.  His  retirement  from  the  army  was  con- 
sidere.d  by  many  as  a  great  mistake,  and  he  retained  his  pop- 


28  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

ularity.  He  died  at  Roxbury,  Massachusetts,  June  6,  1829, 
after  a  long  and  honorable  public  career.  He  was  greater  than 
the  policy  of  his  government. 

Colonel  James  Miller  was  a  native  of  Peterborough,  born 
April  25,  1776,  son  of  James  Miller,  of  Scotch-Irish  descent. 
He  was  educated  at  Amherst  Academy  and  the  college  of  Mid- 
dlebury,  Vermont.  Having  been  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1803 
he  settled  in  the  practice  of  law  at  Greenfield,  where  he  soon 
became  captain  of  an  artillery  company  and  showed  such 
aptitude  for  command  and  in  military  affairs  that  at  the  earnest 
recommendation  of  General  Benjamin  Pierce  he  was  commis- 
sioned major  in  the  fourth  regiment  of  United  States  Infantry, 
stationed  at  Fort  Independence,  in  the  harbor  of  Boston.  This 
was  in  1808.  His  regiment  contained  many  officers  and  privates 
from  New  Hampshire,  some  being  induced,  by  Major  Miller's 
appointment,  to  enlist  therein.  In  the  War  of  1812  this  regi- 
ment took  an  active  part  in  the  western  campaign,  serving  in 
the  battles  of  Brownstown,  Chippewa,  Niagara  and  the  sortie 
on  Erie.  As  lieutenant-colonel  Miller  led  his  regiment  to  the 
thickest  of  the  fight.  After  the  battle  of  Niagara  he  was  made 
a  brigadier.  When  Canada  was  first  invaded  from  Detroit, 
Colonel  Miller,  with  the  assistance  of  Colonel  Lewis  Cass  of 
Ohio,  another  native  of  New  Hampshire,  had  the  honor  of 
hoisting  the  first  American  flag  in  the  enemy's  territory.  A 
citation  from  Potter's  Military  History  of  New  Hampshire 
presents  a  vivid  description  of  some  part  taken  by  New  Hamp- 
shire men  in  the  battle  that  followed  this  invasion,  begun  with 
high  hopes  and  finished  with  disastrous  retreat  and  surrender: 

"At  12  m.  our  troops  halted  in  an  Indian  clearing,  its  huts 
deserted,  for  refreshment.  In  an  hour  they  resumed  their  march 
and  had  proceeded  but  little  way  when  Capt.  Snelling,  of  the 
advanced  guard,  found  the  enemy  and  commenced  the  attack, 
firing  a  volley  and  receiving  a  heavy  fire  in  return.  Snelling 
maintained  his  ground  till  the  American  force  came  up  in  line  of 
battle,  though  within  pistol  shol  of  the  British  works  and  the 
bullets  were  falling  like  hail  around  him  and  his  little  company. 
As  our  first  line  advanced,  it  received  the  fire  from  most  of  the 
front  ranks  of  the  enemy,  which  was  returned  with  spirit.  The 
British  troops  with  their  brother  savages  then  set  up  a  yell, 


A    HISTORY  29 

rushed  from  behind  their  works,  and  the  fight  became  severe 
and  general.  In  a  moment  silence  prevailed  in  our  ranks,  broken 
by  the  discharge  of  a  six  pounder.  This  carried  dismay  among 
the  savages;  but  nearly  became  disastrous  to  us,  as  frightened 
by  the  noise  Col.  Miller's  horse  began  to  rear  and  plunge  and 
finally  threw  his  rider.  All  thought  him  killed,  and  the  Indians 
ran  forward  to  take  his  scalp,  but  were  repulsed.  The  colonel 
soon  remounted  and  continued  to  cheer  on  his  men  to  the 
encounter.  A  second  discharge  of  grape  from  the  six-pounder 
broke  the  line  of  the  enemy  and  the  troops  fled  in  disorder. 
Tecumseh  and  his  Indians  were  so  sure  of  victory,  that  they 
were  in  advance  of  the  British  lines  and  were  driven  back  only 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Seeing  the  British  troops  fleeing 
down  the  river  in  disorder,  Tecumseh  and  his  Indians  fled 
westerly  into  the  wilderness.  The  retreating  and  routed  enemy 
were  hotly  pursued,  Tecumseh  till  he  was  lost  sight  of  in  the 
dense  woods,  and  Muer  to  the  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  where  he 
took  to  his  boats  and  returned  to  Maiden  with  the  greatest 
precipitation.  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Brownstown,  giving 
confidence  to  the  Americans  and  disheartening  the  British  and 
their  savage  allies.  Caring  for  the  dead  and  wounded  the  little 
army  returned  to  Detroit.  General  Harrison  observed  in  his 
report,  "that  the  detachment  led  by  that  brave  officer,  Colonel 
Miller,  did  not  exceed  three  hundred  and  fifty  men;  and,  it  is 
very  certain,  that  they  defeated  two  hundred  British  regulars, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  militia  men  and  four  or  five  hundred 
Indians." 

Gen.  Hull  thinking  his  position  on  the  Canada  shore  unten- 
able, hastily  retreated  across  the  Detroit  River,  soon  followed 
by  the  British  General  Brock,  with  a  force  superior  in  number, 
but  composed  mainly  of  militia  and  Indians. 

On  the  I4th  of  August  General  Brock  erected  his  batteries 
opposite  Detroit  and  the  next  day  commenced  cannonading  the 
town.  The  following  day  his  army  crossed  the  river,  and 
meeting  with  no  resistance  marched  directly  forward  to  assault 
the  fort.  The  Americans,  in  high  spirits  and  confident  of  suc- 
cess, were  prepared  to  meet  him.  What  was  their  disappoint- 
ment and  chargin  to  see  a  white  flag  run  out  from  the  wall, 
in  token  of  submission.  The  army,  and  with  it  the  territory  of 
Michigan,  was  surrendered  to  the  British.  The  officers  and 


30  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

soldiers  were  filled  with  indignation,  and  in  fact  the  whole 
people  of  the  country,  at  this  cowardly  or  traitorous  surrender. 
Upon  the  surrender  of  Detroit,  Colonel  Miller,  under  date  of 
August  27,  1812,  thus  wrote:  "When  I  last  wrote  you  my 
feelings  were  very  different  from  what  they  are  now.  I  thought 
things  appeared  prosperous  and  flattering;  I  considered  we  had 
a  sufficient  force  to  break  down  all  opposition,  and  I  still  think 
had  we  done  as  we  ought,  we  could  have  carried  conquest  to  a 
very  considerable  extent.  But,  alas,  times  are  now  changed. 
We  are  now  all  prisoners  of  war.  *  *  *  Only  one  week 
since  I,  with  six  hundred  men,  completely  conquered  almost  the 
whole  force  which  they  then  had,  but  now  they  came  and  took 
Fort  Detroit  and  made  nearly  two  thousand  prisoners,  on  Sun- 
da  the  i6th  instant.  There  being  no  operations  going  on  against 
them  below  us,  gave  them  an  opportunity  to  reenforce.  The 
number  they  brought  against  us  is  unknown,  but  my  humble 
opinion  is,  we  could  have  defeated  them  without  a  doubt,  had 
we  attempted  it,  but  Gen.  Hull  thought  differently  and  sur- 
rendered." 

Gen.  Hull,  in  his  report  of  the  surrender,  says:  "Before  I 
close  this  dispatch  it  is  a  duty  I  owe  to  my  respectable  associ- 
ates in  command,  Colonel  McArthur,  Findlay  and  Cass,  and 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Miller,  to  express  my  obligations  to  them 
for  the  prompt  and  judicious  manner  they  have  performed  their 
respective  duties.  If  aught  has  taken  place  during  the  campaign 
which  is  honorable  to  the  army,  those  officers  are  entitled  to  a 
large  share  of  it.  If  the  last  act  should  be  disapproved,  no  part 
of  the  censure  belongs  to  them." 

A  more  voluminous  but  substantially  similar  account  of  the 
battle  of  Brownstown  was  written  by  Major  James  Dalliba  and 
published  under  the  inspection  of  Colonel  Miller.  It  is  cited  at 
length  by  Major  John  Richardson  of  the  British  forces  and 
offset  by  different  testimony.  It  is  sometimes  well  to  read  the 
enemy's  account  of  a  battle.  Major  Richardson  regarded  the 
affair  as  only  "a  sharp  skirmish,"  in  which  the  Americans  lost 
eighteen  killed  and  sixty-three  wounded,  while  the  British  loss, 
exclusive  of  the  Indians,  was  one  private  killed  and  twenty-three 
officers  and  men  wounded.  It  is  evident  that  the  British  let 
the  Indians  do  their  fighting  for  them.2 

2  See  Richardson's  War  of  1812,  pp.  36-46. 


A   HISTORY  31 

Gen.  Hull,  in  his  report  of  the  surrender  of  Detroit  said  that 
his  entire  force  was  not  more  than  eight  hundred  and  some  of 
them  were  incapacitated  by  wounds  and  sickness,  while  Gen. 
Brock  of  the  British  Army  reported  that  he  captured  twenty- 
five  hundred  prisoners.  Hull  said  that  the  fort  was  filled  with 
women  and  children  and  he  feared  to  expose  them  to  the 
ferocity  of  the  Indians.  Thus  the  reports  conflict.  Who  can 
satisfactorily  excuse  a  defeat  and  surrender? 

Most  readers  will  prefer  to  turn  to  the  account  of  the  battle 
of  Bridgewater,  or  Lundy's  Lane,  as  sketched  artistically  by 
Mr.  Barstow,  in  his  History  of  New  Hampshire,  where  Colonel 
James  Miller  again  appears  and  greatly  to  his  credit.  His 
conduct  on  this  occasion  has  been  often  told : 

The  British  artillery,  posted  on  a  commanding  height,  had  annoyed  our 
troops  during  the  earlier  part  of  the  battle.  "Can  you  storm  that  battery?" 
said  General  Ripley  to  Miller.  "I'll  try,  sir,"  replied  the  warrior ;  then  turned 
to  his  men,  and,  in  a  deep  tone,  issued  a  few  brief  words  of  command. 
"Twenty-fist,  attention.  Form  into  a  column.  You  will  advance  up  the  hill  to 
the  storm  of  the  battery.  At  the  word,  IJalt,  you  will  deliver  your  fire  at  the 
port-light  of  the  artillerymen,  and  immediately  carry  their  guns  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet.  Support  arms — forward — march."  Machinery  could  not 
have  moved  with  more  compactness  than  that  gallant  regiment.  Followed 
by  the  twenty-third,  the  dark  mass  moved  up  the  hill  like  one  body — the  lurid 
light  flickering  on  their  bayonets,  as  the  combined  force  of  the  enemy's 
artillery  and  infantry  opened  murderously  upon  them.  They  flinched  not — 
faltered  not.  The  stern  deep  voice  of  the  officers,  as  the  deadly  cannon-shot 
cut  yawning  chasms  through  them,  alone  was  heard — "Close  up — steady,  men — 
steady."  Within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  summit  the  loud  Halt  was  followed 
by  a  volley,  sharp  and  instantaneous  as  a  clap  of  thunder.  Another  moment, 
rushing  under  the  white  smoke,  a  short  furious  struggle  with  the  bayonet, 
and  the  battle  was  won.  The  enemy's  line  was  driven  down  the  hill,  and 
their  own  cannon  mowed  them  down  by  platoons.  This  brilliant  success  de- 
cided the  fate  of  the  conflict,  and  the  American  flag  waved  in  triumph  on  that 
hill,  scorched  and  blackened  as  it  was  by  the  flame  of  artillery,  purpled  with 
human  gore  and  encumbered  by  the  bodies  of  the  slain. 

This  is  the  language  of  oratory  and  poetry  and  is  quite 
pleasing  to  those  who  do  not  care  to  know  the  exact  facts. 
Other  historians  say  that  it  was  General  Jacob  Brown  who  gave 
the  order  to  Miller  to  charge  the  British  battery.  They  say 
also  that  other  troops  engaged  the  attention  and  fire  of  the 
British,  while  Miller's  three  hundred  crept  up  behind  a  screen 
of  wall  and  bushes,  and  that  when  sharpshooters  had  picked 


32  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

off  the  British  gunners  the  capture  of  the  guns  was  made  with 
little  effort  and  loss.  Moreover,  the  same  guns  were  recaptured 
by  the  British  forces  a  few  hours  later,  and  the  American  army 
withdrew  to  Fort  Erie.  The  losses  on  both  sides  in  the  battle 
of  Lundy's  Lane  were  about  equal,  over  eight  hundred,  or  one- 
third  of  the  troops  engaged.  Both  sides  claimed  the  victory.  It 
was  proved  that  the  Americans  had  learned  to  shoot  and  to 
stand  their  ground  and  face  fire  with  unflinching  courage.  Gen- 
erals Scott  and  Brown  were  not  of  the  same  fibre  as  General 
Hull. 

James  Miller  was  brevetted  brigadier-general  and  given  a 
gold  medal  by  congress  for  his  gallantry.  He  was  governor  of 
Arkansas  from  1819  to  1825,  and  was  collector  of  the  port  of 
Salem,  Massachusetts  from  1825  to  1849.  He  died  at  Temple, 
New  Hampshire,  July  7,  1851. 

Other  New  Hampshire  men  rendered  good  service  at 
Lundy's  Lane.  One  was  General  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley, 
born  at  Hanover,  April  15,  1752,  grandson  of  the  first  president 
of  Dartmouth  College.  For  a  time  he  practised  law  at  Port- 
land, Maine,  and  was  sent  as  a  member  to  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts,  where  he  was  chosen  speaker.  He  was  colonel 
of  the  2 1st  Infantry  and  was  promoted  to  brigadier-general  in 
1814.  After  Generals  Scott  and  Brown  had  been  wounded  in 
the  battle  General  Ripley  took  command,  but  his  forces  were 
so  depleted  and  exhausted  that  he  could  do  but  little.  He,  too, 
had  a  gold  medal  from  congress  and  was  brevetted  major-general. 
After  the  war  he  practised  law  in  Louisiana  and  was  a  member 
of  the  United  States  congress  from  1834  till  his  death,  March 
2,  1839.  He  was  twice  wounded  in  battle,  once  being  shot 
through  the  neck. 

John  McNeil  was  one  of  the  twenty  men  of  Hillsborough 
who  fought  in  the  War  of  1812.  He,  too,  was  at  the  battles  of 
Chippewa  and  Lundy's  Lane.  Entering  the  army  as  captain 
he  became  major  and  brevet  colonel.  Though  wounded 
severely  in  the  knee  at  Lundy's  Lane  he  retained  command  till 
he  was  exhausted.  He  clung  to  the  mane  of  his  horse  till  he 
had  fainted  several  times  from  loss  of  blood.  A  man  of  gigantic 
frame  and  powerful  voice,  his  presence  gave  courage  to  his 
troops.  He  remained  in  the  army  till  1830,  when  he  was  ap- 
pointed by  President  Jackson  surveyor  of  the  port  of  Boston. 


A   HISTORY  33 

He  died  in  Washington,  D.  C,  February  28,  1850,  at  the  age  of 
sixty-four.  His  wife  was  half  sister  to  President  Pierce. 

Another  New  Hampshire  man  of  distinction  in  this  war  was 
Timothy  Upham,  son  of  the  Rev.  Timothy  Upham  of  Deerfield, 
where  he~$ras  burn  in  1783.  His  mother  was  Hannah,  daughter 
of  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Gookin  of  Hampton.  For  several  years 
he  was  a  merchant  in  Portsmouth,  and  in  1811  served  on  the 
staff  of  Governor  John  Langdon  as  lieutenant-colonel.  In  1812 
he  was  commissioned  major  in  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
and  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  garrison  at  Fort 
McClary.  In  1813  he  was  ordered  to  Portland  to  superintend 
recruiting  in  Maine.  Having  been  commissioned  lieutenant- 
colonel,  he  commanded  his  regiment,  the  2ist,  at  the  sortie  of 
Fort  Erie  and  did  gallant  service.  At  the  close  of  the  war  he 
resigned  his  commission  and  in  1816  was  appointed  collector  of 
customs  at  Portsmouth,  in  which  office  he  continued  thirteen 
years.  In  the  militia  of  New  Hampshire  he  was  made  brigadier- 
general  in  1819  and  the  following  year  was  major-general.  He 
was  appointed  navy  agent  at  Portsmouth  by  President  Harrison. 
Removing  to  Charlestown,  Massachusetts  in  1845  he  engaged 
in  business  so  long  as  health  permitted.  Here  he  died  Novem- 
ber 2,  1855. 

Captain  John  W.  Weeks  of  Lancaster  commanded  a  com- 
pany in  the  nth  United  States  Infantry  and  fought  in  the  battle 
of  Chippewa.  He  was  brevetted  for  gallant  service  and  at  the 
close  of  the  war  was  commissioned  as  major.  He  was  one  of 
the  commissioners  to  run  the  boundary  line  between  Maine 
and  New  Hampshire  and  was  treasurer  and  sheriff  of  Coos 
county.  He  was  State  senator  in.  1827  and  again  in  1828,  and 
in  1829  he  was  elected  to  serve  two  years  as  representative  to 
the  United  States  congress.  He  "was  a  man  of  marked  char- 
acter and  great  influence  in  his  county."  He  died  in  1853,  aged 
74  years. 

In  the  election  of  1813  the  Federalists  triumphed  and  sent 
John  Taylor  Gilman  again  to  the  gubernatorial  chair.  In  his 
first  message  he  voiced  the  discontent  of  his  party  with  the 
conduct  and  motive  of  the  war: 

The  consequences  of  the  war  in  which  our  country  is  engaged  cannot 
be  foreseen;  and  there  are  divers  opinions  respecting  the  necessity  of  the 
war,  as  well  as  the  causes  which  induced  our  Govrnment  to  make  the  declara- 


34 


NEW   HAMPSHIRE 


tion.  Under  such  circumstances  it  may  be  considered  not  only  as  the  right> 
but  the  duty,  of  the  Representatives  of  the  people,  to  inquire  into  the  causes 
which  have  brought  so  great  a  calamity  on  our  country. 

We  are  bound  to  support  our  system  of  National  Government,  and  the 
laws  emanating  therefrom;  but  this  by  no  means  hinders  the  right  of  free 
inquiry,  or  the  full  expression  of  sentiments  upon  the  measures  of  Govern- 
ment Indeed,  such  inquiry  may  be  a  duty,  not  only  as  we  are  a  member  of 
the  Union,  but  as  it  respects  rights  exclusively  appertaining  to  the  State. 

It  is  not  doubted  but  we  have  had  great  causes  of  complaint  against  both 
Great  Britain  and  France ;  and  perhaps  at  some  former  periods  much  greater 
against  one  or  both  of  those  governments,  than  existed  against  the  British 
at  the  time  of  the  declaration  of  war.  .  .  .  While  we  demand  redress  for 
injuries  received  from  others,  we  should  suitably  regard  their  just  expecta- 
tions from  us;  and  may  we  not,  without  being  liable  to  the  charge  of  justi- 
fying the  conduct  of  Great  Britain,  inquire  whether  they  have  no  just  cause 
of  complaint  against  our  Government? — Whether  our  professions  of  strict 
and  impartial  neutrality,  in  the  important  contest  between  Great  Britain  and 
France,  has  been  constantly  maintained? — And  whether  there  had  not  been 
a  manifest  difference  in  our  resentments,  and  in  the  language  and  manner 
of  seeking  redress  for  wrongs,  exhibiting  an  unwarrantable  partiality  for 
France?  Whatever  inquiries  may  be  made,  or  opinions  given,  let  us  exercise 
candor  and  moderation,  and  constantly  bear  in  mind,  that  those  who  differ 
from  us  in  opinion  possess  equal  rights. 

The  statement  here  made  and  advice  given  are  so  pertinent 
to  the  times  in  which  we  are  now  living,  indeed,  pertinent  to  all 
times,  that  the  words  of  the  wise  governor  are  cited  at  some 
length.  They  were  intended  to  draw  out  from  the  State  senate 
a  more  pronounced  expression  of  opinion  and  they  had  this 
effect.  The  senate  voted,  eight  to  four,  to  send  a  reply  to  the 
governor,  which  contained  the  following: 

We  are  compelled  to  believe  that  war  was  prematurely  declared,  and  that 
it  is  now  prosecuted  without  sufficient  justification;  more  especially,  as  the 
most  powerful  reason  assigned  in  its  favor  hath  long  ago  ceased  to  exist. 
.  .  .  We  feel  indispensably  obligated  to  exert  every  constitutional  effort 
to  bring  this  unhappy  war  to  an  honorable  and  speedy  termination. 

Although  it  is  not  doubted  but  we  have  great  causes  of  complaint  against 
both  England  and  France;  neither  is  it  doubted  but  that  they  may  have  had 
causes  of  complaint  against  us;  yet  we  are  firm  in  the  belief,  that  no  cause 
of  complaint  existed  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain,  prior  to  the 
declaration  of  war,  which  could  not  have  been  adjusted  by  candid,  ingenious 
ncgociation;  and  thus  this  solemn  appeal  "to  the  last  resort  of  injured 
nations"  have  been  avoided. 

If  the  President  of  the  United  States,  after  our  country  had  remained 
at  peace  for  such  a  series  of  years,  had  considered,  that  to  put  the  courage 


A    HISTORY  35 

and  physical  force  of  the  nation  to  the  test  of  experiment  was  an  object  ol 
sufficient  importance  to  justify  the  sacrifice,  we  are  altogether  at  a  loss  for 
the  reasons  why  Great  Britain  was  selected  for  the  adversary;  fully  believ- 
ing that  the  injuries  and  indignities  received  from  that  nation  have  been  ex- 
ceeded by  those  which  have  been  inflicted  by  France. 

We  are  not  prepared  to  indulge  the  idea,  that  our  Cabinet,  in  imitation 
of  royal  and  imperial  Governments,  would  compel  the  subjects  of  our  Fed- 
eral Republic  to  draw  the  sword  against  their  peaceable  neighbors,  for  the 
only  purpose  of  enlarging  our  territory,  when  the  best  informed  of  our  citi- 
zens admit,  that  the  attempt  at  the  conquest  of  Canada  would  probably  be 
attended  with  immense  expense  of  blood  and  treasure  and  with  a  very  un- 
certain result;  and  that  the  attainment  of  that  object  would  operate  as  an 
injury  to  the  nation.  In  thus  freely  expressing  our  opinion  respecting  this 
subject  of  so  much  importance  we  by  no  means  denounce  those  of  our 
fellow  citizens  who  appear  to  have  formed  different  opinions. 

The  words  above  cited  express  quite  well  the  minds  of  the 
Federalists  in  New  England  throughout  the  War  of  1812.  They 
had  no  heart  in  it  and  were  longing  to  see  its  end.  It  called 
for  no  such  expression  of  patriotism  as  did  the  war  of  the 
Revolution.  Its  defeats  by  land  were  discouraging.  Its  drafts 
upon  men  and  money  were  grudgingly  met.  The  great  body 
of  the  militia  preferred  to  stay  within  their  own  State.  Fears 
of  invasion  distressed  the  people.  Commerce  was  almost 
ruined,  and  there  was  financial  distress.  It  looked  to  many  as 
though  we  had  everything  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain.  The 
conquest  of  Canada  grew  hopeless,  and  it  was  undesired  by  the 
majority.  The  country  was  ready  to  make  great  concessions 
to  obtain  peace.  A  small  minority  talked  about  the  secession 
of  New  England  and  an  independent  alliance  of  the  same  with 
England,  and  English  agents  were  said  to  be  here  for  the  pur- 
pose of  ascertaining  and  increasing  such  sentiment.  Massachu- 
setts organized  a  State  army  of  ten  thousand  men  for  her  own 
defense.  Her  legislature  authorized  a  convention  to  be  held  at 
Hartford,  Connecticut,  to  consider  the  political  and  military 
situation,  in  consultation  with  delegates  from  other  New  Eng- 
land States. 

The  convention  met  at  Hartford,  December  15,  1814. 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  sent  accredited 
delegates.  New  Hampshire  was  represented  by  two  informal 
delegates,  Benjamin  West  from  Cheshire  county,  and  Mills 
Olcott  from  Grafton.  Later  in  the  convention  William  Hall, 


36  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Jr.,  appeared  as  the  sole  representative  of  Vermont.  The 
leading  men  in  the  convention  were  George  Cabot,  Nathan 
Dane,  William  Prescott  and  Harrison  G.  Otis  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  Chauncey  -Goodrich  and  Roger  M.  Sherman  of 
Connecticut.  They  deliberated  for  about  twenty  days,  and 
an  agent  of  the  United  States  government  was  in  Hartford  to 
spy  out  what  was  being  done,  but  the  convention  sat  with 
closed  doors,  and  nobody  ever  learned  just  what  was  said.  A 
journal  of  the  proceedings  was  published  not  long  after  their 
adjournment,  in  which  there  appears  nothing  more  than  was 
freely  talked  in  State  legislatures  and  public  newspapers.  The 
convention  never  was  blamed  for  what  it  published,  but  for  the 
supposed  treasonable  purpose  that  called  them  together.  The 
nation  needed  their  support  rather  than  their  criticism.  They 
deprecated  disunion  and  urged  ways  of  preventing  it,  but  they 
should  not  have  considered  its  possibility,  especially  in  the  time 
of  war,  when  the  President  needed  help  from  all  the  States. 
The  responsibility  of  holding  such  a  convention  rests  with 
Massachusetts,  and  various  defenses  have  been  set  up  for  it, 
but  the  battle  of  New  Orleans  and  the  speedy  end  of  the  war 
rendered  a  second  proposed  meeting  unnecessary  and  brought 
the  members  of  the  Hartford  convention  into  public  odium. 

The  convention  reaffirmed  the  position  taken  already  by  the 
New  England  States  and  New  York,  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  had  no  power  to  order  the  militia  of  any  State 
to  service  beyond  their  respective  State  boundaries.  It  recom- 
mended that  each  State  should  prepare  to  defend  itself  and 
to  assist  neighboring  States  on  request  of  the  governor  thereof. 
Seven  amendments  of  the  Constitution  were  proposed:  i.  Rep- 
resentation and  taxation  according  to  free  population.  2.  No 
new  State  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union  without  the  concur- 
rence of  two-thirds  of  both  Houses.  3.  No  embargo  for  more 
than  sixty  days.  4.  No  non-intercourse  act  except  by  two- 
thirds  of  both  Houses.  5.  No  declaration  of  war  without  a 
similar  vote.  6.  No  naturalized  person  to  be  a  member  of  the 
Senate  or  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  nor 
to  hold  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States. 
7.  No  second  term  of  office  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  nor  shall  the  President  be  elected  from  the  same  State 
two  terms  in  succession.  Surely  there  is  nothing  revolutionary 


A   HISTORY  37 

in  such  suggestions,  nothing  to  indicate  disloyalty  to  the  Amer- 
ican Union.  The  seventh  proposed  amendment  must  have  been 
aimed  at  the  restriction  of  the  power  of  Virginia.  She  was 
furnishing  too  many  presidents  to  suit  Massachusetts. 

A  glance  at  the  two  men  in  this  convention  from  New 
Hampshire  is  enough  to  assure  us  that  they  had  no  other 
purpose  in  view  than  the  welfare  of  the  country.  Benjamin 
West  was  a  native  of  Rochester,  Massachusetts,  and  after  study- 
ing at  Nassau  and  graduating  at  Harvard  in  1768,  he  studied 
for  the  ministry  but  found  that  he  had  no  taste  for  that  calling. 
Then  he  studied  law  and  practised  in  Charlstown  all  his  life, 
excepting  a  short  stay  in  South  Carolina  in  the  early  years  of 
the  revolution.  He  was  of  a  retiring,  quiet  disposition  averse 
to  holding  public  office,  though  often  urged  so  to  do.  As  a 
pleader  at  the  bar  he  was  acknowledged  to  stand  at  the  head. 
In  private  character  as  a  Christian  gentleman  and  citizen  his 
life  was  a  model  of  excellence.  He  was  chosen  delegate  to 
Hartford  by  a  caucus  of  twenty  towns  of  Cheshire  county. 
Some  warned  him  of  danger  in  going,  but  he  replied  that  he 
was  getting  old  and  he  might  save  the  neck  of  some  younger 
man.  He  was  a  Federalist  and  opposed  to  the  war  and  sought 
some  way  to  end  it.  He  died  in  Charlestown,  in  1817,  highly 
respected  and  valued  for  his  character,  aid  in  public  education 
and  legal  preeminence. 

Mills  Olcott,  son  of  Gov.  Peter  Olcott  of  Vermont,  grad- 
uated at  Dartmouth  in  1790,  having  been  fitted  for  college  at 
the  age  of  twelve.  He  studied  law  with  Benjamin  West  and 
settled  in  Hanover,  where  he  spent  his  life.  He  was  for  several 
years  treasurer  of  Dartmouth  College  and  longer  one  of  its 
trustees.  He  became  prominent  as  a  lawyer  and  useful  citizen, 
enjoying  the  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens  in  a  high  degree. 
He  died  at  Hanover  in  1845,  aged  seventy-one  years.  One  of 
his  daughters  married  Rufus  Choate.  The  suspicion  can  not 
be  entertained  by  any  candid  mind,  that  such  men  as  Benjamin 
West  and  Mills  Olcott, — and  the  rest  of  the  Hartford  conven- 
tion were  like  them, — were  hatching  secession  and  saying 
treasonable  things  in  the  secrecy  of  that  meeting.  They  simply 
voiced  the  discontent  and  the  policy  of  the  Federalists  of  New 
England.  Some  hoped  and  others  feared  that  they  would  say 
something  radical  and  extreme. 


38  NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

The  treaty  of  Ghent  was  concluded  December  24,  1814,  two 
weeks  before  the  needless  battle  of  New  Orleans.  The  treaty 
left  unnoticed  the  main  causes  of  the  war,  leaving  some  disputed 
questions  to  the  settlement  of  time  and  sobered  minds.  The 
United  States  had  expended  in  the  war  over  a  hundred  million 
dollars  and  sacrificed  thirty  thousand  lives,  besides  great 
destruction  of  property  and  commerce.  The  whole  claim  of 
New  Hampshire  against  the  United  States  for  expenses  incurred 
during  the  war  was  $64,552.20,  of  which  $12,261.85  "Were  rejected 
as  inadmissible.3  The  export  trade  had  fallen  to  about  one- 
twentieth  of  its  former  amount.  "Some  1400  American  vessels, 
with  over  20,000  seamen  had  been  captured  by  British  cruisers." 
On  the  other  hand,  2,416  British  vessels  had  been  captured  by 
us,  including  fifty-six  warships.  The  legislature  of  New  Hamp- 
shire raised  the  question,  "What  has  been  gained?"  There  was 
no  answer.  We  could  have  gained  vastly  more  without  the 
war,  by  patient  and  courteous  diplomacy.  We  had  no  hatred 
for  England  and  Canada;  they  had  no  hatred  for  us.  We 
have  lived  peaceably  ever  since,  with  no  need  of  a  navy  on  the 
Great  Lakes.  The  war  and  the  Hartford  Convention  put  an 
end  to  the  Federalist  party.  The  military  leaders,  like  Harrison 
and  Jackson,  came  to  the  front  as  nominees  of  a  political  party. 
War  boosts  to  eminence  some  men  that  otherwise  would  remain 
unknown.  Is  that  a  reason  for  gingoism? 

'House  Journal  for  1820,  p.  358. 


Chapter  III 
THE  DARTMOUTH  COLLEGE  CASE 


Chapter  III 

THE    DARTMOUTH   COLLEGE    CASE. 

Importance  of  the  Case — Its  Origin — Division  in  the  Church — The  Case 
Mixed  with  Politics — Dartmouth  University  versus  Dartmouth  College 
—Legalized  Effort  to  Steal  the  College— Two  Years  of  Peaceable  Op- 
position on  the  College  Campus — President  Brown — Death  of  President 
John  Wheelock — Suit  for  the  Recovery  of  College  Property — The  Col- 
lege Cast  in  the  Suit  at  Exeter — Appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States — Ground  of  the  Appeal — Impairment  of  the  Obligation  of 
a  Contract — Famous  Speech  of  Webster — The  Decision  and  Its  Far- 
reaching  Results. 

SO  many  restatements  of  this  famous  case  have  been  put 
into  print  that  nothing  new  can  be  added  in  the  narration 
of  the  historic  facts.  By  omitting  much  that  might  weary  and 
try  the  patience  of  the  reader  perhaps  attention  may  be  arrested 
and  held.  The  case  forms  an  important  part  of  the  history  of 
New  Hampshire  because  of  its  bearings  upon  the  rights  of  all 
literary  institutions  and  because  of  the  far-reaching  decision 
concerning  a  constitutional  principle.  The  prominent  part  that 
was  taken  in  this  case  by  Daniel  Webster  adds  special  interest 
to  every  native  of  the  Granite  State. 

The  case  had  its  origin  in  the  unyielding  obstinacy  of  Presi- 
dent John  Wheelock  and  in  an  irreligious  quarrel  between 
opposing  factions  in  religion.  The  theory  of  Wheelock  was  that 
Dartmouth  College  was  practically  his  private  inheritance  and 
that  therefore  his  wishes  must  be  respected  and  obeyed.  His 
father  had  made  the  institution  and  devised  it  to  him,  naming 
him  as  his  successor  in  the  presidency.  His  immediate  relatives 
made  up  the  faculty.  Two  of  the  trustees  were  his  brothers- 
in-law.  The  number  of  students  during  his  administration  had 
grown  remarkably.  Dartmouth  ranked  with  Yale  in  reputation. 
It  was  the  pride  of  New  Hampshire. 

There  was  a  division  in  "The  Church  of  Christ  at  Dart- 
mouth College,"  whose  edifice,  reared  in  1795,  belonged  not  to 
the  college  but  to  residents  of  Hanover  who  had  built  it.  These 

41 


42  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

sought  rental  from  the  college,  and  the  trustees  voted  that  "each 
member  of  the  college  shall  pay  one  dollar  on  the  second 
Wednesday  in  March  for  preaching  and  the  use  of  seats  in  the 
meeting  house  for  the  ensuing  year."  This  raised  a  storm  of 
protest.  It  was  hard  enough  to  be  obliged  to  go  to  church, 
and  to  pay  for  listetning  to  Professor  Smith  was  thought  by 
the  students  to  be  unendurable.  Opposition  was  such  that  the 
trustees  revoked  the  order.  Then  the  president  and  all  the 
students,  with  Professor  Smith,  seceded  and  held  their  religious 
service  in  the  college  chapel.  A  compromise  was  made  in  1798 
and  all  went  back  to  the  church.  Soon  there  was  another 
wrangle  as  to  who  should  do  the  preaching.  This  time  the 
people  of  the  town  seceded  and  organized  "The  Congregation  in 
the  Vicinity  of  Dartmouth  College"  and  called  Professor 
Shurtleff  to  be  their  minister.  The  same  meeting  house  was 
used  by  both  factions,  but  the  brethren  did  not  dwell  together 
in  unity.  It  could  not  be  said  of  them  as  it  was  of  the  early 
Christian  Church,  "Behold  how  these  Christians  love  one 
another."  Wheelock  sought  to  oust  Shurtleff;  the  trustees, 
now  become  more  inclined  to  Congregationalism  than  to  Pres- 
byterianism,  thought  it  better  to  oust  Wheelock.  They  warned 
him  indirectly  and  curbed  his  powers.  The  controversy  got 
into  the  public  newspapers  and  was  heralded  all  over  the  State 
and  in  Boston.  Wheelock  and  his  friends  published  pamphlets, 
assailing  the  trustees  in  the  vitriolic  manner  of  the  times.  The 
dispute  became  political,  the  Federalists  siding  with  the  trustees 
and  the  Democrats  with  President  Wheelock.  Dartmouth  Col- 
lege became  the  leading  issue  in  the  next  State  election,  and 
members  of  the  legislature  were  chosen  as  being  favorable  or 
unfavorable  to  the  college  president. 

In  1815  Wheelock  applied  to  the  legislature  for  help,  alleg- 
ing that  the  trustees  Were  scheming  in  aid  of  a  party  or  sect 
and  so  undermining  "the  political  independence  of  the  people." 
He  asked  for  a  committee  of  investigation  and  his  request  was 
granted.  The  committee  went  to  Hanover,  and  Daniel  Webster 
was  expected  by  Wheelock  to  be  present  in  his  aid,  but  the 
advocate  failed  to  appear,  as  the  result  of  a  misunderstanding, 
and  soon  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Webster  was  ranked  on  the 
side  of  the  trustees.  The  outcome  of  the  dispute  with  the 
trustees  was  that  President  Wheelock  was  summarily  deposed 


A   HISTORY  43 

from  office  and  the  Rev.  Francis  Brown  of  Yarmouth,  Maine, 
who  had  graduated  from  the  college  in  1805,  was  elected  in  his 
stead. 

At  the  next  State  election,  the  Democrats  won  and  Gov- 
ernor Plumer  was  in  the  executive  chair.  The  legislature  and 
governor  were  partisans  of  Wheelock  and  were  in  favor  of  a 
State  University.  Daniel  Webster  is  said  to  have  favored  at 
first  such  a  university,  to  be  located  at  Concord,  as  a  settlement 
of  the  Dartmouth  controversy.  The  legislature  of  1816  thought 
it  easier  to  take  over  Dartmouth  College  and  convert  it 
entirely  to  the  purposes  of  the  State,  and  some  even  now  think 
that  if  they  had  succeeded,  it  would  have  been  better  for 
Dartmouth.  That  institution,  however,  and  its  alumni  are  well 
satisfied  with  its  record.  A  bill  was  passed,  changing  the  name 
of  the  college  to  Dartmouth  University.  The  number  of  the 
trustees  was  increased  from  twelve  to  twenty-one.  The  board 
of  overseers  was  made  up  of  twenty-five,  including  ex  officio 
the  governor  and  council,  the  president  of  the  senate  and 
speaker  of  the  house,  and  the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor 
of  Vermont.  These  boards  after  long  delay  in  efforts  to  get 
together  a  quorum  and  after  legislative  acts  to  assist  them 
organized  the  University,  with  John  Wheelock  as  President 
and  departments  of  liberal  arts,  theology,  law  and  medicine,  on 
paper.  The  legislature  enacted  that  any  person  who  should 
assume  to  perform  the  duties  of  president  or  professor  in  the 
college,  except  as  the  legislature  authorized  them,  should 
forfeit  for  each  offense  five  hundred  dollars. 

The  trustees  of  the  college  refused  to  take  part  in  the 
meetings  of  the  trustees  of  the  university,  and  this  was  what 
prevented  a  quorum.  Only  Judge  Woodward,  the  secretary  and 
treasurer  of  the  college,  and  brother-in-law  to  President 
Wheelock,  went  over  to  the  new  board,  carrying  the  seal  of 
the  college,  the  records  and  the  college  property.  This  effort  to 
transfer  the  property  became  the  foundation  for  the  subsequent 
suit  at  law. 

The  college  faculty  kept  right  on  with  their  work,  in  spite 
of  the  threatened  penalties  of  the  law,  and  they  were  not  dis- 
turbed. The  students  remained  with  the  college.  A  very  few 
students,  mainly  from  Hanover,  enrolled  with  the  university. 
The  former  were  called  "hoi  polloi" ;  the  latter  were  "the  few  yet 


44  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

brave."  They  answered  to  the  ringing  of  the  same  bell.  They 
passed  each  other  on  the  college  campus  for  two  years  with  only 
smiles  and  jests.  Civil  war  began  only  when  the  university 
men  tried  to  take  away  the  books  that  belonged  to  the  college 
library.  Then  axes  and  clubs  were  brandished,  but  the  few 
university  students  succumbed  to  the  overwhelming  numbers  of 
the  college,  and  the  books  remained  with  the  college.  In  this 
fracas  some  of  the  professors  took  part.  Both  parties  were 
waiting  for  the  courts  to  decide  who  had  lawful  possession  of 
the  college  and  its  appurtenances. 

Notwithstanding  an  invitation  to  President  Brown  to 
become  the  head  of  Hamilton  College  at  nearly  double  the 
salary  he  had  at  Dartmouth,  he  decided  to  remain  and  do  battle 
for  the  college.  In  this  fight  he  had  the  aid  of  Professors  Shurt- 
leff  and  Adams.  With  them  increasingly  were  the  sympathies 
of  the  people,  and  the  ministers  and  churches  were  strongly  on 
the  side  of  the  college.  To  them  it  seemed  to  be  an  effort  of  a 
Democratic  legislature  to  seize  and  control  an  institution  that 
had  been  founded  by  private  beneficence  and  assisted  but  feebly 
by  the  State.  State  Universities  were  then  a  new  conception. 
Almost  all  the  colleges  of  the  country  had  been  founded  by 
religious  people  for  the  furtherance  of  the  aims  of  the  church. 
To  this  day  "godless"  State  Universities  are  decried  by  some 
denominational  zealots.  A  day  of  prayer  was  appointed  for  the 
college,  that  its  enemies  might  not  overthrow  it. 

On  the  fourth  of  April,  1817,  President  John  Wheelock, 
died,  after  having  given  to  the  University  property  valued  at 
twenty  thousand  dollars,  and  other  property  was  given  in  his 
will,  conditionally.  His  son-in-law,  Rev.  William  Allen,  suc- 
ceeded him  as  president,  who  later  became  president  of  Bowdoin 
College.  Dartmouth  University  at  its  opening  March  5,  1817, 
had  one  student  in  attendence,  while  the  college  had  one 
hundred  and  thirty  students  besides  those  in  the  Medical  School. 

The  trustees  of  the  college  brought  suit  against  Judge 
Woodward  for  the  recovery  of  the  college  seal  and  other  prop- 
erty,. The  trial  began  at  Haverhill  in  May,  1817  and  the 
champions  of  the  college  were  Jeremiah  Smith  and  Jeremiah 
Mason,  two  of  the  ablest  lawyers  in  New  Hampshire.  On  the 
other  side  were  employed  George  Sullivan  and  Ichabod  Bartlett, 
both  versed  in  the  law  and  eloquent  pleaders.  The  case  was 


A    HISTORY  45 

continued  in  September  at  Exeter.  Meanwhile  the  State  and 
college  were  honored  by  a  visit  from  President  Monroe  and  at 
the  commencement  thirty-nine  were  graduated  from  the  col- 
lege, eight  from  the  university  and  eleven  from  the  medical 
school. 

The  closing  argument  at  Exeter  was  made  by  Daniel 
Webster,  and  many  ministers  and  lawyers  were  present  to  hear 
the  pleadings.  Each  one  of  the  five  lawyers  employed  spoke 
for  two  hours  or  more.  Mr.  Webster  closed  with  an  eloquent 
appeal  to  the  emotions,  which  drew  tears  from  his  own  and 
other  eyes,  and  the  same  appeal,  in  an  elaborated  form,  was 
the  peroration  of  his  great  argument  later  at  Washington. 

A  competent  critic  has  made  an  able  analysis  of  Mr. 
Mason's  brief  in  this  case.1  He  argued  that  "the  acts  of  the 
legislature  were  not  obligatory,  i,  because  they  were  not  within 
the  general  scope  of  legislative  power;  2,  because  they  violated 
certain  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  New  Hampshire; 
3,  because  they  violated  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States," 
by  impairing  the  obligation  of  a  contract  made  in  the  original 
charter  of  the  college.  The  counsel  for  the  college  all  relied 
upon  the  strength  of  the  first  argument.  They  urged  that  the 
college  was  founded  by  private  persons,  who  had  given  money 
for  particular  ends  and  that  the  charter  was  given  to  perpetuate 
those  ends.  Mason  declared  that  the  State  had  no  more  right 
to  take  the  property  of  Dartmouth  College  and  give  it  to  another 
corporation  than  it  had  to  take  his  house  from  him  without 
paying  for  it  and  give  it  to  another  man.  Little  was  said  about 
impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  although  on  this  point 
alone  appeal  was  made  to  the  United  States  supreme  court. 
Its  paramount  importance  was  overlooked  by  all  the  lawyers 
at  first.  It  had  been  suggested  by  President  John  Wheelock  a 
few  years  before.  Mr.  Lodge  says  that  "this  doctrine  of  im- 
pairing the  obligation  of  contracts,  which  produced  a  decision 
in  its  effects  more  far-reaching  and  of  more  general  interest 
than  perhaps  any  other  ever  made  in  this  country,  was  im- 
ported into  the  case  at  the  suggestion  of  laymen,  was  little 
esteemed  by  counsel,  and  was  comparatively  neglected  in  every 
argument." 

1  Daniel  Webster,  by  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  p.  78. 


46  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

The  decision  of  the  court  was  reserved  for  the  next  term, 
which  was  held  at  Plymouth.  Webster  expected  Plumer's 
court  to  sustain  Plumer's  opinion  and  wishes,  and  it  did.  The 
State  had  a  right  to  control  institutions  it  had  chartered  and 
aided,  and  the  management  of  colleges  and  universities  must 
suit  changing  political  parties.  Everybody  expected  an  appeal 
from  such  a  decision,  for  it  had  been  the  common  talk  through- 
out the  State  that  the  case  would  go  to  the  supreme  court  of  the 
United  States.  Here  the  case  was  entrusted  to  Mr.  Webster 
and  Mr.  Joseph  Hopkinson  of  Philadelphia,  author  of  Hail 
Columbia.  Mason  and  Smith  dropped  out.  The  opposing  coun- 
sel were  John  Holmes,  afterward  senator  from  Maine,  and 
William  Wirt,  attorney  general  of  the  United  States.  Neither 
of  these  was  a  match  for  even  Hopkinson,  and  Webster  met  no 
arguments  that  had  not  been  advanced  in  the  lower  court.  All 
the  legal  points  had  been  well  considered  in  the  previous  argu- 
ments of  Smith  and  Mason,  and  Webster  himself  acknowledged 
that  all  he  did  was  to  arrange  and  restate  their  arguments.  He 
introduced  much  irrelevant  matter  and  shrewdly  and  indirectly 
appealed  to  political  prejudices,  hinting  that  the  "Jacobins" 
were  attacking  a  Federalist  institution.  The  case  was  won  by 
Webster  not  so  much  by  use  of  law  and  reason  as  by  eloquence 
and  pathos.  It  was  his  emotional  oratory  that  swayed  the  judges. 

Mr.  Webster  occupied  five  hours  in  the  delivery  of  his 
argument,  yet  the  printed  report  could  easily  have  been  deliv- 
ered in  two  hours.  The  latter  is  a  condensation  of  the  legal 
argument,  dry  and  destitute  of  emotion.  The  political  sugges- 
tions, the  fervid  emotions,  the  eloquent  appeals,  the  overwhelm- 
ing peroration  have  been  left  out  of  the  law  abstracts  that  report 
the  great  speech.  We  owe  much  to  a  letter  of  Professor 
Chauncey  A.  Goodrich,  of  Yale  College,  to  Rufus  Choate. 
Professor  Goodrich  went  to  Washington  for  the  very  purpose 
of  hearing  Mr.  Webster.  His  letter  is  as  follows : 

Mr.  Webster  entered  upon  his  argument  in  the  calm  tone  of  easy  and 
dignified  conversation.  His  matter  was  so  completely  at  his  command  that 
he  scarcely  looked  at  his  brief,  but  went  on  for  more  than  four  hours  with 
a  statement  so  luminous  and  a  chain  of  reasoning  so  easy  to  be  understood, 
and  yet  approaching  so  nearly  to  absolute  demonstration,  that  he  seemed  to 
carry  with  him  every  man  of  his  audience,  without  the  slightest  effort  of 
uneasiness  on  either  side.  It  was  hardly  eloquence,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 


A   HISTORY  47 

term;  it  was  pure  reason.  Now  and  then  for  a  sentence  or  two  his  eye 
flashed  and  his  voice  swelled  into  a  bolder  note,  as  he  uttered  some  em- 
phatic thought,  but  he  instantly  fell  back  into  the  tone  of  earnest  conversa- 
tion, which  ran  throughout  the  great  body  of  his  speech.  A  single  circum- 
stance will  show  the  clearness  and  absorbing  power  of  his  argument.  1 
observed  Judge  Story  sit,  pen  in  hand,  as  if  to  take  notes.  Hour  after  hour  I 
saw  him  fixed  in  the  same  attitude;  but  I  could  not  discover  that  he  made  a 
single  note.  The  argument  ended,  Mr.  Webster  stood  for  some  moments 
silent  before  the  court,  while  every  eye  was  fixed  intently  upon  him.  At 
length,  addressing  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  he  said, — 

"This,  sir,  is  my  case.  It  is  the  case,  not  merely  of  that  humble  institu- 
tion, it  is  the  case  of  every  college  in  our  land.  It  is  more,  it  is  the  case  of 
every  eleemosynary  institution  throughout  our  country,  of  all  those  great 
charities  founded  by  the  piety  of  our  ancestors  to  alleviate  human  misery, 
and  scatter  blessings  along  the  pathway  of  human  life.  It  is  more.  It  is, 
in  some  sense,  the  case  of  every  man  who  has  property  of  which  he  may  be 
stripped, — for  the  question  is  simply  this:  Shall  our  State  legislatures  be 
allowed  to  take  that  which  is  not  their  own,  to  turn  it  from  its  original  use, 
and  apply  it  to  such  ends  or  purposes  as  they,  in  their  discretion,  shall  see 
fit?  Sir,  you  may  destroy  this  little  institution;  it  is  weak;  it  is  in  your 
hands.  I  know  it  is  one  of  the  lesser  lights  in  the  literary  horizon  of  our 
country.  You  may  put  it  out;  but  if  you  do,  you  must  carry  through  your 
work.  You  must  extinguish,  one  after  another,  all  those  great  lights  of 
science  which,  for  more  than  a  century,  have  thrown  their  radiance  over  the 
land.  It  is,  sir,  as  I  have  said,  a  small  college,  and  yet  there  are  those  that 
love  it " 

Here  the  feelings  which  he  had  thus  far  succeeded  in  keeping  down, 
broke  forth.  His  lips  quivered;  his  firm  cheeks  trembled  with  emotion; 
his  eyes  were  filled  with  tears;  his  voice  choked,  and  he  seemed  struggling 
to  the  utmost,  simply  to  gain  the  mastery  over  himself  which  might  save  him 
from  an  unmanly  burst  of  feeling.  I  will  not  attempt  to  give  you  the  few 
broken  words  of  tenderness  in  which  he  went  on  to  speak  of  his  attachment 
to  the  College.  The  whole  seemed  to  be  mingled  with  the  recollections  of 
father,  mother,  brother,  and  all  the  privations  through  which  he  had  made 
his  way  into  life.  Every  one  saw  that  it  was  wholly  unpremeditated, — 
a  pressure  on  his  heart  which  sought  relief  in  words  and  tears. 

The  court-room  during  these  two  or  three  minutes  presented  an 
extraordinary  spectacle.  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  with  his  tall,  gaunt  figure 
bent  over  as  if  to  catch  the  slightest  whisper,  the  deep  furrows  of  his  cheek 
expanded  with  emotion,  and  eyes  suffused  with  tears;  Mr.  Justice  Washing- 
ton at  his  side  with  his  small  and  emaciated  frame,  and  countenance  more 
like  marble  than  I  ever  saw  on  any  other  human  being,  leaning  forward  with 
an  eager,  troubled  look;  and  the  remainder  of  the  court  at  the  two  extremi- 
ties, pressing,  as  it  were,  towards  a  single  point,  while  the  audience  below 
were  wrapping  themselves  round  in  closer  folds  beneath  the  bench  to  catch 
each  look,  and  every  movement  of  the  speaker's  face.  .  .  .  There  was  not 
one  among  the  strong-minded  men  of  that  assembly  who  could  think  it 


48  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

unmanly  to  weep,  when  he  saw  standing  before  him  the  man  who  had  made 
such  an  argument  melted  into  the  tenderness  of  a  child. 

Mr.  Webster,  having  recovered  his  composure  and  fixed  his  keen  eye 
upon  the  Chief  Justice,  said,  in  that  deep  tone  with  which  he  sometimes 
thrilled  the  heart  of  an  audience,— 

"Sir,  I  know  not  how  others  may  feel"  (glancing  at  the  opponents  of  the 
College  before  him,  some  of  whom  were  its  graduates),  "but,  for  myself, 
when  I  see  my  alma  mater  surrounded,  like  Caesar  in  the  senate  house,  by 
those  who  are  reiterating  stab  upon  stab,  I  would  not,  for  this  right  hand, 
have  her  turn  to  me  and  say,  Et  tu  quoque,  mi  fili — And  thou  too,  my  son." 

He  sat  down;  there  was  a  deathlike  stillness  throughout  the  room  for 
some  moments ;  every  one  seemed  to  be  slowly  recovering  himself  and  coming 
gradually  back  to  his  ordinary  range  of  thought  and  feeling.2 

Professor  Goodrich  was  mistaken  in  supposing  this  perora- 
tion to  be  wholly  unpremeditated.  It  was  an  expansion  and 
modification  of  what  he  had  said  at  Exeter.  It  was  carefully 
thought  out,  and  probably  its  words  were  to  a  large  extent  held 
in  memory  for  this  occasion.  One  can  be  as  emotional  at  his 
study-table  as  before  a  great  audience.  It  is  the  theme,  the 
thought,  that  awakens  emotion,  as  when  Hawthorne  read  with 
tears  some  portions  of  his  Scarlet  Letter  to  his  wife,  where 
both  knew  he  was  speaking  of  imaginary  persons.  An  emo- 
tional nature  thus  expresses  itself  almost  irresistibly,  and  the 
irrepressible  gets  home  to  the  hearts  of  others,  whether  one  is 
dealing  with  fiction  or  with  facts,  whether  one  uses  sound  or 
sophistical  arguments.  Emotion  is  no  criterion  of  truth.  It  is, 
however,  a  powerful  part  of  oratory,  having  sometimes  hypnotic 
influence. 

Chief  Justice  Marshall  read  a  decision,  to  which  four  other 
judges  assented,  that  the  college  charter  was  a  contract  within 
the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
the  act  of  the  legislature  of  New  Hampshire  impaired  this  con- 
tract and  therefore  was  unconstitutional  and  void.  "The  im- 
mediate effect  of  the  decision  was  to  leave  the  college  in  the 
hands  of  the  victorious  Federalists.  In  the  precedent  which  it 
established,  however,  it  had  much  deeper  and  more  far-reaching 
results.  It  brought  within  the  scope  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  every  charter  granted  by  a  State,  limited  the  action 
of  the  States  in  a  most  important  attribute  of  sovereignty,  and 
extended  the  jurisdiction  of  the  highest  federal  court  more  than 

2  Cited  in  The  Story  of  Dartmouth,  by  Wilder  Dwight  Quint,  pp.  109-112. 


A   HISTORY  49 

any  other  judgment  ever  rendered  by  them.  From  the  day  when 
it  was  announced  to  the  present  time,  the  doctrine  of  Marshall 
in  the  Dartmouth  College  case  has  continued  to  exert  an 
enormous  influence,  and  has  been  constantly  sustained,  and 
attacked  in  litigation  of  the  greatest  importance."  This  is  the 
opinion  of  Senator  Lodge. 

The  decision,  doubtless,  has  lent  stability  to  educational 
and  other  chartered  institutions.  It  has  prevented  a  wrongful 
diversion  of  funds  from  the  purpose  for  which  those  funds 
were  given.  It  has  taken  schools  of  learning  out  of  the  hands 
of  party  politics.  The  principle,  however,  that  a  charter  granted 
to  a  corporation  by  one  legislature  can  not  be  changed  or  modi- 
fied by  a  subsequent  body  of  legislators,  its  legitimate  successor, 
is  disputed  by  able  jurists  and  seems  to  be  unsound.  The 
trustees  of  Dartmouth  College  were  ready  for  almost  any  modi- 
fication of  their  charter,  if  they  could  only  get  rid  of  President 
Wheelock.  The  grasp  of  the  dead  hand  must  often  be  relaxed 
or  made  to  open.  The  past  has  no  right  to  bind  the  future  with 
unbreakable  fetters.  Institutions  and  corporations  that  do  not 
well  serve  the  public  under  changed  conditions  should  be  com- 
pelled by  proper  legislation  to  yield  to  present  demands. 
Legislators  should  continually  ask  the  question,  What  is  right, 
just  and  good  now?  Nothing  in  the  past  should  prevent  an 
answer  expressed  in  legislative  act.3 

3  In  this  connection  it  is  well  to  read  The  Dartmouth  College  Caurses, 
by  John  M.  Shirley. 


Chapter  IV 
DANIEL  WEBSTER 


DANIEL  WEBSTER'S  BIRTHPLACE  IN  NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 


Chapter  IV 

DANIEL   WEBSTER. 

Birthplace — Preparation  for  College — Life  at  Dartmouth — Teaching  at  Frye- 
burg  Academy — Conservatism  in  Religion — Study  of  Law — Beginnings 
at  Boscawen — Removal  to  Portsmouth — Enters  Congress — Federalist  in 
Politics — Removal  to  Boston — Patriotic  Orator — Representative  from 
Massachusetts — Sent  to  the  Senate — Reply  to  Hayne — Peroration  of  His 
Great  Speedh — Secretary  of  State — The  Ashburton  Treaty — Senator 
again — The  Seventh  of  March  Speech — The  Mighty  Fallen? — Denun- 
ciations of  the  Abolitionists — Character  as  a  Statesman — He  still  Lives. 

A  HISTORY  of  New  Hampshire  without  a  sketch  of  the  life 
of  Daniel  Webster  would  leave  out  the  part  of  Hamlet  in 
the  play.  The  State  is  justly  proud  of  him  as  an  orator  and 
statesman,  although  some  of  the  utterances  of  his  last  years 
have  been  severely  criticised.  It  was  Job  who  said,  "Great  men 
are  not  always  wise,  neither  do  the  aged  understand  judgment." 
The  wisest  of  men  can  not  always  foresee  the  future  and  know 
in  advance  the  results  of  their  deeds.  "The  best  laid  plans  of 
mice  and  men  gang  aft  awry."  Great  men  are  not  belittled  by 
an  occasional  mistake,  and  wisdom  sometimes  passes  for  error. 

Daniel  Wester  was  born  in  Salisbury,  New  Hampshire, 
January  18,  1782.  His  father  was  Capt.  Ebenezer  Webster,  who 
settled  on  the  extreme  northern  frontier  in  that  town,  in  1763, 
when  there  was  nothing  but  forest,  Indians  and  wild  beasts 
between  him  and  Canada.  The  little  log  house  he  built  decayed 
long  ago.  The  frame  house  that  succeeded  it  has  been 
"restored"  of  late  and  is  visited  by  many.  It  consists  of  two 
rooms  on  the  ground  floor  and  an  open  attic  above,  reached  by 
a  rough  stair-case.  One  room  below  was  the  kitchen,  dining- 
room  and  living-room;  the  other  was  sleeping-room  of  the  par- 
ents. All  the  children  slept  in  the  attic,  on  husk-beds  spread 
upon  the  floor.  Such  was  the  custom  of  the  times.  Back  of  the 
house  was  a  saw-mill,  on  the  brook  that  furnished  water  power 
a  part  of  the  year. 

Daniel  Webster  grew  to  have  a  magnificent  form,  but  in 

53 


54  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

early  life  he  was  considered  weak  and  sickly.  Some  say  he  was 
indolent.  At  any  rate  he  loved  books  better  than  manual  labor 
on  the  farm.  So  he  was  humored  and  aided  by  the  rest  of  the 
family,  and  throughout  life  he  seemed  to  feel  that  it  was  his 
rightful  privilege  to  receive  assistance  from  others,  especially 
of  a  financial  character.  Yet  he  was  grateful  for  help  and  ex- 
tended it  to  his  brother  Ezekiel,  when  the  opportunity  came. 

His  father  had  served  in  Rogers'  Rangers  and  throughout 
the  revolutionary  war.  In  later  life  he  was  made  judge  of  the 
local  court,  with  a  salary  of  three  or  four  hundred  dollars.  This 
was  after  he  had  moved  to  the  present  village  of  Franklin. 
With  the  most  rigid  economy  he  planned  to  send  two  of  his 
sons  to  Dartmouth  College.  Daniel,  the  younger,  went  first 
and  then  helped  Ezekiel  to  pay  his  expenses.  A  part  of  his 
preparation  for  college  was  obtained  at  Phillips  Exeter  Academy 
and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Wood  of  Boscawen  supplied  the  rest. 
His  instructor  seems  to  have  been  a  whole  fitting  school  in 
himself,  the  kind  of  a  teacher  who  needs  no  assistance,  an  in- 
spirer  of  youth.  Dr.  Wood  is  said  to  have  fitted  one  hundred 
young  men  for  college  at  one  dollar  per  week  for  board  and 
tuition. 

With  some  knowledge  of  Latin  and  Greek  Daniel  Webster 
entered  Dartmouth  college  in  1797  and  spent  four  years  there, 
reading  the  books  in  the  library  more  than  studying  his  text- 
books. His  memory  was  so  good  that  he  needed  but  little 
study  to  stand  among  the  foremost  in  scholarly  rank.  One  year 
he  paid  his  board  by  editing  or  superintending  a  small  weekly 
newspaper.  A  college  course  in  his  time  was  little  better  than 
a  course  in  a  well  organized  High  School  today.  The  chief 
benefit,  then  and  now,  was  and  is  the  associations  with  growing 
minds  and  the  inspirations  of  capable  instructors.  Daniel  spent 
his  time  in  college  in  reading  and  playing,  easily  first  in  his 
studies,  and  recognized  as  a  man  of  unusual  abilities.  He 
acquired  much  knowledge  of  many  things  and  held  the  same  in 
memory,  somewhat  like  a  cyclopedia,  yet  he  was  never  a  student 
and  scholar,  in  the  severe  and  strenuous  sense  of  those  words. 
He  relied  more  upon  native  than  acquired  abilities.  He  was 
broader  than  he  was  deep.  At  Exeter  he  was  so  diffident  that 
he  could  not  "declaim"  in  public;  at  Dartmouth  he  commanded 
attention  as  a  speaker  and  gave  the  Fourth  of  July  oration 


A   HISTORY  55 

at  Hanover  before  he  finished  his  college  course.  He  had  a  natural 
gift  of  speech.  His  tone,  look,  manner  and  choice  of  words  made  him 
eloquent.  As  an  orator  he  was  like  the  poet,  born  rather  than 
made,  although  study  and  practice  constantly  improved  his 
oratory.  Other  men  have  grown  to  eloquence  by  diligent  effort ; 
he  was  eloquent  from  the  beginning  and  as  a  boy  could  read 
so  as  to  charm  his  hearers.  Dignity  and  strength  were  in  his 
manner  and  voice.  He  wrote  some  rhymes  but  was  not  a 
poet.  He  lacked  in  constructive  imagination.  His  early  efforts 
in  public  speaking  revealed  a  love  for  his  country  and  its 
Constitution  and  a  grasp  of  fundamental  principles  of  law. 

After  graduation  he  studied  law  a  little  in  his  home  village, 
read  more  of  English  literature,  hunted  and  fished.  Driven  by 
financial  necessity  he  taught  school  at  Fryeburg  Academy,  in 
Maine.  Here  he  supported  himself  by  copying  deeds  and  gave 
all  his  salary  for  a  term  to  his  brother  Ezekiel,  to  help  him 
through  college.  Many  years  after,  when  Daniel  was  senator 
at  Washington,  he  recalled  the  weariness  of  copying  deeds  and 
declared  that  his  arm  still  ached  at  the  remembrance  of  it.  His 
school  work  at  Fryeburg  opened  and  closed  each  day  with 
extemporaneous  prayer.  He  united  with  the  Congregational 
church  in  Salisbury  and  throughout  his  life  ranked  himself  as 
a  conservative  Christian  believer.  Indeed  he  never  examined 
the  foundations  of  his  religious  faith.  He  took  his  theology  at 
second  hand,  accepted  the  current  beliefs  and  never  troubled 
himself  about  theological  differences  of  opinion.  The  religion 
of  his  parents  was  good  enough  for  him.  Other  matters  were 
of  more  importance  in  his  plan  of  life. 

After  teaching  at  Fryeburg  he  returned  to  the  study  of  law 
at  Salisbury  and  a  little  later,  having  obtained  a  situation  for 
his  brother  in  a  private  school  in  Boston,  he  also  went  there  and 
entered  as  a  student  the  law  office  of  Christopher  Gore,  later 
governor  of  Massachusetts  and  United  States  senator.  Here 
he  made  the  acquaintance  of  some  prominent  men.  He  refused 
the  office  of  clerk  of  courts,  which  his  father  obtained  for  him, 
and  where  he  could  have  had  a  salary  of  fifteen  hundred  a  year, 
and  preferred,  by  advice  of  Mr.  Gore,  to  open  a  law  office  for 
himself  at  Boscawen,  not  far  from  his  home,  having  been 
admitted  to  the  bar,  in  Boston,  in  1805.  In  two  years  he  made 
sufficient  headway  and  acquired  such  experience  that  he  felt 


56  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

warrranted  in  removing  to  Portsmouth  and  leaving  his  office 
and  practice  at  Boscawen  to  his  brother  Ezekiel.  The  latter 
became  a  prominent  lawyer  and  an  exemplary  citizen.  He  was 
a  man  of  noble  form  and  heart,  highly  respected  and  much 
beloved,  whose  tragic  and  early  death  blighted  the  promise  of  a 
brilliant  career.  The  earnings  of  Daniel  Webster  at  Boscawen 
were  five  hundred  dollars  a  year  and  a  state-wide  reputation. 
During  this  time  his  father  died,  after  having  spent  his  life  and 
all  for  the  welfare  of  his  family  and  in  devotion  to  the  interests 
of  his  town,  state  and  nation. 

At  Portsmouth  Mr.  Webster  came  in  contact  with  the 
giants  of  the  New  Hampshire  bar,  with  William  Plumer,  who 
defeated  him  in  his  first  contest,  with  Jeremiah  Mason,  who 
taught  him  much  and  with  whom  he  was  always  in  firmest 
friendship,  with  Jeremiah  Smith,  the  learned  judge,  and  with 
George  Sullivan,  the  eloquent  pleader.  His  practice  soon  grew 
to  be  worth  two  thousand  dollars  or  more  annually,  a  princely 
sum  in  those  days,  but  Webster's  income  never  was  anywhere 
sufficient  to  keep  him  out  of  debt.  This  was  one  of  his  weak- 
nesses, for  great  men  are  not  always  completely  square.  Web- 
ster was  a  Federalist  in  politics,  and  this  fact  for  a  while  kept 
him  out  of  office.  He  kept  making  speeches  here  and  there, 
which  won  him  reputation  as  an  orator.  He  spoke  and  wrote 
against  the  war  of  1812,  and  this  obtained  for  him  his  first 
election  to  congress,  in  1813.  Here  he  argued  for  a  navy  and 
for  only  defensive  warfare.  He  argued  also  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  national  bank.  In  debate  he  had  to  measure  forces 
with  such  men  as  Clay,  Pinckney,  Randolph  and  Calhoun.  His 
reputation  as  a  political  thinker  and  eloquent  speaker  steadily 
increased.  He  was  reelected  to  the  succeeding  congress  and  was 
challenged  to  a  duel  by  John  Randolph,  which  he  refused  to 
accept,  in  a  dignified  manner.  The  next  five  years  were  spent 
in  practice  of  law  at  Portsmouth  and  Boston.  To  the  latter 
place  he  removed  in  1816. 

His  first  year  at  Boston  brought  him  an  income  of  twenty 
thousand  dollars.  His  practice  in  the  supreme  court  kept  him 
busy,  and  the  remuneration  was  ample.  Here  he  was  called 
to  deliver  the  famous  orations  at  Plymouth  and  Bunker  Hill, 
as  well  as  to  defend  Dartmouth  College  from  the  clutches  of  the 
New  Hampshire  legislature.  Webster  was  most  at  home  as  an 


A   HISTORY  57 

orator  when  he  was  defending  the  Constitution  and  the  Union 
of  the  States.  On  patriotic  occasions  he  was  at  his  best.  Occa- 
sional addresses,  which  are  most  difficult  for  the  majority  of 
public  speakers,  were  choicest  opportunities  for  Webster.  His- 
torical imagination  he  possessed  and  could  picture  with  words 
great  events.  The  grandeur  of  historic  events  and  deeds  flowed 
through  his  soul  in  speech  and  into  the  souls  of  his  audience, 
producing  vision  and  intense  emotions.  Their  aroused  feelings 
rekindled  his  own.  There  was  thus  a  circle  of  thrilling  inspira- 
tion. His  great  speeches  in  the  Dartmouth  Case,  at  Plymouth 
and  at  Bunker  Hill,  his  reply  to  Hayne  in  the  senate  and  his 
seventh  of  March  speech  are  the  mountain  peaks  of  Webster's 
oratory,  but  there  were  other  lofty  utterances  that  were  suf- 
ficient to  make  any  man  famous  as  an  orator. 

Massachusetts  returned  Daniel  Webster  to  congress  in 
1823,  and  for  six  years  more  he  was  an  acknowledged  leader  in 
the  house.  One  of  his  great  speeches  at  this  time  was  that 
expressing  sympathy  for  Greece  in  her  struggle  for  liberty,  a 
speech  that  was  translated  into  all  the  languages  of  Europe.  It 
laid  the  foundation  for  his  reputation  abroad  and  brought  the 
United  States  into  notice  as  one  of  the  world  powers  to  be 
reckoned  with.  With  the  assistance  of  Judge  Story  he  secured 
the  passage  of  the  "Crimes  Act,"  which  codified  the  whole  body 
of  criminal  law.  He  defended  the  "Monroe  Doctrine"  and 
championed  the  cause  of  the  Creek  Indians  against  the  en- 
croachments of  Georgia.  At  that  time  he  thought  it 
unnecessary  to  conciliate  the  South  and  spoke  his  mind  with 
boldness  in  the  face  of  denunciations. 

In  1827  Massachusetts  gave  him  a  seat  in  the  United  States 
senate,  and  no  man  ever  reflected  more  honor  upon  his  State. 
His  work  was  specially  to  defend  the  tariff  and  the  Constitution. 
The  latter  he  did  in  his  celebrated  reply  to  Hayne,  overthrowing 
the  doctrine  that  a  State  might  nullify  the  law  of  the  nation. 
Everybody  is  familiar  with  the  speech.  The  occasion  has  been 
finely  described  by  Senator  Lodge : 

On  the  morning  of  the  memorable  day  the  senate  chamber  was  packed 
by  an  eager  and  excited  crowd.  Every  seat  on  the  floor  and  in  the  galleries 
was  occupied,  and  all  the  available  standing-room  was  filled.  The  pro- 
tracted debate,  conducted  with  so  much  ability  on  both  sides,  had  excited  the 
attention  of  the  country,  and  had  given  time  for  the  arrival  of  hundreds  of 


58  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

interested  spectators  from  all  parts  of  the  Union,  and  especially  from  New 
England.  The  fierce  attacks  of  the  Southern  leaders  had  angered  and 
alarmed  the  people  of  the  North.  They  longed  with  an  intense  longing  to 
have  these  assaults  met  and  repelled,  and  yet  they  could  not  believe  that  this 
apparently  desperate  feat  could  be  successfully  accomplished.  Men  of  the 
North  and  of  New  England  could  be  known  in  Washington,  in  those  days, 
by  their  indignant  but  dejected  looks  and  downcast  eyes.  They  gathered  in 
the  senate  chamber  on  the  appointed  day,  quivering  with  anticipation,  and 
with  hope  and  fear  struggling  for  the  mastery  in  their  breasts.  With  them 
were  mingled  those  who  were  there  from  mere  curiosity,  and  those  who  had 
come  rejoicing  in  the  confident  expectation  that  the  Northern  champion  would 
suffer  failure  and  defeat. 

In  the  midst  of  the  hush  of  expectation,  in  that  dead  silence  which  is  so 
peculiarly  oppressive  because  it  is  possible  only  when  many  human  beings  are 
gathered  together,  Mr.  Webster  rose.  He  had  sat  impassive  and  immovable 
during  all  the  preceding  days,  while  the  storm  of  debate  and  invective  had 
beaten  about  his  head.  At  last  his  time  had  come;  and  as  he  rose  and  stood 
forth,  drawing  himself  up  to  his  full  height,  his  personal  grandeur  and  his 
majestic  calm  thrilled  all  who  looked  upon  him.  With  perfect  quietness,  un- 
affected apparently  by  the  atmosphere  of  intense  feeling  about  him,  he  said, 
in  a  low,  even  tone ;  "Mr.  President :  When  the  mariner  has  been  tossed  for 
many  days  in  thick  weather  and  on  an  unknown  sea,  he  naturally  avails  him- 
self of  the  first  pause  in  the  storm,  the  earliest  glance  of  the  sun,  to  take  his 
latitude  and  ascertain  how  far  the  elements  have  driven  him  from  his  true 
course.  Let  us  imitate  his  prudence;  and,  before  we  float  farther  on  the 
waves  of  this  debate,  refer  to  the  point  from  which  we  departed,  that  we  may, 
at  least,  be  able  to  conjecture  where  we  now  are.  I  ask  for  the  reading  of 
the  resolution  before  the  Senate."  The  opening  sentence  was  a  piece  of  con- 
summate art.  The  simple  and  appropriate  image,  the  low  voice,  the  calm 
manner,  relieved  the  strained  excitement  of  the  audience,  which  might  have 
ended  by  disconcerting  the  speaker,  if  it  had  been  maintained.  Every  one 
was  now  at  his  ease;  and  when  the  monotonous  reading  of  the  resolution 
ceased,  Mr.  Webster  was  master  of  the  situation,  and  had  his  listeners  in 
complete  control.  With  breathless  attention  they  followed  him  as  he  pro- 
ceeded. The  strong  masculine  sentences,  the  sarcasm,  the  pathos,  the  reason- 
ing, the  burning  appeals  to  love  of  State  and  country,  flowed  on  unbroken. 
As  his  feelings  warmed  the  fire  came  into  his  eyes;  there  was  a  glow  on  his 
swathy  cheek;  his  strong  right  arm  seemed  to  sweep  away  resistlessly  the 
whole  phalanx  of  his  opponents,  and  the  deep  and  melodious  cadences  of  his 
voice  sounded  like  harmonious  organ-tones  as  they  filled  the  chamber  with 
their  music,  As  the  last  words  died  away  in  silence,  those  who  had  listened 
looked  wonderingly  at  each  other,  dimly  conscious  that  they  had  heard  one 
of  the  grand  speeches  which  are  landmarks  in  the  history  of  eloquence ;  and 
the  men  of  the  North  and  of  New  England  went  forth  full  of  the  pride  of 
victory,  for  their  champion  had  triumphed,  and  no  assurance  was  needed 
to  prove  to  the  world  that  this  time  no  answer  could  be  made.1 

1  Daniel  Webster,  by  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  pp.  177-179. 


A    HISTORY  59 

Senator  Hayne  of  South  Carolina  had  argued  that  a  State 
had  the  right  to  determine  for  itself  whether  a  law  enacted  by 
the  national  congress  were  constitutional  or  not,  and  his  State 
was  threatening  to  set  aside  the  tariff  law.  The  theory  on 
which  the  doctrine  of  State  Rights  rested  was,  that  the  Amer- 
ican Union  was  a  confederation,  an  experiment  in  government, 
and  that  the  Constitution  was  a  compact  of  sovereign  states, 
any  one  of  which  might  break  the  compact  at  will.  There  are 
historical  arguments  in  favor  of  this  view,  but,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  original  intentions  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitu- 
tion,— and  there  were  differences  of  intention, — the  states  had 
grown  together  into  one.  Acts  of  congress  had  assumed  that 
there  was  a  single  nation  and  that  the  whole  controlled  the 
parts.  All  rights  not  reserved  to  the  states  in  the  Constitution 
were  yielded  to  the  nation  as  a  whole.  The  union  could  be 
dissolved  only  by  voluntary  consent,  or  by  revolution.  All  the 
previous  training  of  Webster  fitted  him  for  the  mighty  occasion. 
His  study  of  constitutional  rights  and  privileges  from  boyhood 
had  gathered  arguments,  illustrations  and  powerful  forms  of 
expression.  His  memory  was  stored  with  thunderbolts  that 
flashed  before  him,  and  all  he  had  to  do  was  to  reach  out  and 
catch  them  as  they  went  flaming  by.  His  encomium  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  the  peroration  of  his  first  reply  to  Hayne  are 
familiar  to  almost  every  school  boy.  The  latter  is  too  good  to 
omit: 

I  have  not  allowed  myself,  Sir,  to  look  beyond  the  Union,  to  see  what 
might  lie  hidden  in  the  dark  recess  behind.  I  have  not  coolly  weighed  the 
chances  of  preserving  liberty  when  the  bonds  that  unite  us  together  shall  be 
broken  assunder.  I  have  not  accustomed  myself  to  hang  over  the  precipice 
of  disunion  to  see  whether,  with  my  short  sight,  I  can  fathom  the  depth  of 
the  abyss  below ;  nor  could  I  regard  him  as  a  safe  counsellor  in  the  affairs 
of  this  government  whose  thoughts  should  be  mainly  bent  on  considering, 
not  how  the  Union  may  be  best  preserved,  but  how  tolerable  might  be  the 
condition  of  the  people  when  it  should  be  broken  up  and  destroyed.  While 
the  Union  lasts,  we  have  high,  exciting,  gratifying  prospects  spread  out 
before  us,  for  us  and  for  our  children.  Beyond  that  I  seek  not  to  penetrate 
the  veil.  God  grant  that  in  my  day,  at  least,  that  curtain  may  not  rise.  God 
grant  that  on  my  vision  never  may  be  opened  what  lies  behind.  When  my 
eyes  shall  be  turned  to  behold  for  the  last  time  the  sun  in  heaven,  may  I 
not  see  him  shining  on  the  broken,  dishonored  fragments  of  a  once  glorious 
Union ;  on  States  dissevered,  discordant,  belligerent ;  on  a  land  rent  with  civil 
feuds,  or  drenched,  it  may  be,  in  fraternal  blood.  Let  their  last  feeble  and 


6o  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

lingering  glance  rather  behold  the  gorgeous  ensign  of  the  republic,  now 
known  and  honored  throughout  the  earth,  still  full  high  advanced,  its  arms 
and  trophies  streaming  in  their  original  lustre,  not  a  stripe  erased  or  polluted, 
not  a  single  star  obscured,  bearing  for  its  motto,  no  such  miserable  interroga- 
tory as  "What  is  all  this  worth?"  nor  those  other  words  of  delusion  and  folly, 
"Liberty  first  and  Union  afterwards" ;  but  everywhere,  spread  all  over  in 
characters  of  living  light,  blazing  on  all  its  ample  folds,  as  they  float  over 
the  sea  and  over  the  land,  and  in  every  wind  under  the  whole  heavens,  that 
other  sentiment,  dear  to  every  true  American  heart, — Liberty  and  Union,  now 
and  forever,  one  and  inseparable. 

It  is  impossible  to  trace  in  a  few  pages  the  political  career 
of  Daniel  Webster,  interwoven,  as  it  is,  with  the  legislation, 
legal  decisions,  and  party  struggles  of  nearly  half  a  century. 
Twice  he  was  made  Secretary  of  State,  and  during  his  term  of 
office  the  Ashburton  Treaty  was  concluded,  which  settled  the 
northern  boundary  of  Maine  and  New  Hampshire  and  in  which 
Maine's  loss  was  New  Hampshire's  gain.  The  treaty  was  a 
compromise  for  the  sake  of  peace.  Each  nation  surrendered 
something,  and  hence  those  who  claimed  all  were  not  satisfied. 
Mr.  Webster's  whole  policy  was  one,  as  he  thought,  of  honor- 
able compromise  to  avoid  civil  and  foreign  war  and  to  preserve 
the  Union.  All  other  matters  were  of  secondary  importance  to 
him.  After  serving  in  President  Harrison's  cabinet  from  1841 
to  1845  he  was  again  elected  senator  from  Massachusetts.  The 
great  question  before  the  nation  then  was  the  extension  of 
slave  territory  and  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves.  Mr.  Webster, 
in  his  heart,  was  opposed  to  human  slavery  and  had  spoken 
many  winged  words  against  it.  He  recognized,  however,  what 
the  abolitionists  were  determined  to  overlook,  that  the  slave- 
holding  states  had  certain  constitutional  rights,  and  that  moral 
ideals  can  not  be  reached  and  put  into  practice  immediately. 
Much  as  he  disliked  slavery,  he  feared  and  hated  civil  strife  and 
disunion  more.  He  argued  that  there  must  be  concessions,  that 
extremists  in  both  North  and  South  must  yield  something. 
Compromise  only  could  keep  the  peace.  Hence,  in  his  cele- 
brated speech  of  the  seventh  of  March,  1850,  he  seemed  to 
recede  from  his  former  positions  in  defense  of  human  rights 
and  freedom  and  to  yield  too  much  to  the  wishes  and  claims  of 
Southerners.  He  had  said,  in  1830,  "I  regard  domestic  slavery 
as  one  of  the  greatest  evils,  both  moral  and  political,"  and  he 
never  changed  his  mind  on  that  point;  but  in  the  seventh  of 


A   HISTORY  61 

March  speech  he  did  not  speak  out  so  boldly.  The  speech  was 
condemned  by  abolitionists  for  what  he  did  not  say,  and  he 
was  interpreted  as  apologizing  for  an  infamous  institution.  The 
thoroughgoing  moralist  can  make  no  compromise  with  sin;  on 
the  other  hand  the  wise,  political  statesman  must  sometimes 
tolerate  evil  for  a  time,  till  the  fitting  opportunity  and  means  are 
at  hand  to  crush  it.  The  extreme  abolitionists  were  not  states- 
men; they  were  impassioned  preachers  of  the  gospel  of  human 
freedom.  With  them  slavery  must  be  at  once  abolished,  at 
whatever  cost.  We  admire  their  moral  enthusiasm ;  we  question 
the  wisdom  of  their  policy. 

Impartial  history,  if  that  ever  is  written,  will  concede  to 
Daniel  Webster  higher  motives  than  were  assigned  to  him  at 
trjat  time.  Theodore  Parker,  and  the  great  poets,  Lowell, 
Longfellow  and  Whittier,  expressed  the  moral  sense  of  New 
England  in  their  denunciations  of  Webster's  speech.  The  lines 
of  Whittier  have  become  famous;  they  are  terrible  in  their 
scorn : 

Revile  him  not — the  Tempter  hath 
A  snare  for  all. 

And  pitying,  not  scorn  and  wrath, 
Befit  his  fall. 

Oh,  dumb  be  passion's  stormy  rage, 

When  he  who  might 
Have  lighted  up  and  led  his  age 

Falls  back  in  night. 

Let  not  the  land  once  proud  of  him 

Insult  him  now. 
Nor  brand  with  deeper  shame  his  dim 

Dishonored  brow. 

But  let  its  humbled  sons,  instead, 

From  sea  to  lake, 
A  long  lament,  as  for  the  dead, 

In  sadness  make. 


Then  pay  the  reverence  of  old  days 

To  his  dead  fame; 
Walk  backward,  with  averted  gaze, 

And  hide  the  shame. 


Perhaps  this  poem  has  done  more  than  anything  else  to 


62  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

dim  the  glory  of  America's  greatest  orator.  The  moral  radiance 
of  the  reformer  has  outshone  the  intellectual  splendor  of  the 
compromiser.  It  was  said  then,  that  Webster  was  influenced 
by  his  desire  to  become  president  of  the  United  States.  This 
office  and  that  of  minister  to  the  court  of  Great  Britain  were  the 
two  positions  to  which  his  ambition  grew  to  aspire.  All  efforts 
to  secure  even  his  nomination  for  the  presidency  failed.  He  was 
too  independent  in  his  utterances  to  be  a  popular  leader.  Like 
Charles  Sumner,  he  was  more  of  a  friend  to  nations  than  to 
individual  men.  He  was  never,  like  Henry  Clay,  the  idol  of  the 
people.  His  seventh  of  March  speech,  read  by  hundreds  of 
thousands,  made  him  the  leader  of  the  privileged  classes  rather 
than  of  the  toilers.  The  money  of  Boston  merchants  and  aristo- 
crats pensioned  him  in  his  last  years.  One  man  in  New  York 
sent  him  seven  thousand  dollars  because  of  that  speech  that 
damned  his  reputation  more  than  all  else  he  ever  did.  The  fame 
of  Webster  would  have  been  untarnished,  had  he  died  before  the 
fatal  seventh  of  March.  The  future  may  concede  that  he  was 
wise  and  politic,  but  not  that  he  was  inflexibly  righteous.  The 
calumnies  invented  against  his  private  life  and  the  unsifted 
gossip  about  his  drunkenness  may  be  passed  over  as  unworthy 
of  consideration.  Both  have  been  sufficiently  refuted  by  his 
biographers. 

While  at  Marshfield,  October  24,  1852,  his  life  was  ebbing 
away,  like  the  flowing  back  of  the  mighty  sea  he  so  much 
loved,  Daniel  Webster  aroused  himself  enough  to  say,  "I  still 
live."  He  wanted  to  maintain  consciousness  to  the  end,  to  go 
through  death  alive.  He  accomplished  it;  he  still  lives.  In  the 
annals  of  his  country  his  words  and  deeds  can  never  be  blotted 
out.  His  native  State  has  honored  his  memory  by  placing  his 
statue  in  the  commanding  position  in  front  of  her  State  House. 
Dartmouth  College  has  recognized  her  obligation  by  erecting 
Webster  Hall.  The  place  of  his  birth  is  public  property,  dedi- 
cated to  patriotism  by  loving  rememberance.  His  imperfections 
will  be  forgotten  or  interpreted  so  as  to  show  good  intent.  His 
defense  of  the  Constitution  and  of  the  Union,  in  masterful 
thought  and  utterance,  still  lives  in  the  grateful  memories  of  in- 
creasing millions. 


Chapter  V 
DEATH   OF  THE  FEDERALIST  PARTY 


Chapter  V 


DEATH  OF  THE  FEDERALIST  PARTY. 

Effect  of  the  Hartford  Convention—  Protective  Tariff  after  the  War  of  1812 

—  Administration    of    Governor    Plumer  —  He    Recommends    Decreased 
Salaries  —  Tempest    of    1815  —  Building    of    the    State    House  —  Visit    of 
President  Monroe  —  Governor   Samuel   Bell  —  Corporations  in   1819  —  The 
Toleration  Act  —  Condition  of  Banks  in  the  State  —  Contest  over  the  Pro- 
posed Admission  of  Missouri  as  a  Slave  State  —  Deaf  and  Dumb  Sent 
to  Hartford  Asylum  —  Levi  Woodbury's  Report  on   Pauperism  —  Capital 
Employed  in  Manufactures  —  The  Cyclone  of  1821  —  Report  on  the  Cause 
and  Prevention  of  Crime  —  Internal  Improvements  not  Authorized  by  the 
General    Constitution  —  Levi    Woodbury    Chosen    Governor  —  Sketch    of 
Governor   Woodbury  —  The    New   Hampshire   Historical    Society   Incor- 
porated —  Revolt  against  the  Political  Machine  —  David  L.  Morrill  Elected 

—  Sketch  of  Governor  Morrill  —  Visit  of  General  Lafayette  —  His  Speech 
at    Concord  —  Defective    Returns  —  The    Aims    of    Republican    Govern- 
ment —  Multiplication  of  Academies,  Libraries  and  Musical  Societies. 


Hartford  convention  was  the  last  expiring  gasp  of  the 
Federalist  party,  which  had  been  moribund  for  a  long  time.  It 
was  never  popular,  and  nobody  but  office-holders  and  the 
privileged  classes  bemoaned  it.  After  the  War  of  1812  for  some 
years  there  was  no  political  competition.  The  Republicans  had 
everything  their  own  way.  William  Plumer  was  elected  gov- 
ernor in  1816  and  reelected  the  two  years  following.  At  his  first 
election  he  had  20,338  votes,  and  his  competitor,  Hon.  James 
Sheafe  of  Portsmouth,  had  17,994.  In  his  first  message  Gov- 
ernor Plumer  recommended  that  certain  industries  should  be 
freed  from  taxation  for  a  time.  The  reason  was  apparent. 

During  the  war  premiums  and  encouragements  had  been 
offered  by  various  States  to  induce  capitalists  to  invest  their 
money  in  manufactories.  As  a  consequence  it  has  been 
estimated  that  $200,000,000  of  goods  were  manufactured  in  the 
United  States  in  two  years.  The  number  of  cotton  spindles 
increased  ten-fold.  Within  thirty  miles  of  Providence,  Rhode 
Island,  there  were  one  hundred  and  forty  factories,  that  con- 
sumed 20,000  bales  of  cotton,  turning  out  products  valued  at 

65 


66  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

six  million  dollars.  After  the  war  imports  flowed  in  rapidly. 
From  1814  to  1816  they  rose  from  $12,000,000  to  $147,000,000. 
Hence  arose  the  cry  for  a  protective  tariff,  and  one  was  enacted, 
imposing  an  average  duty  of  twenty-five  per  cent  ad  valorem 
on  imports.  On  luxuries  the  duty  was  thirty-five  per  cent.  Our 
industries  were  comparatively  new  and  wages  were  higher  here 
than  in  England.  Foreign  goods,  stored  up  during  the  years  of 
war,  sought  a  market  at  the  lowest  possible  figure,  and  our  nev 
manufactories  had  to  be  helped  in  order  to  survive  the  cut-throat 
competition.  Governor  Plumer  pointed  out  that  a  nation  could 
not  grow  strong  and  independent  by  agriculture  alone ;  it  must 
learn  to  make  almost  all  the  goods  it  needs.  It  is  interesting 
here  to  note  that  economists  are  now  foretelling  that  at  the  close 
of  the  present  European  War  the  American  markets  will  be 
glutted  with  foreign  goods,  unless  a  prohibitive  tariff  is  imposed. 
The  lessons  of  one  hundred  years  ago  should  be  of  some  service 
for  present  guidance. 

Governor  Plumer,  in  his  message,  called  attention  to  a 
growing  evil.  The  salary  of  the  governor  had  been  nearly 
doubled  and  that  of  the  justices  was  more  than  double  what  it 
had  formerly  been.  He  said,  "Whenever  the  salaries  in  a 
republic  are  raised  so  high  as  to  excite  a  spirit  of  avarice,  and 
induce  men  to  seek  office  from  sordid  motives,  it  has  a  direct 
tendency  to  extinguish  public  spirit,  and  to  destroy  the  laudable 
ambition  of  holding  office  for  the  noble  purpose  of  promoting 
the  public  good.  It  tends  to  multiply  the  number  of  office- 
seekers,  increase  intrigue  and  corruption,  produce  extravagance 
and  luxury  in  the  officers;  and  their  influence  insensibly  leads 
others  to  imitate  their  pernicious  example,  till  it  destroys  the 
simplicity  and  changes  the  manners  and  habits  of  the  people. 
This  is  an  evil  pregnant  with  danger  to  a  free  government.  It 
was  the  observation  of  a  man,  not  less  eminent  for  his  talents  as 
a  statesman  than  his  knowledge  as  a  historian,  That  high  salar- 
ies are  evidence  of  the  decline  of  republicanism-  in  a  state. 
Indeed,  no  government  can  long  subsist  but  upon  its  original 
foundation,  and  by  a  frequent  recurrence  to  the  principles  on 
which  it  was  first  instituted.  I  therefore  recommend  to  your 
consideration  the  propriety  of  reducing  the  salaries  of  the  gov- 
ernor, the  justices  of  the  supreme  court,  and  the  treasurer." 
Yet  the  salary  of  the  chief  justice  was  then  only  fifteen  hundred 


A   HISTORY  67 

dollars  per  annum,  and  that  of  the  associates  was  twelve  hun- 
dred. We  do  not  read  that  the  governor's  recommendation  was 
heeded  by  the  legislature.  Public  officials  have  been  known  to 
increase  their  own  salaries  and  even  draw  "back  pay,"  but  to 
cut  down  the  salaries  of  offices  that  some  legislators  hope  to  fill 
is  almost  an  unheard  of  thing.  The  multiplication  of  officials 
and  the  steady  increase  of  their  salaries  is  one  of  the  threatening 
evils  of  a  growing  State.  Formerly  men  of  education,  ability 
and  social  standing  did  the  duties  of  mayor,  alderman,  school 
committee  and  other  officials  gratuitously,  for  the  honor  of  the 
position  and  the  welfare  of  the  community,  and  good  governors 
and  plenty  of  them  could  be  found  for  three  hundred  dollars  per 
year.  Such  men  will  not  now  accept  office  at  enlarged  salaries. 
Why?  Because  Tom,  Dick  and  Harry  want  the  offices  at  sal- 
aries greater  than  they  could  get  in  any  other  employment, 
while  the  men  of  wealth  and  standing  and  brain-power  prefer 
to  quietly  devote  their  energies  to  more  lucrative  and  useful 
activities.  Hence  there  is  danger  thait  we  become  govrned  by  the  in- 
competent office-seeker  and  grafter,  by  those  who  like  to  be  "dressed 
in  a  little  brief  authority."  "We  must  pay  enough  to  get  the 
best  men,"  it  is  said.  No,  the  best  men  do  not  serve  for  money. 
Make  the  office  honorable,  and  men  will  honor  the  office. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  September,  1815,  occurred  a  remark- 
able tempest  of  wind  and  rain,  resembling  what  has  since  been 
known  in  the  west  as  cyclones  and  blizzards.  Trees  were 
uprooted  and  buildings  unroofed.  Orchards  were  ruined,  and 
many  cattle  were  killed  by  falling  trees.  The  tempest  raged 
continuously  for  two  hours.  Up  to  that  time  nothing  like  it 
had  been  known  in  New  Eengland. 

In  1817  Governor  Plumer  had  19,088  votes  and  Hon.  James 
Sheaf e  had  12,029,  while  Hon.  Jeremiah  Mason  had  3,607.  Laws 
were  recommended  for  the  relief  of  poor  debtors  and  for  avoid- 
ing litigation  as  much  as  possible.  A  map  of  the  State  had 
been  made,  at  considerable  expense,  by  Dr.  Philip  Carrigain  of 
Concord,  and  the  State  voted  large  sums  to  assist  in  this  work. 

The  building  of  the  State  House,  begun  in  1816,  has  already 
been  briefly  noticed.  The  lot  on  which  it  was  built  contained 
about  two  acres.  It  formerly  belonged  to  the  estate  of  Peter 
Green.  On  the  north-east  part  of  it  stood  the  house  of  Captain 
Peter  Robertson,  which  was  removed  to  Pleasant  street.  The 


68  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

lot  was  presented  to  the  State  by  citizens  of  Concord.  The 
chief  architect  of  the  State  House  was  Stuart  J.  Park,  overseer 
in  the  erection  of  many  public  buildings  and  also  of  the  Lowell 
railroad.  He  was  assisted  by  Levi  Brigham.  Convicts  in  the 
State  prison  were  employed  in  hammering  the  stone,  yet  the 
governor  in  one  message  declares  that  the  prison  was  not  paying 
its  way,  and  that  the  prisoners  were  too  well  fed  and  clothed. 
The  expense  of  building  the  State  House,  including  the  fences 
and  furniture,  was  nearly  eighty-two  thousand  dollars  of  which 
sum  the  people  of  Concord  contributed  material  worth  four 
thousand  dollars.  It  was  considered  the  handsomest  building 
in  the  State  and  was  visited  by  thousands  of  people.  A  child's 
book  of  that  time  contained  the  following  description:  "The 
State  House  is  the  grandest  building  in  New  Hampshire.  It  is 
built  of  hewn  stone,  almost  as  beautiful  as  white  marble.  The 
body  of  the  house  is  much  higher  and  longer  than  any  meeting- 
house you  ever  saw.  The  windows  are  of  the  largest  glass, 
with  mahogany  sashes.  The  front  of  the  building  has  a  noble 
projection  and  pediment  with  a  large  elegant  door;  and  the 
whole  is  set  off  with  a  most  beautiful  cupola,  with  a  great  gold 
eagle  on  the  top  of  it.  There  is  a  very  large  and  beautiful  yard 
in  front  of  the  State  House,  with  a  wide  and  smooth  gravel 
walk  up  to  it.  I  have  seen  many  elegant  buildings  in  the  course 
of  my  life ;  but  I  never  saw  one  so  elegant  as  the  State  House."1 
Yet  that  building  was  but  two  stories  high,  had  no  pillars  in 
front,  was  about  one-third  the  size  of  the  present  State  house, 
and  its  picture  looks  about  as  attractive  as  a  well  built  Grammar 
School  of  the  present  time.  It  has  been  remodelled  twice  since 
1819.  In  1820  four  stoves  were  ordered  for  it  to  supplement  the 
fireplaces. 

In  1817  New  Hampshire  was  honored,  as  were  other  States, 
by  a  visit  of  President  James  Monroe.  From  Portsmouth  a 
company  of  cavalry  went  out  to  meet  him  and  on  the  Plains  he 
reviewed  a  regiment  of  infantry.  National  salutes  were  fired. 
A  thousand  school  children  ushered  him  into  town.  He  passed 
under  an  arch  of  evergreen,  while  the  band  awoke  the  echoes. 
Frost's  hotel  entertained  him  and  the  Hon.  Jeremiah  Mason 
made  an  address  of  welcome,  to  which  a  reply  was  made  by  the 

1Hist.  of  Concord,  edited  by  James  O.  Lyford,  p.  351. 


A   HISTORY  69 

president  in  fitting  words.  Ila  lodged  with  Mr.  Wentworth. 
On  the  next  day,  Sunday,  he  went  to  St.  John's  church  in  the 
forenoon  and  sat  in  the  pew  where  George  Washington  sat, 
when  he  visited  Portsmouth.  In  the  afternoon  he  listened  to 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Putnam  and  called  on  Ex-Gov.  John  Langdon. 
The  President  visited  the  navy  yard  and  the  forts  in  the  harbor 
and  Monday  evening  attended  a  concert  given  by  a  local  musi- 
cal society,  at  Jefferson  Hall. 

After  going  as  far  east  in  Maine  as  Bath,  the  President  re- 
entered  New  Hampshire  and  was  met  at  the  State  line,  probably 
at  South  Berwick,  by  an  escort  and  a  committee  from  Dover, 
and  the  Hon.  Daniel  M.  Durell.  His  escort  was  troops  from 
Rochester  and  Milton,  under  command  of  Col.  Edward  Sise. 
After  a  short  stop  at  Wyatt's  Hotel  he  went  to  a  prepared  plat- 
form, where  an  address  of  welcome  was  made  by  the  Hon. 
William  King  Atkinson.  The  evening  and  night  were  passed 
with  the  Hon.  Willam  Hale,  where  many  ladies  and  gentlemen 
were  introduced  to  the  President.  On  the  eighteenth  of  July 
he  proceeded  to  Concord.  Governor  Plumer  was  sick  with  a 
fever  and  wrote  him  a  letter  of  regret  and  welcome. 

He  was  greeted  at  Concord,  then  a  town  of  two  thousand 
four  hundred  inhabitants,  by  an  artillery  salute  and  companies 
of  the  militia  as  escort.  A  committee  of  the  citizens  met  him  on 
the  border  of  the  town.  The  Hon.  Thomas  W.  Thompson  made 
the  address  of  welcome,  to  which  the  President  responded.  At 
the  dinner  he  gave  as  a  toast,  "The  town  of  Concord,  may  its 
inhabitants  continue  to  flourish  and  prosper,"  a  safe  and  decor- 
ous toast  for  any  town.  In  the  evening  he  attended  a  concert 
in  the  old  North  Church,  decorated  especially  for  the  occasion, 
where  also  he  worshiped  on  the  following  Sunday.  His  stay 
included  a  trip  on  a  pleasure  boat  to  Garvin's  Falls  and  return 
by  carriage. 

President  Monroe  traveled  by  chaise  and  made  the  trip 
from  Concord  to  Hanover  in  a  day,  arriving  there  at  4  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon,  although  he  paused  at  Enfield  to  salute  the 
Shaker  settlement.  Military  officers,  troops  and  citizens  in 
great  number  had  assembled  to  meet  him.  He  left  his  chaise  and 
rode  on  horseback  into  the  town.  Near  the  meeting  house  he 
dismounted  and  passed  between  lines  extending  quite  across  the 


70  NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

College  Campus.  There  were  the  usual  addresses,  and  festivi- 
ties and  applause.  From  this  point  the  President  passed  over 
into  Vermont.2 

Such  tours  by  the  early  Presidents,  before  the  days  of  rail- 
roads, were  events  even  greater  than  to-day.  They  represented 
much  hardship  of  travel  and  a  desire  to  learn  the  condition  of 
the  people  and  their  needs.  The  presidential  visit  was  not 
mainly  a  political  advertisement.  Citizens  of  all  shades  of  opin- 
ion united  in  doing  honor  to  the  nation's  Chief. 

At  the  State  election  of  1819  the  Hon.  Samuel  Bell  re- 
ceived 13,761  votes  and  the  Hon.  William  Hale  had  8,660,  with 
over  one  thousand  scattering.  Samuel  Bell,  born  in  London- 
derry February  9,  1770,  was  grandson  of  John  Bell,  who  was 
one  of  the  Scotch-Irish  that  settled  that  town.  He  graduated 
at  Dartmouth  College  in  1793  and  after  studying  law  with  Sam- 
uel Dana  at  Amherst  he  began  to  practise  at  Francestown, 
whence  he  removed  to  Chester.  He  was  speaker  of  the  house  of 
representatives  in  1808  and  was  made  a  judge  of  the  State  su- 
preme court  in  1816,  holding  that  office  for  three  years.  He  waa 
governor  of  the  State  from  1819  to  1823.  At  the  end  of  that 
period  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  senate,  where  he 
remained  till  1835.  In  January,  1833,  both  house  and  senate  of 
New  Hampshire,  by  a  large  majority,  voted  to  request  him  to 
resign  his  office  as  senator,  since  he  no  longer  represented  the 
views  and  wishes  of  those  who  elected  him.  He  died  in  Chester 
December  23,  1850.  He  served  as  trustee  of  Dartmouth  Col- 
lege, and  Bowdoin  College  gave  him  the  honorary  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws.  Five  sons  of  his  attained  some  degree  of  emi- 
nence, and  the  Bell  family  ranks  with  the  old  Wentworth  family 
in  political  and  social  leadership. 

A  report  made  to  the  legislature  in  1819  shows  briefly  the 
progress  made  in  the  State,  as  indicated  by  the  corporations 
created  since  the  year  1776.  These  were  twenty-two  academies, 
five  agricultural  societies,  ten  banking  companies,  fifty-three 
bridge  societies,  eighteen  canal  companies,  eight  engine  com- 
panies, four  insurance  companies,  one  hundred  and  sixty-one 
libraries,  five  masonic  lodges,  twenty-eight  manufactories  of 

2  Condensed  from  "The  Tour  of  James  Monroe,"  by  S.  Putnam  Waldo. 
Hartford,  1818. 


A   HISTORY  71 

cotton  and  woolen  goods,  ten  manufactories  of  other  articles, 
twenty-seven  musical  societies,  ninety-five  societies  of  a  relig- 
ious nature,  fifty-two  turnpike  road  societies,  and  thirty-nine 
societies  of  various  kinds,  not  classed,  making  a  total  of  five 
hundred  and  forty-seven  corporations.  These  indicate  much 
activity,  religious,  educational,  social  and  industrious.  The 
amount  of  untaxed  property  represented  by  these  corporations, 
chiefly  educational  institutions  and  manufactories,  was  $1,112,- 
333,  and  much  more  had  been  exempted  from  taxation  for  a 
term  of  years.3 

During  this  year  was  completed  what  has  been  called  the 
Toleration  Act.  From  the  beginning  of  colonial  existence 
towns  had  been  taxed  for  building  meeting  houses  and  support- 
ing ministers  of  the  Congregational  denomination,  and  every- 
body was  required  by  law  to  go  to  meeting  on  Sunday.  Some 
exceptions  were  allowed,  in  the  case  of  Quakers  and  later  of 
Baptists.  Now  many  were  getting  tired  of  paying  taxes  for 
what  they  did  not  want,  and  there  was  a  demand  for  religious 
corporations  known  as  poll  parishes.  The  Reverend  Dan 
Young  of  Lisbon,  Methodist  local  preacher  and  member  of  the 
senate  for  five  years,  persistently  labored  for  religious  freedom 
and  proposed  bills  repealing  the  old  laws  and  allowing  volun- 
tary associations  to  build  meeting  houses  and  settle  ministers  of 
their  own  choice.  His  proposals  were  defeated  for  the  first 
three  years,  but  gained  gradually  in  supporters,  till,  in  1819,  a 
bill  presented  by  Dr.  Thomas  Whipple  of  Wentworth,  passed 
into  a  legisaltive  act,  in  the  first  session  held  in  the  new  State 
House.  Henceforth  religion  was  free  and  the  conscience  of  the 
individual,  that  is,  his  enlightened  or  unenlightened  reason,  de- 
termined what  kind  he  would  have  and  how  much  he  should  pay 
for  it.  Ever  since  many  have  wanted  little  and  have  paid  noth- 
ing, but  the  genuinely  religious  have  paid  so  much  more  than 
they  ever  paid  before,  that  the  various  denominations  have  built 
too  many  meeting  houses  and  too  poorly  supported  their  min- 
isters in  many  cases,  though  the  ministerial  salaries  on  the 
whole  have  been  better  since  the  Toleration  Act  than  they  were 
before.  All  kinds  of  voluntary  religion  are  better  than  one 
State-regulated  kind;  indeed,  unless  religion  is  the  voluntary 

8  House  Journal  for  1819,  pp.  79-81. 


72  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

choice  of  the  individual,  it  is  a  misnomer.  Still  some  of  the  na- 
tions of  Europe  are  struggling  with  the  problem  of  State- 
religion,  loth  to  learn  from  the  successful  experiments  of 
American  States. 

In  the  election  of  1820  Governor  Bell  had  scarcely  any  op- 
position, receiving  22,212  votes  out  of  the  24,771  cast.  David 
L.  Morrill  and  William  Hale  had  each  nearly  six  hundred  votes. 
In  his  message  to  the  House  Governor  Bell  called  attention  to 
the  evils  of  intemperance  and  urged  that  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors  be  checked,  the  first  time  anything  of  this  sort  had  been 
given  such  prominence. 

The  condition  of  the  banks  incorporated  in  the  State  was 
reported  to  the  legislature.  They  were  the  Cheshire  Bank,  at 
Keene,  two  banks  at  Concord,  the  Coos  Bank  at  Haverhill,  the 
Exeter  Bank,  the  New  Hampshire  Bank  at  Portsmouth,  the 
New  Hampshire  Union  Bank  of  the  same  place,  the  Ports- 
mouth Bank,  the  Rockingham  Bank  at  Portsmouth,  the  New 
Hampshire  at  Portsmouth  and  the  Strafford  Bank  at  Dover.  All 
were  found  to  be  solvent,  except  the  New  Hampshire  Bank  at  Ports- 
mouth. The  amount  of  the  capital  stock  of  the  ten  banks  was  $939,- 
936.  At  this  time  an  effort  was  being  made  to  restrict  United  States 
Banks  to  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania was  sending  a  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution  to 
the  several  States  for  their  endorsement,  favoring  such  restric- 
tion. The  New  Hampshire  legislature  voted  against  the 
proposal.4 

The  legislature  of  1820  received  a  long  communication  from 
the  Virginia  Assembly,  arguing  for  the  admission  of  Missouri 
as  a  slave-holding  State,  basing  their  argument  on  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  Purchase  of  Louisiana.  The  reply  of  New  Hamp- 
shire shows  that  then  the  opposition  to  slavery  was  growing 
intense.  Both  arguments  are  subtle  and  ably  stated.  That  of 
New  Hampshire,  written  by  Hon.  Jeremiah  Mason,  says  that 
"slavery  is  prohibited  by  the  immutable  law  of  nature,  which  is 
obligatory  as  well  on  States  as  individuals.  The  establishing 
or  permitting  slavery  by  a  State  being  thus  morally  wrong,  the 
right  to  do  it,  instead  of  being  essential  to  its  sovereignty,  can- 
not exist;  except  only  in  cases  where  slavery  having  been 

*  House  Journal  for  1820,  pp.  107,  172,  323. 


A    HISTORY  73 

already  introduced  cannot  be  suddenly  abolished  without  great 
danger  to  the  community.  Under  such  circumstances  it  must 
of  necessity  be  tolerated  for  a  time  as  the  sole  means  of  self- 
preservation.  This  painful  necessity  may  justify  the  temporary 
continuance  of  slavery  in  certain  States  of  the  Union,  where  it 
now  exists.  But  in  the  opinion  of  the  Committee  nothing  can 
justify  the  unnecessary  extension  of  this  great  evil  to  newly 
formed  States.  .  .  .  The  toleration  of  slavery  in  a  portion 
of  our  common  country  has  long  furnished  matter  of  reproach 
on  our  national  character.  Strong  hopes  were  entertained,  that 
instead  of  the  zeal  now  shown  for  enlarging  the  sphere  of  its 
baneful  operation,  suitable  measures  would  have  been  adopted 
for  its  gradual  abolition.  Congress,  having  the  power,  is  bound 
by  considerations  of  justice  and  humanity  and  by  regard  to  the 
general  welfare  of  the  nation,  to  prevent  the  further  extension 
of  the  evil."  Therefore  the  Senate  and  House  resolved  "that 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  by  the  Constitution  the 
right,  in  admitting  new  States  into  the  Union,  to  prescribe  the 
prohibition  of  slavery,  as  one  of  the  conditions,  on  which  such 
State  shall  be  admitted,  .  .  .  and  that  in  the  opinion  of  this 
Legislature  the  existence  of  slavery  within  the  United  States 
is  a  great  moral  as  well  as  political  evil,  the  toleration  of  which 
can  be  justified  by  necessity  alone,  and  that  the  further  exten- 
sion of  it  ought  to  be  prevented  by  the  due  exercise  of  the  power 
vested  in  the  General  Government."5 

A  committee  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  number  and  cir- 
cumstances of  the  deaf  and  dumb  in  the  State  reported  that 
forty-seven  had  been  found,  and  that  the  asylum  for  such  per- 
sons at  Hartford,  Connecticut,  would  receive  inmates  at  an 
expense  of  two  hundred  dollars  each  year.  Later  the  legislature 
voted  an  appropriation  of  one  thousand  dollars,  to  be  used  at 
the  discretion  of  the  governor,  in  paying  expenses  of  selected 
persons  at  the  aforesaid  institution.  Nine  young  persons  were 
selected  by  the  governor,  and  a  like  amount  was  appropriated 
the  following  year.  This  policy  continued  for  many  years,  the 
appropriation  and  number  of  students  increasing. 

There  was  scarcely  any  opposition  to  the  re-election  of 
Governor  Bell  in  1821.  He  had  22,582  votes  and  there  were 

8  Journal  of  the  House  for  1820,  pp.  41-71,  153-169. 


74  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

1,866  scattering.  His  messages  are  fine  illustrations  of  "glitter- 
ing generalities"  but  contain  little  that  can  be  woven  into  his- 
tory. During  the  year  there  was  a  notable  report,  written 
probably  by  Levi  Woodbury,  on  the  Pauper  Laws  of  the  State, 
in  which  the  system  employed  in  treatment  of  paupers  by  other 
States  and  in  England  is  discussed.  The  expense  for  the  sup- 
port of  paupers  in  New  Hampshire  in  1800  was  about  seventeen 
thousand  dollars,  and  there  was  one  pauper  to  three  hundred 
and  thirty  inhabitants.  This  sum  does  not  include  incidental 
and  legal  cost.  In  the  year  1820  the  expense  had  increased  to 
eighty  thousand  dollars,  and  there  was  one  pauper  to  one  hun- 
dred inhabitants.  Massachusetts  then  had  a  pauper  to  sixty-six 
inhabitants  and  in  England  one  inhabitant  in  every  five  was  a 
pauper.  Increase  in  poverty  far  outstripped  increase  in  popula- 
tion, and  when  once  a  State  or  nation  assumes  the  responsibility 
of  clothing  and  feeding  and  sheltering  all  its  inhabitants,  an  ever 
increasing  multitude  claims  such  support.  England  had  "three 
millions  of  famished  beggars,  fed  from  the  hand  of  public 
charity/'  and  their  annual  expense  was  $44,000,000.  The  com- 
mittee suggested  some  relief  to  the  State  by  excluding  from  the 
beneficiaries  those  reduced  to  poverty  by  indolence,  extrava- 
gance and  crime,  whose  ranks  are  filled  from  the  haunts  of  in- 
temperance, but  the  committee  does  not  tell  what  should  be 
done  with  such  paupers.  Must  they  be  left  to  steal  or  starve? 
The  problem  has  not  yet  been  fully  solved.  The  poor  we  have 
always  with  us,  and  the  strong  must  bear  the  infirmities  of  the 
weak,  but  it  is  a  great  moral  injury  to  help  even  weak  people 
too  much.  It  destroys  self-reliance  and  self-respect. 

Another  report  shows  the  extent  of  manufactures  and  that 
twelve  manufacturing  companies  were  exempted  from  taxation, 
some  for  five  years  and  some  for  ten.  They  were  authorized  to- 
gether to  hold  property  to  the  value  of  $678,000.  Of  this  amount 
$533»ooo  were  invested  in  Nail  and  Iron  Factories,  $25,000  in 
Glass,  and  $120,000  principally  in  Cotton.  The  largest  corpora- 
tion was  the  New  Hampshire  Iron  Factory  Company  with  a 
valuation  of  $263,000.  Next  came  the  Haverhill  and  Franconia 
Iron  Factory  with  a  capital  stock  of  $250,000. 

New  Hampshire  had  its  cyclone  on  the  ninth  of  September, 
1821,  the  like  of  which  has  not  been  seen  since,  except  in  the 


A   HISTORY  75 

western  States.  It  is  said  to  have  been  felt  near  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  but  had  little  destructive  force  till  it  reached  Cornish  and 
Croydon.  It  passed  over  the  towns  of  Sunapee,  New  London, 
Sutton  and  Warner  to  the  edge  of  Boscawen, — a  huge,  whirling, 
inverted  cone,  dark,  filled  with  debris  and  emitting  flashes  of 
lightning.  It  swept  away  buildings,  forests  and  huge  rocks, 
destroying  much  property  and  several  lives.  Some  objects  were 
carried  thirty  miles.  Lake  Sunapee  was  lowered  three  feet,  its 
waters  being  drawn  up  into  the  whirling  mass,  while  boards, 
timbers  and  debris  were  hurled  into  the  lake.  Such  phenomena 
have  gone  west.  New  Hampshire  can  spare  them  better  than 
she  can  her  many  sons  who  have  gone  there.6 

The  re-election  of  Governor  Bell  in  1823  was  without  any 
appreciable  opposition,  since  he  received  22,934  votes  out  of  a 
total  of  23,980.  Indeed,  there  were  no  political  parties  at  this 
time  and  it  has  been  called  "the  Era  of  Good  Feeling."  The 
Federalists  had  ceased  to  exist  and  no  party  had  arisen  to  take 
its  place.  During  this  year  there  was  a  legislative  act  to  estab- 
lish a  literary  fund,  to  be  collected  by  taxing  the  banks,  and  the 
fund  so  gathered  was  $4,770.37.  The  aim  was  to  gradually  se- 
cure funds  sufficient  to  establish  a  State  University,  but  in  1828 
it  was  voted  to  distribute  the  fund  then  accrued  among  the  com- 
mon schools  of  the  state,  and  thereafter  the  literary  fund  was 
annually  distributed. 

There  was  a  notable  report,  signed  by  Eastwick  Evans  as 
chairman  of  a  committee  on  the  cause  and  prevention  of  crime. 
Most  of  it  was  traced  to  ignorance,  idleness,  intemperance  and 
extravagance  in  living.  It  was  argued  that  private  flogging  in 
the  State  prison  would  be  one  of  the  best  deterrents  of  crime, 
establishing  a  dreaded  punishment  in  the  minds  of  the  tempted. 
The  wisdom  of  this  recommendation  has  been  questioned.  Cer- 
tainty of  detection  was  also  urged  and  the  punishment  of  minor 
offenses,  so  that  violation  of  law  might  be  nipped  in  the  bud. 

The  legislature  also  voted,  that  "the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  has  not  vested  in  Congress  the  right  to  adopt  and 
execute,  at  the  national  expense,  a  system  of  internal  improve- 
ments," and  that  "it  is  not  expedient  so  to  amend  the  Constitu- 

6  For  full  and  minute  description  of  this  tornado  see  The  Great  Tornado 
of  1821  in  New  Hampshire,  by  Fred  W.  Lamb. 


76  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

tion  of  the  United  States  as  to  give  the  power  to  Congress  to 
make  roads,  bridges  and  canals."  Such  improvements,  it  was 
thought,  should  be  made  by  the  States,  separately,  or  by  cor- 
porations created  by  State  authority. 

In  consequence  of  the  election  of  Governor  Bell  to  the 
United  States  senate  a  new  candidate  for  governor  was  sought 
in  1823.  The  choice  fell  on  Levi  Woodbury  and  he  was  elected 
by  a  vote  of  16,985.  He  was  the  son  of  Peter  Woodbury  of 
Francestown,  where  he  was  born  December  22,  1789.  He  was 
educated  at  Atkinson  Academy  and  Dartmouth  College,  where 
he  graduated  in  1809.  He  studied  law  with  Judge  Jeremiah 
Smith  and  in  the  Litchfield  Law  School,  Connecticut.  In  1816 
he  was  clerk  of  the  New  Hampshire  senate.  He  was  appointed 
associate  judge  of  the  Superior  Court  by  Governor  Plumer,  in 
spite  of  his  youth,  since  that  astute  person  could  tell  a  diamond 
before  it  was  fully  polished.  It  is  said  that  Mr.  Woodbury  long 
retained  the  power  to  work  sixteen  hours  a  day.  He  served  as 
judge  six  years  before  his  election  as  governor.  He  was  speaker 
of  the  House  in  his  native  State  in  1825  and  was  chosen  United 
States  senator  the  same  year.  In  1831  he  became  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  for  three  years  and  then  was  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  for  seven  years.  In  1841  he  was  again  elected  to  the 
senate  where  he  remained  four  years.  He  declined  to  be  ambassa- 
dor to  the  court  of  St.  James.  He  was  associate  judge  of  the  su- 
preme court  of  the  United  States  from  1845  till  the  time  of  his 
death,  in  1851,  at  the  age  of  sixty-one  years.  He  was  a  diligent 
student  rather  than  a  brilliant  orator.  He  won  his  way  to  promi- 
nence by  hard  work  and  sound  common  sense.  Dartmouth  col- 
lege and  Wesleyan  University  gave  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Laws.  He  was  talked  of  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  of 
the  United  States,  and  but  for  unexpected  death  might  have  at- 
tained that  high  position.  He  had  the  judicial  mind  and  tem- 
perament and  was  of  unblemished  character,  an  ornament  to  the 
history  of  his  State.7 

His  message  to  the  legislature  states  that  the  annual  sur- 
plus produce  of  agriculture  in  the  State  amounted  to  nearly  a 
million  dollars  and  he  urges  that  the  State  ought  to  raise  all  its 
food  and  the  necessaries  of  life.  He  recommends  an  agricultural 

7  Bench  and  Bar,  by  Charles  H.  Bell. 


S   (*tt-tl     ' 


A    HISTORY  77 

survey  of  the  State,  that  the  chemical  composition  of  its  soils 
might  be  learned  and  the  fitness  of  certain  localities  for  differ- 
ent crops.  The  State  ought  to  grow  more  wool.  He  recom- 
mends an  exhibit  in  Concord  of  the  State's  productions  and  an 
increase  of  the  State  Library. 

Merrimack  county  was  formed  this  year  from  parts  of 
Rockingham  and  Hillsborough  counties,  and  the  New  Hamp- 
shire Historical  Society  was  incorporated,  an  institution  that 
has  steadily  grown  in  usefulness.  Its  Constitution  declares  that 
"the  objects  of  the  Society  shall  be  to  discover,  procure  and  pre- 
serve whatever  may  relate  to  the  natural,  civil,  ecclesiastical  and 
literary  history  of  the  United  States  in  general,  and  of  this 
State  in  particular."  Its  first  president  was  William  Plumer, 
and  among  early  members  were  numbered  such  men  as  Jere- 
miah Mason,  Levi  Woodbury,  Ichabod  Bartlett,  John  Farmer 
and  Jacob  B.  Moore. 

Levi  Woodbury  had  been  elected  governor  by  a  revolt 
within  the  Republican  party.  The  political  machine  got  out  of 
gear.  The  Republican  members  of  the  legislature  had  nomi- 
nated in  June,  1822,  the  Hon.  Samuel  Dinsmoor  of  Keene,  for 
the  next  governor.  The  slate  had  been  made  up  by  self-consti- 
tuted managers  of  the  party,  and  of  course  the  dear  people  were 
expected  to  vote  accordingly,  but  there  were  then,  as  now,  some 
independent  voters  and  some  other  would-be  leaders  in  the 
vicinity  of  Portsmouth.  "An  irregularly  constituted  assemblage 
of  people,"  during  a  term  of  court  in  Portsmouth,  nominated 
Judge  Woodbury  for  governor,  and  he  received  the  support  of 
William  Plumer  of  Epping  and  other  prominent  men  of  the 
party.  The  disbanded  Federalists  flocked  to  the  standard  of  the 
revolters,  glad  to  do  almost  anything  that  would  beat  the  "reg- 
ular" candidate,  supported  as  he  was  by  the  newspaper  they 
disliked  so  heartily,  the  New  Hampshire  Patriot,  bristling  with 
the  pungent  ideas  of  Isaac  Hill.  But  it  takes  diamond  to  cut 
diamond,  and  it  takes  one  political  machine  to  defeat  another 
for  any  considerable  time.  An  unorganized  revolt  of  one  year, 
led  by  a  favorite  candidate,  is  sure  to  subside,  and  the  old  party 
that  holds  together  returns  to  power  soon.  The  managers  have 
always  seen  this,  and  so  they  keep  right  on  in  the  old  ruts,  modi- 
fying their  platform  in  words,  but  retaining  the  same  spirit  and 


78  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

policy.  The  leopard  does  not  change  its  spots  easily.  In  1824 
Levi  Woodbury  was  again  the  candidate  of  the  come-outers, 
and  he  was  supported  by  a  newspaper  then  established  at  Con- 
cord, The  New  Hampshire  Statesman,  the  outgrowth  of  a  feud 
among  local  politicians,  for  the  Northenders  and  the  South- 
enders,  or  "Parliament  Corner"  politicians,  were  at  loggerheads 
in  Concord.  David  L.  Morril  became  the  nominee  of  the  old 
Republican  guard,  and  the  election  contest  was  a  spirited  one, 
to  see  which  faction  of  the  sole  political  party  should  win  out. 
There  was  no  principle  at  stake;  it  was  a  contest  between  men 
who  held  similar  political  views,  to  determine  who  should  rule, 
fiot  what  should  rule.  David  L.  Morril  had  14,899  votes,  Levi 
Woodbury  had  11,741,  and  there  were  3,798  scattering.  Hence 
no  election.  The  legislature  had  to  decide,  and  David  L.  Morril 
was  elected  governor.  He  proved  to  be  so  acceptable  that  the 
following  year  out  of  30,770  votes  for  governor  he  had  30,167. 

David  Lawrence  Morril  was  governor  for  three  years.  He 
was  born  at  Epping  June  10,  1772,  son  and  grandson  of  Congre- 
gationalist  ministers.  He  was  educated  at  Phillips  Exeter 
Academy  and  began  the  practice  of  medicine  in  Epsom  in  1793. 
In  the  year  1800  he  turned  to  theology  and  was  pastor  of  a  Pres- 
byterian and  Congregational  church  in  Goffstown  from  1802  to 
1811,  when  he  was  dismissed  on  account  of  ill  health.  Mean- 
while he  represented  Goffstown  in  the  legislature  and  continued 
to  do  so  till  1817,  practising  medicine  to  some  extent  even  so 
late  as  1830.  He  was  Speaker  of  the  House  in  1816,  and  the 
same  year  was  elected  United  States  Senator,  as  an  Adams 
Democrat,  a  new  name  appearing  in  politics.  He  served  till 
1823,  and  in  that  year  he  appears  as  president  of  the  State  sen- 
ate. In  1831  he  removed  to  Concord  and  was  connected  with  a 
company  that  published  the  Scriptures  and  was  editor  of  a  re- 
ligious journal,  called  the  New  Hampshire  Observer.  He  was 
vice  president  of  the  American  Bible  Society,  of  the  American 
Sunday  School  Union,  and  of  the  American  Home  Missionary 
Society.  The  University  of  Vermont  gave  him  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws.  He  died  in  Concord  January  28,  1848,  highly 
respected  for  his  character  and  abilities. 

In  1825  the  State  was  honored  with  a  visit  of  General 
Lafayette.  He  made  a  flying  trip  to  Portsmouth  first,  from  Bos- 


A   HISTORY  79 

ton,  and  was  received  by  the  civil  and  military  officers,  com- 
panies of  troops,  groups  of  school  children  and  some  old  ac- 
quaintances. There  was  music  and  artillery  salutes,  banquets- 
and  festivals.  A  second  visit  he  made  a  little  later,  entering  the 
State  at  Methuen,  visiting  a  ladies'  school  at  Derry,  stopping  a 
night  at  Pembroke,  calling  on  Major  Caleb  Stark,  son  of  the 
revolutionary  general,  John  Stark,  who  had  been  companion  in 
arms  with  the  Marquis,  and  arriving  in  Concord  June  22nd. 
The  legislature  sent  a  coach  and  six  to  bring  him  into  town. 
Twenty  military  companies  escorted  him  from  the  town  line. 
After  parading  the  main  streets  the  formal  reception  by  officials 
was  in  the  hall  of  the  representatives,  in  the  State  House.  Two 
hundred  and  ten  old  revolutionary  soldiers,  headed  by  General 
Benjamin  Pierce,  were  assembled  to  see  and  hear  the  friend  of 
American  liberty.  He  was  introduced  to  each  one  of  them,  and 
then  he  addressed  to  them  a  few  words  which  drew  tears  from 
all  eyes.  He  was  entertained  by  Colonel  William  A.  Kent.  A 
public  dinner  was  spread  in  the  State  House  yard,  principally 
for  the  benefit  of  the  revolutionary  soldiers,  after  which  there 
were  toasts  and  speeches.  The  bell  of  North  church  rang,  and 
cannons  peeled,  and  everybody  shouted  and  sang.  There  was  an 
illumination  in  the  evening  and  grand  levee  in  the  State  House 
yard. 

From  Concord  Lafayette  went  to  Dover,  by  way  of  North- 
wood  and  Durham,  along  the  first  turnpike  road.  Tradition  is, 
that  he  stopped  at  the  McCleary  mansion  in  Epsom.  At  Dover 
he  was  entertained  by  the  Hon.  William  Hale,  and  like  festivi- 
ties occurred.  Indeed,  all  along  his  route  young  and  old  flocked 
to  see  the  man  for  whose  sympathy  and  aid  this  country  has 
always  felt  grateful.  It  is  needless  to  relate  particulars.  The  re- 
ception in  every  town  where  he  lodged  was  the  best  and  most 
elaborate  that  could  be  offered.  From  Dover  he  made  a  trip 
into  Maine,  and  then  returned  to  Concord  over  the  same  road 
he  had  traveled  in  leaving  that  place,  stopping  one  night  in 
Northwood.  On  the  27th  of  June  a  coach  and  six  horses  took 
him  out  of  Concord,  through  Hopkinton,  Warner  and  Clare- 
mont,  to  Vermont.  No  president,  no  foreign  visitor,  has  ever 
been  so  cordially  and  enthusiastically  received  in  the  Granite 
State.  Gratitude,  thrilling  memories  and  patriotism  united  to- 


So  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

do  him  honor.  The  legislature  authorized  the  governor  to  ex- 
pend any  sum  not  exceeding  three  thousand  dollars  in  the  enter- 
tainment and  honor  of  the  State's  distinguished  guest. 

In  the  address  by  the  governor  to  General  Lafayette,  made 
in  the  Representatives'  Hall,  allusion  was  made  to  Generals 
Washington,  Sullivan  and  Stark,  to  which  Lafayette  replied  in 
words  that  deserve  to  be  remembered: — 

One  of  my  earliest  enjoyments,  on  this  happy  return  to  the  American 
shore,  has  been  to  meet  the  welcome  of  the  people  of  New  Hampshire,  in 
the  Atlantic  town,  to  which  I  was  already  bound  by  very  ancient  and  grati- 
fying connexions.  I  have  since  visited  an  extensive  part  of  the  vast  repub- 
lican confederacy,  which  are  held,  to  the  admiration  and  may  it  be  to  the 
speedy  imitation  of  the  world,  a  practical  demonstration,  and  the  wonderful 
result  of  national  independence,  popular  institutions,  and  self-government. 
But  as  soon  as  under  the  impression  of  those  lately  witnessed  wonders  and 
blessings,  I  had  performed  on  the  great  Bunker  Hill  celebration  a  sacred  and 
delightful  duty,  I  have  hastened  to  this  seat  of  government,  where  I  now 
enjoy  the  honor  to  be  admitted  to  present  both  branches  of  the  Legislature, 
the  judiciary  and  executive  authorities  of  the  State,  and  you,  Sir,  their 
honored  Chief  Magistrate,  with  a  tribute  of  my  lively  and  respectful  grati- 
tude. Here,  also,  I  am  to  delight  in  the  great  improvements  that  have  taken 
place  in  the  anticipation  of  those  which  are  zealously  contemplated.  Here 
I  have  been  greeted  by  multitudes  of  friends,  from  this  and  other  parts  of 
the  State;  among  whom  I  am  not  surprised  to  recognize  many  of  my  com- 
panions in  arms.  When  I  recollect  in  what  comparative  proportion  New 
Hampshire  has  personally  contributed  to  our  revolutionary  struggle ;  I 
thank  your  Excellency  for  your  flattering  and  kind  remembrance  of  past 
times.  None  of  them  is  more  gratifying  to  me  than  your  mention  of  names 
most  dear  to  my  heart. 

Permit  me  to  offer  to  you,  to  the  Representatives  and  officers  of  the 
State  in  every  branch,  and  to  the  people  of  New  Hampshire,  the  devoted 
tender  of  my  grateful,  affectionate,  and  profound  respect.8 

When,  in  1834,  news  was  received  of  the  death  of  General 
Lafayette,  resolutions  of  sympathy  with  his  family  were  unani- 
mously adopted  and  a  person  was  appointed  to  pronounce  a 
eulogy  at  the  next  session  of  the  legislature.  A  part  of  the  re- 
port of  the  committee  was  as  follows : — 

That  they  regard  with  profound  veneration  the  man  who  voluntarily 
relinquished  a  life  of  ease,  and  the  enjoyments  which  wealth  and  rank  could 
afford  him,  to  aid  the  cause  of  an  infant  people,  engaged  in  the  doubtful 
struggle  for  the  rights  of  man — Who  abandoned  the  refinements  of  an  Euro- 
pean court  and  the  comforts  of  a  tranquil  home,  to  encounter  the  rude  hard- 

8  House  Journal  for  1825,  p.  256. 


A   HISTORY  81 

ships,  dangers  and  privations  of  an  American  camp — Who  contributed  his 
blood  and  treasures  in  the  defense  of  a  people,  only  known  to  him  by  their 
prowess  in  the  war  which  wrested  from  France  her  possessions  in  America; 
and  when  the  object  of  that  contest  was  accomplished,  was  next  to  be  found 
assisting  in  the  mightier  struggle  of  his  own  country  and  with  the  same 
motives — Who,  when  those  convulsions  had  subsided  in  the  creation  of  a 
despotism  which  wielded  the  destinies  of  the  Globe  and  mocked  the  calcula- 
tions of  human  power  and  human  wisdom,  retired  before  the  torrent  he 
could  no  longer  withstand — Who,  when  that  splendid  but  terrific  prodigy 
had  fallen  under  the  gigantic  effort  of  its  own  ambition,  was  found  at  the 
head  of  his  country's  councils,  and  again  advocating  the  rights  of  Freemen. 
That  they  regard  such  a  man  as  worthy  of  being  associated  with  that  host 
of  heroes  who  fought  in  the  foremost  ranks  of  American  patriotism,  and 
whose  achievements  stand  alone  upon  the  page  of  History.9 

In  the  governor's  message,  at  the  June  session  of  the  Legis- 
lature, he  called  attention  to  a  remarkable  fact,  that  many  of  the 
voters  were  deprived  of  the  right  of  suffrage  through  the  ignor- 
ance and  neglect  of  officials;  that  in  the  returns  of  votes  at  the 
last  election  of  Representatives  to  Congress  "five  were  informal, 
seven  unconsitutional,  twenty-five  out  of  season,  sixty-two  il- 
legal, making  ninety-nine  inadmissible  returns,  besides  which 
twenty-three  towns  made  no  returns."  Thus  fully  half  the 
State  was  disfranchised.  The  letter  of  the  law  was  regarded 
rather  than  the  intention  of  the  voters,  and  slight  errors  of  offi- 
cials were  allowed  to  override  the  expressed  will  of  half  of  the 
State.  We  are  reminded  of  an  effort  once  made  by  a  minority  in  the 
State  of  Maine  to  count  out  the  majority,  by  a  skillful  manipula- 
tion of  defective  returns,  and  they  had  the  short  ballot  in  both 
these  cases.  Red  tape  should  give  way  to  the  will  of  the  peo- 
ple, even  if  the  latter  is  bunglingly  expressed,  and  more  breadth 
and  simplicity  in  laws  would  avoid  many  errors.  A  law  that 
can  not  be  easily  understood  and  applied  is  not  well  conceived 
and  written. 

Governor  Morril,  in  the  same  message,  well  set  forth  the 
aims  of  republican  government: — 

It  must  be  well  understood  that  my  political  creed  is  republican.  Of 
course  my  great  objects  will  be,  as  far  as  my  agency  and  influence  can  ex- 
tend, to  secure  the  freedom  of  elections,  the  liberty  of  speech,  of  the  press, 
and  of  religion,  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  citizens,  to  aid  the  progress  of 
internal  improvements,  to  provide  for  the  general  dissemination  of  knowl- 

9  Journal  of  the  House,  June  25,  1834. 


82  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

edge,  to  promote  by  all  proper  regulations  the  prosperity  of  agriculture, 
commerce  and  manufactures,  to  render  the  administration  of  justice  prompt 
and  equal,  to  establish  an  efficient  militia,  to  encourage  those  arts  and 
sciences  which  dignify  mankind  and  smooth  the  course  of  life,  to  maintain 
state  sovereign cy,  and  at  the  same  time  to  render  due  respect  and  fidelity  to 
the  federal  government,  and  cherish  that  morality  and  religion  which  are 
an  ornament  to  human  nature  and  the  only  immutable  basis  on  which  re- 
publics are  founded. 

These  words  are  worthy  of  the  study  of  all  governors  of 
States,  and  law-makers  should  bear  them  in  mind. 

In  reading  the  journals  of  the  House  and  Senate  of  this  period 
one  is  struck  by  the  number  of  incorporations  of  academies, 
social  libraries  and  musical  societies.  Almost  all  the  populous 
towns  had  these  educative  and  social  institutions,  and  they  aided 
greatly  in  the  intellectual  and  moral  development  of  the  entire 
people.  A  few  good  books  in  circulation  and  a  weekly  singing- 
school  have  elevated  many  a  country  community. 


Chapter  VI 

RECONSTRUCTION   OF   POLITICAL 
PARTIES 


Chapter  VI 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 

Strict  and  Liberal  Constructions  of  the  Constitution — Governor  Benjamin 
Pierce — Governor  Samuel  Bell — Benjamin  Pierce  again  Governor — He 
Lays  Stress  on  Farming  in  New  Hampshire — Granite  Sent  to  the  South 
— Governor  Matthew  Harvey — Imprisonment  for  Debt — The  State 
Prison  Overcrowded — Joseph  M.  Harper  Fills  out  the  Term  of  Gover- 
nor— Governor  Samuel  Dinsmoor — He  Calls  Attention  to  the  Condition 
of  the  Insane — Report  of  Committee  on  Insanity — Visit  of  President 
Andrew  Jackson — Decline  of  Interest  in  the  Militia — Governor  William 
Badger — The  Jacksonian  Democrats  Vote  to  Recall  Senator  Samuel 
Bell — Governor  Isaac  Hill — His  Long  and  Able  Messages — Criticism  of 
United  States  Senate — Government  Costs  too  Much — Principles  of 
Banking  ably  Set  Forth — Surplus  Revenue  Distributed — Can  a  Pension 
Agent  Be  also  the  Governor  of  a  State? 

THE  period  of  national  history  to  which  we  have  come 
might  be  called  that  of  reconstruction  of  political  parties. 
After  the  War  of  1812  there  was  no  great  issue  on  which  parties 
could  divide.  The  Federalists  disbanded.  The  original  Repub- 
lican party  began  to  stir  up  differences  of  opinion  among  them- 
selves, helped  by  discordant  Federalists  who  had  joined  their 
ranks.  Some  would  construe  the  national  Constitution  strictly 
and  lay  stress  on  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  States,  and  these 
gradually  received  the  name  Democrats;  others  favored  a  more 
liberal  interpretation  of  the  Constitution  and  larger  powers  for 
Congress,  and  these  were  known  as  the  National  Republicans 
and  later  Whigs.  The  brethren  no  longer  dwelt  together  in 
unity.  The  era  of  good  feeling  was  passing  away.  Elections 
grew  to  be  more  in  doubt.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  custom  ere 
this  to  give  each  governor  at  least  three  terms  of  office,  and 
elections  were  annual.  Now  we  come  to  the  time  when  a  gover- 
nor was  elected  one  year,  to  be  defeated  the  next  year  and  to 
be  again  elected  the  third  year. 

This  governor  was  Benjamin  Pierce,  elected  in  1827.  He 
was  born  at  Chelmsford,  Massachusetts,  December  25,  1757. 
He  was  ploughing  in  the  field  when  the  news  of  Lexington 

85 


86  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

reached  him,  then  eighteen  years  of  age.  He  hitched  his  oxen 
to  a  stump  and  started  with  his  uncle's  gun  for  Cambridge.  He 
was  present  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  and  continued  in  active 
service  throughout  the  war.  Thereafter  he  took  a  leading  part 
in  the  training  of  the  militia  of  New  Hampshhire  and  rose  to 
the  rank  of  brigadier-general.  At  the  close  of  the  revolutionary 
war  he  was  a  captain,  and  was  on  the  staff  of  General  Washing- 
ton. In  1786  he  settled  in  Hillsborough  and  cleared  a  farm.  In 
1798  he  refused  a  commission  as  colonel  in  the  regular  army.  He 
was  a  man  of  commanding  voice  and  presence,  an  excellent  drill 
officer  of  troops.  He  was  high  sheriff  of  his  county  from  1809 
to  1814,  and  again  from  1818  to  1823.  For  ten  years  he  was  one 
of  the  governor's  councilors.  While  sheriff  at  one  time  he  paid 
the  debts  of  three  poor  men  who  had  been  cast  into  prison,  one 
of  whom  had  been  a  revolutionary  soldier,  and  left  it  to  the 
generosity  of  the  people  to  reimburse  him.  This  was  the  only 
way  at  that  time  to  secure  the  release  from  jail  of  a  man  who 
was  unable  to  pay  his  debts.  Governor  Pierce  was  a  strong  ad- 
mirer of  President  Andrew  Jackson  and  became  the  head  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  New  Hampshire.  In  varied  capacity  he 
was  in  public  service  over  fifty  years  and  carried  on  farming  at 
the  same  time.  His  education  was  gained  by  reading  and  in 
the  great  school  of  life.  His  messages  are  brief  and  practical. 
He  died  at  his  home  in  Hillsborough  April  I,  1839.  At  that 
time  his  son,  afterward  President  Franklin  Pierce,  was  a  sena- 
tor at  Washington.  In  response  to  a  letter  asking  whether  he 
should  come  home  to  see  his  father  in  his  last  sickness  the  father 
advised  him  to  stay  at  the  post  of  duty,  saying  that  his  own 
death  was  only  a  circumstance  of  little  importance  compared 
with  the  management  of  national  affairs  in  congress.  Governor 
Pierce  is  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  popular  chief  magis- 
trates the  State  has  ever  had. 

In  the  election  of  1828  Benjamin  Pierce  had  18,672  votes 
and  John  Bell  had  21,149  an<^  was  elected.  He  was  a  brother  of 
a  previous  governor,  Samuel  Bell,  and  a  subsequent  governor, 
Charles  H.  Bell,  was  his  son.  He  was  born  at  Londonderry, 
July  20,  1765.  He  became  a  merchant  engaged  in  Canadian 
trade  and  amassed  considerable  wealth.  He  represented  Lon- 
donderry in  the  legislature  one  year  and  thereafter  removed  to 


A   HISTORY  87 

Chester,  where  he  continued  to  make  his  home  till  his  death, 
in  1836.  He  was  State  senator  one  term  and  served  five  years 
on  the  governor's  council.  He  was  sheriff  of  Rockingham 
county,  1823-6.  The  reason  of  a  split  in  the  one  party  of  New 
Hampshire  lay  in  the  preference  of  some  for  Andrew  Jackson 
and  of  others  for  John  Quincy  Adams  for  President  of  the 
United  States.  The  oppositions  centered  about  men  rather  than 
principles.  Governor  Pierce  was  a  Jackson  Democrat  and  Gov- 
ernor Bell  was  an  Adams  Democrat,  and  the  strife  between  their 
followers  was  all  the  more  bitter  because  neither  faction  had 
anything  worth  quarreling  about.  Governor  Bell  held  office 
one  year.  He  is  described  as  just,  diligent,  sagacious  and  con- 
scientious. In  his  message  to  the  legislature  we  find  the  first 
suggestion  of  a  purchase  of  a  tract  of  land,  in  the  central  part 
of  the  State,  "for  an  experimental  farm  and  agricultural  school, 
to  be  placed  under  the  care  and  management  of  an  intelligent 
and  practical  farmer,  aided  by  a  person  capable  of  instructing 
youth  in  all  those  branches  of  science,  which  are  more  immedi- 
ately connected  with  agricultural  pursuits."  It  was  further  sug- 
gested that  towns  send  youths  there,  selected  for  their  profici- 
ency, to  study  the  theory  of  agriculture  and  to  work  a  part  of 
the  time  in  actual  farming.  It  was  a  long  time  before  New 
Hampshire  adopted  the  suggestion  of  Governor  Bell  and  estab- 
lished a  school  of  agriculture.  New  ideas  have  to  germinate  a 
long  time  before  they  take  root  in  the  public  mind  and  grow  to 
fruitage. 

The  political  contest  was  revived  in  1829,  and  this  time 
Benjamin  Pierce  triumphed  over  Governor  Bell  by  a  vote  of 
22,615  to  19,583.  Heretofore  there  had  been  a  June  session  of 
the  legislature  and  another  in  November.  Henceforward  for 
some  years  there  was  only  a  June  session,  except  every  fourth 
year.  The  reason  of  the  extra  session  was  twofold,  (i)  that  it 
might  be  time  to  make  a  new  valuation  of  estates  within  the 
State,  required  by  the  Constitution  once  in  five  years  and  as 
much  oftener  as  the  General  Court  should  order,  (2)  to  supply 
any  vacancy  that  might  occur  in  the  board  of  electors  of  presi- 
dent and  vice-president  of  the  United  States.  The  people  seemed 
to  be  waking  up  to  the  idea,  that  the  State  did  not  need  so  much 
legislative  talk  and  that  it  already  had  almost  enough  of  law. 


The  new  governor,  in  his  message,  called  attention  to  changing 
conditions.  "The  price  of  bread-stuffs  in  different  sections  of 
the  country  having  been  equalized  in  consequence  of  the  grand 
works  of  internal  improvement  in  the  West,  our  farmers,  and  in- 
deed every  class  of  the  community  are  becoming  daily  more 
sensible  of  the  necessity  of  increasing  by  every  possible  method 
our  facilities  of  transportation."  New  Hampshire  was  begin- 
ning to  rely  upon  the  West  for  a  supply  of  wheat  and  corn, 
She  had  to  find  something  to  give  in  exchange.  Hence  she 
began  to  develop  mines  and  quarries.  Rattlesnake  Hill,  in  Con- 
cord, was  even  then  sending  its  white  granite  into  the  South, 
and  that  source  of  revenue  has  continued  down  to  the  present, 
the  Congressional  Library  at  aWshington  being  one  of  the 
more  recent  and  most  beautiful  illustrations  of  what  New  Hamp- 
shire quarries  can  furnish  to  the  nation.  She  has  an  inexhaust- 
ible supply  of  granite  of  various  hues.  Governor  Pierce  re- 
minded the  farmers  that  they  should  not  expect  to  accumulate 
wealth  and  at  the  same  time  "support  the  style  of  modern  days." 
They  were  consuming  too  many  foreign  articles  and  he  advised 
a  return  to  republican  simplicity.  If  such  a  caution  was  needed 
nearly  a  hundred  years  ago,  how  much  more  now.  It  is  the 
cost  of  high  living  that  makes  farming  in  New  Hampshire  un- 
remunerative.  Those  who  are  willing  to  live  somewhat  as  the 
first  settlers  had  to  live  gradually  become  independent  and  enjoy 
in  old  age  the  fruits  of  early  self-denial.  At  some  not  very  dis- 
tant time  the  slopes  of  New  Hampshire's  hills  will  be  intensely 
cultivated,  and  her  low  grounds  will  be  drained,  and  agriculture, 
especially  orcharding,  will  again  flourish  here.  Her  water  power, 
when  fully  improved,  will  create  larger  cities  and  villages  and 
thus  furnish  a  home  market  for  much  of  her  farm  products. 
Benjamin  Pierce  saw  this  in  his  time  and  spoke  of  the  immedi- 
ate needs  of  the  State  as  bearing  upon  her  future  welfare.  The 
far-sighted  statesman  is  not  immediately  appreciated,  and  his 
advice  is  passed  along  to  distant  generations.  When  they  have 
heeded  it  with  beneficial  results  they  build  a  monument  to  the 
forgotten  sage.  Read  Benjamin  Pierce's  message  to  the  legis- 
lature of  1829;  the  advice  is  about  as  good  now  as  it  was  then. 

At  this  time  an  attempt  was  made  to  amend  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  so  as  to  elect  the  President  for  a  term 


A    HISTORY  89 

of  six  years  and  make  him  ineligible  afterwards.     New  Hamp- 
shire voted  against  the  proposed  amendment. 

Up  to  this  time  the  State  had  been  giving  bounties  for  kill- 
ing crows,  wolves,  bears  and  wildcats. 

The  election  of  1830  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Matthew 
Harvey  for  governor,  who  had  23214  votes.  His  opponent, 
Timothy  Upham,  had  19,040  votes.  Matthew  harvey  was  born 
at  Sutton,  June  21,  1781,  descended  from  William  Harvey,  who 
was  of  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  in  1639.  He  was  fitted  for 
college  by  the  Rev.  Samuel  Wood  of  Boscawen  and  graduated 
at  Dartmouth  in  1806.  He  read  law  with  John  Harris  of  Hop- 
kinton  and  begun  practice  there  in  1809.  That  town  was  repre- 
sented by  him  in  the  legislature  from  1814  to  1820,  and  he  was 
Speaker  of  the  House  for  the  last  three  years  of  his  term  of  serv- 
ice. He  was  representative  to  congress  in  1821-5  and  then  three 
years  in  the  State  senate,  acting  as  its  president  a  part  of  the 
time.  After  serving  three  years  on  the  governor's  council  he 
was  chosen  governor  and  during  his  term  of  office  he  resigned 
in  order  to  accept  the  position  of  judge  of  the  United  States 
court.  He  removed  to  Concord,  where  he  died  in  1866.  He  was 
a  man  of  upright,  religious  character,  and  his  message  shows 
him  to  have  been  a  man  of  broad  views.  It  will  be  useful  to  re- 
call a  few  things  he  said  to  the  legislature. 

He  pointed  out  more  clearly  than  anybody  before  him  the 
evils  of  imprisonment  for  debt.  Ameliorating  laws  had  con- 
structively made  the  gaol  limits  the  same  as  those  of  the  town 
in  which  the  poor  prisoner  was  confined.  The  whole  town  was 
the  gaol-yard.  No  such  prisoner  ever  calculated  to  pay  his 
debts,  and  nothing  was  accomplished  by  such  imprisonment. 
Such  terrors  of  law  did  not  act  as  a  deterrent  from  similar 
offenses,  and  often  a  poor  man  was  imprisoned  for  no  fault  of 
his  own,  but  simply  for  his  misfortune.  Others  put  their  prop- 
erty into  the  hands  of  friends  and  then  took  the  poor  debtor's 
oath.  Governor  Harvey  advised  the  abolition  of  the  law  of 
imprisonment  for  debt.  Its  operation  was  harmful  to  the  debtor 
and  to  society.  Public  sympathy  was  always  with  the  man 
imprisoned,  with  "the  under  dog  in  the  fight." 

In  this  connection  the  governor  called  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  State  prison  was  so  crowded  that  two  criminals  had  to 


90  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

sleep  in  one  small  cell,  and  the  cells  were  so  situated  that  con- 
versation from  one  to  another  could  be  carried  on  by  night.  This 
furnished  opportunity  for  the  prison  to  become  a  school  of 
crime.  "The  hardened  and  experienced  villain  communicates  to 
the  young  and  less  guilty  than  himself  his  contaminating  pre- 
cepts and  an  account  of  his  fraudulent  achievements,  and  while 
they  suffer  for  crimes  already  committed,  they  too  frequently 
prepare  themselves  for  more  extensive  and  successful  depreda- 
tions upon  the  property  and  peace  of  society,  after  their  term  of 
confinement  has  expired."  Modern  reformers  may  see  that  their 
principal  argument  is  not  absolutely  original.  The  evil  has  been 
known  ever  since  prisons  were  built,  but  the  aim  of  prisons 
until  recently  has  not  been  to  make  a  good  citizen  out  of  the 
convict,  but  to  make  him  suffer,  so  that  others  will  beware,  or 
sometimes  to  take  vengeance  upon  him  for  his  misdeeds.  Theory 
and  practice  are  changing.  Is  there  danger  that  the  feeling  of 
pity  will  outrun  the  demand  for  justice? 

Governor  Harvey  also  recommended  that  when  a  prisoner 
was  discharged  a  small  sum  of  money  should  be  given  him,  on 
which  to  start  a  new  life.  "A  more  miserable  and  hopeless  con- 
dition for  a  free  man  can  hardly  be  conceived,  than  to  be  turned 
out  suddenly  upon  the  world,  without  money,  or  credit,  or 
friends,  and  with  a  consciousness  that  he  bears  upon  him  the 
marks  of  infamy.  .  .  .  Crimes  are  again  committed,  as 
opportunity  occurs,  and  justified  by  them,  on  the  principle  of 
imperious  necessity."  Is  there  anything  new  under  the  sun? 
We  seem  to  be  listening  to  the  voice  of  some  present  day  re- 
former. Give  Governor  Harvey  his  due. 

His  unexpired  term  of  office  was  filled  out  by  the  then 
president  of  the  senate,  Joseph  Morril  Harper,  physician,  born  at 
Limerick,  Maine,  June  21,  1789,  though  his  parents  were  of 
New  Hampshire.  He  served  in  congress  from  1831  to  1835  as  a 
supporter  of  President  Jackson.  Afterward  he  resided  on  his 
farm  in  Canterbury,  yet  acted  as  president  of  an  insurance  com- 
pany and  as  president  of  Mechanics'  Bank,  Concord.  He  had 
been  a  surgeon  in  the  regular  army  in  the  War  of  1812,  serving 
three  years.  In  later  life  he  frequently  lectured  on  temperance. 
He  died  January  13,  1865.  A  son,  Charles  Augustus  Harper, 
graduated  at  Dartmouth,  practised  law  in  Virginia,  removed  to 


A    HISTORY  91 

Texas  and  was  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  Texan  rangers  in  the 
Mexican  War. 

In  the  election  of  1831  Samuel  Dinsmoor  of  Keene  was 
chosen  governor  by  23,503  votes  against  18,681  votes  for  Ichabod 
Bartlett.  Governor  Dinsmoor's  ancestor  was  of  the  Scotch  com- 
pany from  the  north  of  Ireland  who  settled  Londonderry.  He 
was  born  in  Windham,  July  I,  1766,  and  graduated  at  Dartmouth 
College  in  1789.  He  settled  in  Keene  as  a  lawyer  and  became 
specially  interested  in  military  matters,  organized  the  Keene 
light  infantry,  one  of  the  best  drilled  and  equipped  corps  of  the 
State  militia,  and  rose  to  the  rank  of  major-general.  He  held  a 
seat  in  congress  from  1811  to  1813.  Later  he  was  judge  of  pro- 
bate and  one  of  the  governor's  council.  In  1822  the  Democrats 
nominated  him  for  governor,  but  he  was  defeated  by  Levi  Wood- 
bury.  He  held  the  gubernatorial  office  for  three  successive  years 
from  1831,  and  died  in  March,  1835. 

Samuel  Dinsmoor  was  the  first  governor  to  call  attention  of 
the  legislature  to  the  condition  of  the  insane  and  to  advocate  a 
hospital  for  their  benefit.  His  message  on  this  topic  was  rein- 
forced by  an  address  delivered  before  the  legislative  body  by  Dr. 
William  Perry  of  Exeter,  and  a  special  committee  made  investi- 
gation and  reported  in  favor  of  a  State  Asylum,  yet  it  was  ten 
years  before  such  an  institution  was  opened  for  the  recovery  and 
kind  treatment  of  a  large  class  of  people  specially  afflicted. 
Indeed,  it  has  been  more  recently  maintained  that  one  person  in 
ten  is  more  or  less  insane  and  that  every  person  is  insane  one- 
tenth  of  the  time.1  Temporary  pressure  of  labor,  care,  grief, 
disappointment,  or  sickness  may  unbalance  the  mind,  and  unwise 
treatment  may  lead  to  confirmed  insanity.  It  has  been  proved 
that  the  great  majority  of  insane  persons  can  be  restored  to 
health,  if  wise  treatment  is  begun  in  season.  The  special  com- 
mittee, in  1832,  reported  that  about  two  hundred  insane  persons 
had  been  found  in  New  Hampshire,  half  of  them  town  paupers, 
and  that  this  did  not  represent  the  whole  number  of  afflicted 
ones.  The  condition  of  many  of  them  was  extremely  deplorable 
and  would  excite  the  pity  of  the  most  hard-hearted.  The  news- 
papers throughout  the  State  took  up  the  subject  and  awoke  pub- 

1  The  Psychic  Factor,  by  President  Van  Norden  of  Colgate  University. 


92  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

lie  opnion  in  favor  of  compassionate  and  rational  treatment.    The 
committee  reported :    ! 


Many,  laboring  under  an  inoffensive  hallucination  of  maind,  wander 
about,  the  sport  of  unthinking  boys  and  unprincipled  men.  A  large  propor- 
tion, seventy-six,  are  reported  to  be  in  close  confinement.  Some  of  them 
in  chains,  or  in  cages  made  for  their  confinements ;  some  are  in  the  out- 
buildings, garrets,  or  cellars  of  private  houses ;  some  are  in  our  county 
gaols,  shut  up  with  felons  and  criminals  of  every  description ;  some  are  in 
alms  houses,  in  brick  cells,  "never  warmed  by  fire  or  lighted  by  the  rays  of 
the  sun."  The  facts  presented  to  the  committee  not  only  exhibit  severe, 
unnecessary  suffering,  but  utter  neglect,  and  in  many  cases  actual  barbarity. 
.  .  .  An  insane  woman  who  had  wandered  from  her  friends  was  con- 
fined in  one  of  our  gaols  in  winter  and  without  fire.  From  the  severity  of 
the  cold  and  her  fixed  posture  her  feet  became  so  much  diseased  that  it  was 
considered  necessary  to  amputate  them  at  the  ankle ;  which  was  accordingly 
done,  and  the  woman  was  afterwards  restored  to  her  friends  in  this 
mutilated  condition.  Another  woman  was  confined  in  a  garret,  where  from 
the  lowness  of  the  roof  and  her  consequently  constrained  position  she  grew 
double,  and  is  now  obliged  to  walk  with  her  hands  as  well  as  feet  on  the 
floor.  A  man  was  confined  for  years  in  a  cellar,  nearly  naked,  with  a  bed 
of  wet  straw.  .  .  .  The  accounts  submitted  exhibit  a  mass  of  extreme, 
unmitigated  suffering  from  the  details  of  which  humanity  revolts.  This 
state  of  things  has  been  permitted  to  exist  merely  because  it  was  unknown. 
In  the  extremity  of  the  disease  the  maniac  is  withdrawn  from  observation. 
He  is  placed  out  of  sight  and  forgotten. 

Thus  for  ages  the  insane  had  been  treated  worse  than  any 
criminal,  besides  being  blamed  in  many  countries  and  communi- 
ties as  under  the  curse  of  God  and  possessed  by  the  devil.  We 
now  wonder  that  it  took  so  many  centuries  to  arouse  human 
sympathies  and  scatter  intelligence  sufficient  to  wipe  out  this 
blot  upon  civilization.  In  the  treatment  of  the  insane  for  a  long 
time  the  authorities  seem  to  have  been  more  bereft  of  reason 
than  the  maniacs  themselves. 

A  circumstance  which  aroused  many  to  a  sense  of  the  State's 
need  of  an  asylum  for  the  insane  about  this  time  was  the  con- 
viction and  execution  for  murder  of  a  feeble-minded  youth  of 
eighteen  for  a  crime  committeed.  Many  believed  him  irresponsible. 

In  1833  President  Andrew  Jackson  visited  New  Hampshire 
by  invitation  of  the  legislature.  The  celebration  at  Concord  was 
on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  and  a  vast  multitude  gathered  to 
show  their  admiration  for  the  man,  or  to  satisfy  their  curiosity. 
The  president  was  accompanied  by  the  vice-president,  Martin 


A   HISTORY  93 

Van  Buren,  the  Hon.  Lewis  Gass,  Secretary  of  War  and  a  native 
of  Exeter,  the  Hon.  Levi  Woodbury,  then  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
and  Major  Donaldson  as  private  secretary.  The  party  was  met 
in  Bow  by  a  cavalcade.  Eight  companies  of  the  militia  formed 
the  escort,  the  entire  body  commanded  by  Colonel  Stephen  Pea- 
body  of  Milford.  The  president  rode  into  town  on  horseback 
and  was  entertained  at  the  Eagle  Hotel.  He  reviewed  the  troops 
on  State  street  and  there  was  a  grand  reception  in  the  Repre- 
sentatives' Hall.  President  Jackson  remained  over  Sunday,  at- 
tending church  at  the  North  Congregational,  the  Unitarian  and 
the  Baptist  churches.  On  his  departure  the  following  day  the 
town  committee  escorted  him  to  the  town  line. 

Governor  Dinsmoor,  in  his  message  of  1833,  bemoans  the 
decline  of  the  military  spirit.  The  people  saw  no  danger  of  war 
and  the  expenditure  of  time  and  money  in  training  the  militia  as 
in  former  days  seemed  to  be  wasteful,  imposing  a  needless  burden 
of  expense.  The  law  requiring  drill  and  inspection  was  a  dead 
letter  in  many  places.  Those  who  came  together  for  a  muster 
sometimes  made  it  an  occasion  for  scenes  of  levity  and  insubor- 
dination. It  would  seem  that  a  standing  army,  or  a  fully  trained 
and  equipped  militia,  can  not  be  maintained  without  an  occasional 
war  or  some  danger  of  war.  The  people  will  not  turn  a  grind- 
stone, unless  there  is  somebody  to  grind,  some  axe  to  sharpen. 
War  expenses  are  intolerable  in  time  of  peace.  Our  country 
never  has  been  prepared  for  war.  Her  size  and  position  have 
made  full  preparation  appear  unnecessary.  A  militia  large 
enough  to  quell  internal  disorders  has  seemed  to  be  sufficient, 
and  some  would  do  away  with  even  this,  as  being  more  in  the 
service  of  capitalists  than  of  laborers.  The  militia  of  New  Hamp- 
shire continued  to  decline  in  popular  favor  till  trainings  and 
musters  disappeared. 

By  advice  of  the  governor  the  legislature  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  learn  the  number  and  condition  of  the  blind  throughout 
the  State. 

William  Badger  was  elected  governor  in  1834,  with  only  a 
few  scattering  votes  in  opposition.  He  was  born  at  Gilmanton, 
January  13,  1779.  His  father  and  grandfather  had  been  promi- 
nent in  the  civil  and  military  history  of  the  State,  and  the  Badger 
family  ranked  first  in  Gilmanton.  The  early  life  of  William 


94  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Badger  was  devoted  to  business.  In  1810  his  town  sent  him  to 
the  legislature  for  two  years  as  their  representative.  He  was 
State  senator  in  1814-6,  the  last  year  presiding  over  the  senate, 
and  was  associate  justice  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  from 
1816  to  1820.  The  office  of  high  sheriff  for  Strafford  county  was 
filled  by  him  for  ten  years,  182030.  His  re-election  to  the  gov- 
ernorship in  1835  was  by  a  very  large  majority.  His  wealth,  his 
family  connection,  his  genial  spirit  and  his  business  ability  ele- 
vated him  to  the  highest  office  of  the  State.  He  was  generous, 
hospitable,  kind-hearted  and  honorable  in  all  his  dealings.  His 
death  occurred  September  21,  1852. 

In  his  first  message  he  called  attention,  for  the  first  time  in 
public  records  of  New  Hampshire,  to  the  advisability  of  doing 
away  with  capital  punishment,  suggesting  solitary  confinement 
and  hard  labor  for  life  as  a  substitute  more  to  be  dreaded  and 
hence  a  better  preventive  of  crime. 

The  Jacksonian  Democrats  were  in  evidence  in  the  State 
legislature.  Resolutions  were  passed  approving  the  course  pur- 
sued by  the  delegates  of  the  State  in  congress,  "with  the  excep- 
tion of  that  of  the  Hon.  Samuel  Bell."  He  had  voted  the  previous 
year  in  a  way  that  did  not  meet  approval.  His  resignation  was 
desired,  because  he  with  others  had  condemned  the  course  taken 
by  the  President.  On  the  other  hand,  the  same  set  of  resolu- 
tions declared,  that  "the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  his 
ardent  endeavors  to  restore  the  Constitution  to  its  original  purity, 
by  his  stern  integrity  and  unbending  firmness  in  resisting  the 
approach  of  corruption  in  every  protean  shape — in  staying  the 
lavish  expenditures  of  the  public  money  in  an  unconstitutional 
system  of  internal  improvements,  by  the  national  government,  in 
setting  the  tariff  upon  a  more  equitable  basis,  in  his  prompt 
resistance  to  all  measures  tending  to  the  dissolution  of  our  Union, 
in  his  veto  on  the  recharter  of  that  dangerous  Institution,  the 
United  States  Bank,  and  in  the  unyielding  stand  which  he  has 
taken  against  the  recent  alarming  proceedings  of  that  Institution, 
has  proved  himself  to  be  a  true  disciple  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  the 
father  of  American  democracy,  and  has  greatly  increased  the 
debt  of  gratitude  due  to  him  from  the  American  people."  The 
resolutions  passed  by  a  vote  of  163  to  62,  showing  the  trend  of 
political  opinion  and  the  subjects  that  were  thought  to  be  of 


ISAAC    HILL 


A   HISTORY  95 

vital  interest.  A  resolution  granting  the  use  of  the  Hall  of 
Representatives  for  an  anti-slavery  speech  was  voted  down  in 
1835.  The  same  year  the  Nashua  and  Lowell,  as  well  as  the 
Boston  and  Maine  Railroad  was  incorporated,  of  which  more 
wHll  be  said  later  in  this  work. 

In  1836  Isaac  Hill  was  elected  governor  of  the  State  with 
but  little  opposition.  He  was  born  in  Somerville,  Massachusetts, 
April  6,  1788,  descended  from  Abraham  Hill  of  Charlestown  in 
1636.  At  the  age  of  fourteen  he  was  apprenticed  for  seven  years 
to  the  publisher  of  the  Farmer's  Cabinet,  a  newspaper  printed  at 
Amherst,  New  Hampshire.  In  April,  1809,  he  took  charge  of 
the  N.ew  Hampshire  Patriot,  at  Concord,  and  by  'his  rare  genius 
for  political  journalism  made  it  the  leading  organ  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  the  State.  Such  was  his  influence  that  he  was 
said  to  "carry  New  Hampshire  in  his  breeches  pocket."  He 
could  write  editorials  and  carry  on  conversation  at  the  same 
time.  Many  of  his  articles  were  composed  at  the  case.  Manu- 
facturers and  railroads  found  a  champion  in  him.  Four  years  he 
served  in  the  State  senate  and  was  comptroller  of  the  national 
treasury  under  President  Jackson.  From  1831  to  1836  he  was 
United  States  senator,  which  office  he  resigned  to  become  gov- 
ernor of  his  State,  receiving  five-sixths  of  all  the  votes  cast,  and 
re-elected  in  the  two  succeeding  years.  In  1840  he  was  appointed 
sub-treasurer  at  Boston.  The  same  year  he  established  Hill's 
Patriot  and  published  it  for  seven  years,  when  the  two  news- 
papers were  united.  The  Farmer's  Monthly  Visitor  also  was 
published  by  him.  He  possessed  unusual  native  ability,  wonder- 
ful energy,  facility  in  the  use  of  powerful  words,  and  convictions 
that  aroused  others.  He  was  a  journalistic  prophet,  uttering 
the  voice  of  the  people.  Vox  populi,  vox  dei.  He  died  in  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.,  March  22,  1851. 

Former  gubernatorial  messages  had  consisted  of  from  two 
to  six  printed  pages;  Governor  Hill's  first  message  occupies 
thirty  pages  of  the  printed  Journal  of  the  House.  He  had  just 
come  from  a  seat  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  and  he 
opened  his  message  with  a  severe  criticism  of  that  body.  A 
prominent  fault  of  both  branches  of  congress  was,  that  they 
were  made  up  of  men,  many  of  whom  were  talkers  and  not 
doers,  "men  who  either  delight  in  hearing  themselves,  or  suppose 


96  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

they  delight  others  in  being  heard,  or  else  who  speak  that  they 
may  be  heard  elsewhere."  Some  had  been  sent  to  congress  too 
long  and  had  forgotten  that  they  were  sent  to  represent  the  wishes 
of  their  electors.  Governor  Hill  advised  frequent  changes  or 
rotation  in  office.  The  senate  of  the  United  States  was  putting 
at  defiance  the  instructions  of  the  bodies  that  elected  them,  and 
its  members  should  be  chosen  for  six  years,  and  be  ineligible  for 
a  second  term.  The  proceedings  of  congress  were  tiresome  and 
vexatious.  "There  have  been  too  many  ulterior  views,  too  much 
of  electioneering,  interlarded  in  those  proceedings."  Months 
of  time  were  spent  in  useless  talk.  Senators  should  obey  the 
instructions  of  State  legislatures  or  resign.  This  was  a  thrust 
at  Senator  Samuel  Bell. 

The  governor  had  no  sympathy  with  internal  improvements 
at  the  expense  either  of  the  nation  or  of  the  State.  Canals, 
railroads,  turnpikes  and  expensive  bridges  would  better  be  built 
by  private  capital  in  the  hands  of  State-created  corporations. 
He  had  not  heard  of  modern  socialism. 

The  tendency  of  increasing  the  salaries  of  employees  of  the 
national  government  and  of  multiplying  salaried  positions  was 
deplored.  The  salaries  of  the  higher  officers  in  the  navy  yard 
in  Portsmouth  harbor,  "in  a  single  sub-ordinate  department," 
exceeded  in  amount  "the  whole  compensation  of  our  State  Civil 
List,  with  the  exception  of  the  two  branches  of  the  Legislature." 
A  mere  boy  in  the  navy  was  paid  as  high,  in  some  instances,, 
as  the  judges  of  the  highest  State  court,  and  the  temptation  was 
great  for  all  the  civil  and  military  officers  of  the  national  govern- 
ment to  clamor  for  higher  pay.  What  would  Q&vernor  Hill 
have  said,  if  he  could  have  foreseen  the  practices  of  the  present 
day!  The  older  and  richer  a  nation  becomes,  the  greater  is  the 
evil  of  multiplying  offices  needlessly  and  of  paying  public  offi- 
cials far  more  than  they  could  get  in  any  other  occupation. 
"The  benefits  derived  from  our  State  and  local  administrations 
far  transcend  those  of  the  general  government;  yet  the  expense 
of  the  former,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  including  the 
support  of  the  legislature  and  the  judiciary,  of  our  admirable 
system  of  common  schools,  our  public  highways  and  bridges, 
our  internal  police,  our  various  municipal  officers,  and  our  desti- 
tute poor,  are  believed  not  to  equal  in  amount  the  proportion 
which  this  State  pays,  and  will  continue  to  pay  under  the  present 


A    HISTORY  97 

system  of  impost  into  the  national  treasury.  It  is  true  the 
people  feel  the  direct  burden  under  the  State  and  municipal 
regulations,  because  it  is  assessed  in  a  manner  that  obliges  them 
to  count  it  when  they  pay  it.  They  do  not  as  directly  realize 
what  goes  into  the  coffers  of  the  nation,  because  it  is  included 
in  from  twenty  to  one  hundred  per  cent,  of  the  prices  of  many 
articles  which  they  put  on  for  wear  or  consume  for  sustenance." 
Hence  he  argues  for  a  decreased  tariff. 

The  students  of  banks  and  banking  should  carefully  read 
all  the  messages  of  Governor  Isaac  Hill.  They  show  that  he 
had  made  a  special  study  of  those  financial  institutions.  He  saw 
the  defects  of  the  National  Bank  and  of  the  banks  chartered  by 
the  States,  that  had  followed  the  example  of  the  National  Bank. 
The  evil  results  all  reduce  to  this,  that  too  much  paper  currency 
was  issued,  and  many  banks  refused  to  redeem  this  in  specie. 
Governor  Hill  said,  that  "the  business  of  manufacturing  paper, 
more  than  equivalent  to  coining  money  by  the  banks,  is  at  the 
best  a  tax  upon  the  people  among  whom  it  circulates.  The  paper 
circulated  by  any  bank  beyond  its  capital  in  specie  is  usury  over 
and  above  the  legal  interest  on  such  capital.  The  expenses  of 
the  bank  paid  by  the  substitution  of  paper  issues  for  money,  as 
well  as  all  additional  profits  from  such  issues,  are  taxes  assessed 
directly  on  the  borrowers  and  those  among  whom  the  paper 
circulates.  .  .  .  Where  there  is  no  specie  to  represent  paper, 
there  is  no  safety  in  that  paper;  money  is  plenty  or  scarce  as 
banks  issue  or  cease  to  issue;  sudden  changes  of  issues  or  con- 
traction produce  immense  revolutions  in  property;  and  banks 
issuing  or  contracting  their  paper,  acting  in  concert  either  for 
speculation  or  for  political  effect,  may  create  panics,  stop  the 
wheels  of  business,  and  even  threaten  revolution  with  impunity. 
It  is  too  much  that  banks,  conducted  by  private  and  irresponsible 
individuals,  should  wield  such  a  power  as  that  of  contracting  or 
expanding  the  currency  at  will ;  it  is  a  power  that  ought  to  be 
regulated  and  wielded  only  by  the  law  of  the  land.  .  .  .  It  is 
ascertained  and  known  that  there  is  not  one  specie  dollar  in 
bank  for  every  ten  paper  dollars  in  circulation,  whatever  may  be 
the  banking  capital  in  use.  .  .  .  The  legislator  will  deserve 
the  thanks  of  the  whole  community  who  lends  his  efforts  to  do 
away  that  circulating  paper  credit,  which  is  the  prolific  source  of 


98  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

panic  and  pressure."  The  State  should  take  its  stand  in  favor  of 
hard  money. 

Perhaps  as  a  result  of  Governor  Hill's  enlightenment  the 
legislature  in  1838  considered  an  act  to  authorize  free  banking 
in  the  State.  All  bills  issued  by  any  bank  were  to  have  printed 
upon  their  face,  "Secured  by  pledge  of  real  Estate,"  and  the 
real  estate  was  to  be  productive  and  unincumbered,  the  mort- 
gages thereupon  bearing  interest  at  six  per  cent,  and  of  one- 
third  greater  value,  aside  from  the  buildings  thereon,  than  the 
amount  for  which  it  was  mortgaged.  This  backing  would  give 
value  to  the  paper  issued.  Such  bank  bills  were  to  be  redeem- 
able in  specie  instantly  on  demand.  Over-issue  of  bank  bills 
was  punishable  by  fine  of  three  thousand  dollars,  or  imprison- 
ment for  two  years,  or  both,  visited  upon  the  treasurer.  The 
amount  of  capital  stock  of  a  bank  must  be  at  least  fifty  thousand 
dollars,  and  the  maximum  limit  was  half  a  million  dollars.  Re- 
port of  the  condition  of  each  bank  must  be  made  four  times  each 
year,  and  its  affairs  were  open  to  the  inspection  of  a  Bank  Com- 
missioner at  all  times.  Thus  safeguards  were  put  about  the 
deposits  of  the  people,  and  provision  was  made  for  a  paper 
currency  that  would  not  fluctuate  in  value.  After  some  debate 
the  bill  was  referred  to  the  next  session  of  the  legislature  and 
there  it  was  indefinitely  postponed.  It  was  a  time  of  extensive 
bankruptcy  and  great  consequent  distress.  Nevertheless  within 
a  period  of  six  years  the  amount  of  gold  and  silver  in  the  United 
States  had  increased  from  six  millions  to  one  hundred  millions. 
Some  banks  of  New  Hampshire  had  suspended  specie  payment, 
sending  their  specie  out  of  the  State  in  exchange  for  depreciated 
bank  bills  of  other  States.  Fractional  paper  currency  took  the 
place  of  silver,  in  spite  of  law  against  the  same. 

At  this  time  there  was  a  surplus  in  the  United  States  treas- 
ury, occasioned  by  high  tariff  and  the  sale  of  much  land  in  the 
West.  Distribution  to  the  several  States  was  ordered,  in  four 
payments,  of  thirty-six  million  dollars,  and  the  share  of  New 
Hampshire  was  over  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  legis- 
lature voted  to  divide  this  amount  among  the  towns,  in  propor- 
tion to  their  population,  and  the  question  was  publicly  dis- 
cussed whether  the  general  government  had  a  constitutional  right 
to  collect  money  from  the  people  by  a  tariff  and  give  the  same 


A    HISTORY  99 

back  to  the  people,  for  the  sake  of  "protecting"  certain  industries. 
During  his  term  of  office  as  governor  Isaac  Hill  acted  as 
pension  agent  of  the  United  States,  and  a  debate  arose  whether 
in  harmony  with  the  constitution  of  the  State  the  two  offices 
could  be  held  by  the  same  man.  All  turned  on  the  question, 
whether  a  pension  agency  was  an  "office  or  place,"  or  a  "con- 
tract," as  Governor  Hill  claimed,  but  a  special  committee  of  the 
legislature  reported  that  it  was  an  office,  and  that  therefore  he 
could  not  constitutionally  be  governor  while  acting  as  pension 
agent.  But  he  had  been  governor  the  usual  three  years  by  the 
time  the  debate  was  concluded,  and  so  voluntarily  relinquished 
the  governorship,  announcing  that  he  would  not  be  a  candidate 
for  re-election. 


Chapter  VII 
A   MINIATURE   REPUBLIC 


Chapter  VII 

A  MINIATURE  REPUBLIC. 

Boundaries  of  Indian  Stream — First  Explorers — Land  Bought  of  Chief 
Philip — First  Settlers — Government  by  the  Proprietors — Rival  Claims  to 
the  Territory — Formation  of  an  Independent  Republic — Nature  of  Their 
Constitution — Government  Vested  in  a  Council  of  Five  and  an  Assembly 
of  All  the  Citizens — The  Constitution  Might  Be  Changed  Annually — 
Poor  Debtors  Protected  from  Starvation — Difficulty  of  Enforcing  Laws 
— The  Inhabitants  Divided  into  Three  Parties — Broils  Controlled  by 
New  Hampshire  Militia — Commissioners  Induce  People  to  Return  to 
Allegiance  to  New  Hampshire — Incorporation  of  Pittsburg  and  Set- 
tlement of  the  Boundary  Line. 

THE  boundary  line  between  northern  New  Hampshire  and 
Canada  was  in  dispute  from  1783,  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  to 
the  time  of  the  Ashburton  Treaty,  in  1842.  The  dispute  was 
concerning  the  determining  of  the  westernmost  branch  of  the 
Connecticut  River.  Three  principal  streams  unite  to  form  that 
river.  The  eastern  branch  is  now  known  as  the  Connecticut, 
flowing  through  a  series  of  three  lakes.  The  western  branch 
has  long  been  called  Hall's  Stream,  and  the  branch  between 
these  two  bears  the  name  of  Indian  Stream.  The  whole 
country  drained  by  these  streams  embraces  about  one  hundred 
and  sixty  thousand  acres.  The  district  is  almost  identical  with 
the  present  town  of  Pittsburg.  It  is  a  land  of  mountains,  water- 
falls, forests,  some  meadow  lands  along  the  streams,  and  bold 
and  beautiful  scenery. 

The  lure  of  land  invited  some  hardy  and  adventurous 
hunters  and  settlers  into  this  region  before  the  end  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century.  After  the  revolutionary  war  no  danger  was 
feared  from  the  St.  Francis  tribe  of  Indians,  who  claimed  owner- 
ship of  all  lands  in  this  vicinity.  Luther  Fuller  hunted  here  in 
1785.  Colonel  Jeremiah  Eames  surveyed  the  region  for  the 
government  of  the  United  States  in  1789,  in  an  attempt  to  fix  the 
boundary  line,  and  the  same  year  David  Gibbs  of  Haverhill  and 
Nathaniel  Wales  of  Lisbon  came  here  as  hunters  and  pros- 

103 


104  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

pectors.  They  found  good  hunting  and  fishing  and  were  so 
pleased  with  the  fertile  intervals  that  they  induced  a  small  com- 
pany to  go  with  them  the  following  year  and  locate  claims,  or 
make  "pitches,"  to  the  number  of  twelve  or  fifteen.  They  did 
not,  however,  remain  through  a  winter. 

In  1796  Chief  Philip  of  the  St.  Francis  tribe  gave  to  David 
Gibbs,  Nathaniel  Wales  and  Moody  Bedel  a  deed  of  all  this 
region,  reserving  to  the  St.  Francis  Indians  the  right  to  hunt 
and  fish  therein  forever,  security  having  been  given  him  to 
furnish  him  and  his  squaw  with  suitable  provisions  and  clothing. 
Also  the  Indians  were  to  have  liberty  to  plant  four  bushels  of 
corn  and  beans.  Under  this  deed  transfers  of  land  were  made 
till  1824,  when  the  legislature  of  New  Hampshire  decided,  in 
harmony  with  ancient  law,  that  Chief  Philip's  conveyance  was 
invalid.  Nathaniel  Wales  sold  a  part  of  his  share,  sixteen  thou- 
sand acres,  in  1802,  to  Hobart  Spencer  for  three  thousand  dollars ; 
so  that  it  must  be  inferred  that  the  Indian  chief  got  a  very  small 
price  for  land  conveyed.  However,  he  lost  nothing,  had  the 
usual  privileges  of  hunting,  fishing  and  planting,  and  had  a  com- 
fortable support  besides.  The  same  Nathaniel  Wales  sold  to 
Thomas  Cutts  of  York  county  thirty  thousand  acres  in  1804  for 
$4,074,  and  he  had  more  land  left.  The  purchasers  of  large  tracts 
of  land  were  only  speculators  and  never  settled  here.  Some  tracts 
changed  ownership  quickly,  and  it  is  not  easy  to  tell  from  deeds 
who  the  actual  settlers  were.  Among  the  first  may  be  named 
Samuel  Osborn,  David  Tyler,  James  Ladd,  Jonathan  Kimball, 
Jesse  Tyler,  John  Haynes,  Nathaniel  Perkins,  Ebenezer  Fletcher, 
James  Heath,  and  Nathan  Judd.  The  settlement  slowly  increased 
till  in  1820  there  were  about  fifty  families  at  Indian  Stream,  the 
name  most  frequently  given  to  the  entire  region  between  the 
headwaters  of  the  Connecticut  river  and  Hall's  Stream.  Most  of 
the  settlers  were  located  along  the  lower  course  of  Indian  Stream 
and  on  both  sides  of  the  Connecticut  river,  near  where  the  two 
waters  unite.  Here  are  some  of  the  richest  intervale  farms  in 
the  State.  In  1824  there  were  reported,  by  a  State  commission, 
fifty-eight  families  and  a  population  of  two  hundred  and  eighty- 
five.  There  were  then  under  cultivation  eight  hundred  and  forty- 
seven  acres.  After  1820  settlement  extended  more  along  the 
Connecticut  river  and  the  political  center  of  the  country  became 


A    HISTORY  105 

near  the  mouth  of  Back  Lake  Brook,  where  the  present  village 
of  Pittsburg  is. 

Proprietors'  meetings  were  held  and  records  were  kept  as 
early  as  1811,  showing  some  degree  of  mutual  agreement  among 
the  settlers.  They  were  far  into  the  wilderness  and  were  a  law 
unto  themselves.  It  has  been  conjectured  and  written  that  some 
settled  here  to  escape  law,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  first 
settlers  of  Indian  Stream  were  law-breakers  more  than  the  in- 
habitants of  other  towns,  except  that  in  1812  some  smugglers  were 
located  here,  tempted,  as  all  frontier  towns  were,  to  such  viola- 
tion of  law.  In  every  frontier  settlement  each  man  is  expected 
to  defend  his  own  rights  and  oftentimes  to  determine  what  law 
is  for  him.  The  proprietors  did  what  lawless  communities  can 
not  do ;  they  made  assessments  on  cultivated  lands  and  collected 
money  for  public  uses.  Itinerant  preachers  visited  them  and 
soon  a  church  and  a  school  were  established. 

A  State  commission  visited  the  place  in  1824  and  quieted  the 
actual  settlers  in  the  possession  of  two  hundred  acres  each,  except 
Nathaniel  Perkins  and  Jeremiah  Tabor,  who  were  allowed  to  hold 
seven  hundred  acres  each.  It  was  then  decided  that  the  so- 
called  deed  of  Chief  Philip  established  no  valid  claim  to  the  land, 
and  all  of  Indian  Stream  territory  that  was  not  then  allotted 
to  settlers  was  held  to  be  the  property  of  the  State  of  New  Hamp- 
shire 

There  were  rival  claims  to  this  territory,  and  all  the  settlers 
knew  it.  While  most  of  them  wished  to  be  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  New  Hampshire,  a  few  thought  it  to  their  advantage  to  be 
ranked  as  Canadians,  and  some  preferred  to  be  independent,  be- 
longing to  the  United  States,  but  not  to  New  Hampshire.  Their 
marriages  were  solemnized  under  New  Hampshire  laws,  and 
they  were  not  averse  to  receiving  from  the  State  bounties  for  the 
killing  of  wild  beasts,  but  there  was  uncertainty  as  to  what  would 
be  the  end  of  the  dispute  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  concerning  the  national  ownership  of  the  land.  In  1827 
the  King  of  the  Netherlands  as  arbitrator  recognized  the  Eng- 
lish claim,  but  the  United  States  did  not  accept  his  decision.  In 
1831  United  States  authorities  acted  inconsistently  with  their 
claims  and  collected  duties  on  goods  sent  from  Indian  Stream 
into  the  States.  This  quenched  to  some  extent  the  desire  of  some 
to  be  considered  Canadians.  About  the  same  time  authorities  in 


io6  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Canada,  a  short  distance  over  the  line,  began  to  assert  the  right 
of  government  and  even  of  exacting  military  service.  They 
located  a  township,  called  Drayton,  east  of  Hall's  Stream,  and 
built  a  road  to  Indian  Stream.  Thus  the  settlers  knew  not  which 
master  to  serve  and  so  decided  to  set  up  a  government  of  their 
own. 

On  the  eleventh  of  June,  1832,  a  committee,  consisting  of 
David  Mitchell,  Luther  Parker,  Phinehas  Willard,  Herman 
Batchelder  and  Nathan  Judd,  were  appointed  to  draft  a  constitu- 
tion, and  on  the  ninth  of  July  following  their  report  was  adopted 
by  a  vote  of  fifty-six  to  three.  It  is  a  remarkable  production,  con- 
sisting of  preamble,  bill  of  rights,  and  form  of  government.  Much 
of  the  phraseology  reminds  the  reader  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  and  that  of  New  Hampshire.  The  principles  of 
natural  right  on  which  it  is  founded  have  long  been  asserted  by 
the  ablest  philosophic  minds.  The  local  government  hereby 
established  was  but  the  fixing  of  the  thoughts  and  customs  of 
the  community,  the  formal  assertion  of  what  the  people  already 
held  and  practiced.  Laws  are  not  made  to  order,  nor  as  the  result 
of  caprice.  Wise  legislators  aim  to  find  out  what  is  right  in  the 
nature  of  things,  what  are  the  eternal,  underlying  laws  of  human 
society,  and  then  to  formulate  what  commends  itself  to  the  com- 
mon sense  of  mankind.  Thus  all  constitutions  must  be  grounded 
in  universally  admitted  truth,  such  as  the  equality  of  men,  liberty 
of  conscience,  right  to  protection  of  life  and  property,  and  mutual 
concessions  for  the  highest  good  of  the  greatest  number.  Des- 
potisms publish  no  constitutions  and  bills  of  right ;  might  is  the 
only  foundation  of  such  rule.  The  settlers  at  Indian  Stream  had 
all  been  educated  in  republican  principles  and  wanted  protection 
with  the  largest  possible  measure  of  liberty.  Their  accepted  rule 
was  conscience  acting  under  the  guidance  of  enlightened  reason, 
and  the  outward  expression  of  law  was  the  will  of  the  people  as 
made  known  by  a  majority  vote  of  duly  assembled  and  qualified 
voters.  They  sought  not  to  establish  a  permanent  republic,  but 
only  a  provisional  one,  till  it  should  be  determined  whether  their 
territory  belonged  to  Great  Britain  or  to  the  United  States.  The 
object  in  view  as  their  preamble  says  was  "to  preserve  union 
among  ourselves,  establish  justice,  ensure  domestic  tranquility, 
provide  for  our  common  security  and  defense,  and  secure  the 
important  blessings  of  civilized  society."  They  claimed  the  right 


A   HISTORY  107 

"to  exercise  all  the  powers  of  a  free,  sovereign  and  independent 
State,"  till  the  boundary  dispute  was  settled.  In  fact,  they  did 
precisely  what  Dover  and  Exeter  did  when  those  towns  were 
first  settled,  for  they  acted  as  though  they  were  independent, 
democratic  republics.  There  is  nothing  else  for  free,  enlightened 
people  to  do,  when  they  find  themselves  without  government  and 
in  need  of  one.  They  then  learn  how  to  govern  themselves.  To 
submit  to  one  of  their  own  number  as  king  is  possible  only  where 
the  many  are  very  ignorant  and  one  towers  above  the  rest  in 
intelligence  and  power. 

It  is  cause  of  admiration  that  a  few  farmers  and  lumbermen 
could  frame  such  a  constitution  as  they  did,  even  with  the  aid 
of  similar  formulated  principles  and  rules.  They  must  have  been 
men  of  some  degree  of  education  and  of  intellectual  capacity. 
None  of  them  became  famous  in  the  political  annals  of  any  State, 
but  they  were  and  should  always  be  considered  the  great  men  of 
Indian  Stream,  as  great  as  the  leaders  in  any  other  and  better 
known  town.  They  were  frontiersmen,  hardy,  strong,  courage- 
ous, hard-headed,  warm-hearted,  independent  and  conscientious. 
There  was  no  outlawry  among  them  like  that  reported,  or  fan- 
cied, in  a  western  mining  camp.  They  had  respect  for  human 
rights  and  the  decencies  of  civilization.  Their  laws  were  founded 
in  common  sense,  justice  and  necessity.  They  resorted  to  force 
only  in  defense  of  each  other  against  aggressions  from  the 
Canadian  side. 

The  supreme  legislative  power  of  this  infant  republic  was 
vested  in  a  council  of  five  and  an  assembly.  The  first  five  coun- 
cilors chosen  were  Phinehas  Willard,  Luther  Parker,  David 
Mitchell,  Nathaniel  Perkins  and  John  Haynes,  elected  for  one 
year.  They  had  not  only  legislative,  but  also  executive  and  judi- 
cial power.  All  bills,  acts  and  resolves  for  making  laws  and 
regulations  had  to  originate  in  the  council  and  be  discussed  and 
accepted  by  the  assembly.  The  council  had  command  of  the 
militia  with  authority  to  repel  invaders  and  put  down  insurrec- 
tion even  at  the  cost  of  life.  They  could  pardon  criminals  at  their 
discretion.  A  majority  of  the  five  was  sufficient  for  action.  They 
were  constituted  "a  high  court  of  error,"  or  a  supreme  law  court, 
to  stop  proceedings  of  other  courts  and  decide  what  was  legal  and 
constitutional,  commanding  justices  to  reverse  or  correct  their 
judgments. 


io8  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

The  assembly  was  made  up  of  all  male  inhabitants  of  Indian 
Stream  who  were  twenty-one  years  of  age,  had  lived  there  three 
months,  and  took  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  its  constitution  and  laws. 
They  had  power  to  approve  laws  and  acts  presented  by  the 
council  or  to  reject  the  same.  They  appointed  all  civil  officers 
required  by  the  constitution  and  laws.  They  assessed  taxes  for 
the  maintenance  of  roads,  bridges  and  public  schools,  and  the 
members  of  the  council  acted  and  voted  in  the  assembly.  The 
councilors  and  clerk  were  paid  for  their  services.  All  previous 
laws  and  regulations  of  Indian  Stream  Territory  were  to  remain 
in  force  till  repealed  by  the  assembly. 

One  provision  of  the  constitution  deserves  special  notice.  At 
each  annual  meeting  the  speaker  of  the  assembly  put  the  question 
to  vote,  whether  any  change  was  desired  in  the  constitution.  The 
vote  was  taken  by  yeas  and  nays  in  response  to  a  roll-call.  If  a 
majority  of  a  quorum  present  voted  in  favor  of  amendment  or 
alteration  of  the  constitution,  then  the  assembly  chose  a  commit- 
tee to  prepare  such  amendments  and  alterations  as  were  desired, 
and  if  at  a  special  meeting  of  the  assembly  two-thirds  voted  for 
the  proposed  changes,  then  they  became  a  part  of  the  constitu- 
tion. Thus  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land  could  be  changed 
every  year.  Why  not?  Why  should  one  generation  assume  to 
make  almost  unchangeable  law  for  generations  to  come?  Is  it 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  in  the  progress  of  mankind  they  will 
be  less  wise  than  we?  Why  should  not  wise  and  good  men  do 
what  they  want  to,  when  they  want  to  and  as  they  want  to? 
Laws  that  are  good  will  not  be  changed  by  the  good.  Laws  that 
are  bad  ought  to  be  changed  as  speedily  as  possible.  Why  try  to 
bind  and  hold  the  future  with  the  dead  hand?  Constitutional 
conventions  are  now  getting  to  be  more  frequent  than  they  once 
were.  Human  thought  is  expanding  rapidly.  Let  every  consti- 
tution be  abreast  of  the  times,  the  present  expression  of  the  con- 
victions and  desires  of  the  whole  people,  so  far  as  the  same  may 
be  learned. 

Provision  was  made  for  trial  by  jury  before  some  justice  of 
the  peace  who  acted  in  civil  and  criminal  cases.  The  fee  of  the 
justice  for  each  trial  and  each  adjourned  case  was  fixed  at  one 
dollar,  and  every  writ  must  be  paid  for  in  advance  at  cost  of 
twenty-five  cents.  The  sheriff's  fees  were  also  very  small.  It  is 


A   HISTORY  109 

evident  that  the  people  of  Indian  Stream  did  not  mean  to  put 
themselves  at  the  mercy  of  lawyers  and  law  courts.  Property 
could  be  attached  for  debt  at  double  the  value  of  the  debt,  but  the 
exceptions  were  sufficient  to  protect  the  poor  from  distress. 
They  were  "One  cow,  one  hog,  one  swine  not  over  six  months 
old,  the  meat  of  one  hog,  seven  sheep  and  the  wool  of  seven 
sheep,  three  tons  of  hay,  one  bed  and  bedding  for  every  two 
persons,  all  wearing  apparel  and  all  their  books,  and,  if  a  farmer 
or  mechanic,  twenty  dollars  worth  of  tools,  one  gun  and  equip- 
ments, household  furniture  to  the  amount  of  twenty  dollars,  one 
bushel  of  grain,  meal,  or  flour  to  each  person,  twenty-five  bushels 
of  potatoes,  and  two  bushels  of  salt."  The  poor  debtor  and  his 
family  could  not  be  starved  or  turned  out  of  doors. 

All  between  the  ages  of  twenty-one  and  fifty  were  enrolled 
in  the  militia  and  were  required  to  meet  for  training  one  day  in 
the  year,  each  militiaman  furnishing  his  own  arms  and  equip- 
ment. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  settlement  laws  had  been  treated 
too  much  as  recommendations  or  requests.  The  transgressor  had 
not  the  fear  of  penalty  before  his  eyes.  There  was  no  jail,  and 
the  sheriff  finally  was  allowed  to  confine  arrested  persons  in  his 
own  house  or  out-buildings.  It  was  too  easy  to  escape  punish- 
ment by  crossing  the  boundary  line  of  the  settlement.  It  was 
difficult  to  compel  obedience  to  law,  and  some  lawless  ones  fled 
to  this  settlement  from  Canada.  New  Hampshire,  not  recog- 
nizing the  independence  of  Indian  Stream,  served  writs  upon 
some  of  its  inhabitants.  Application  for  relief  was  addressed  to 
the  attorney-general  of  the  United  States,  claiming  that  they 
were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  but  not  under 
that  of  New  Hampshire.  His  reply  was,  "If  you  are  within 
the  limits  of  the  United  States,  as  has  always  been  maintained 
by  this  government,  it  is  because  you  are  within  the  limits  of 
the  State  of  New  Hampshire."  This  led  to  the  sending  of  a 
petition,  signed  by  sixty  out  of  seventy-five  voters,  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Lower  Canada,  asking  for  relief  and  protection  against 
invasions  from  New  Hampshire.  The  inhabitants  were  divided 
into  "New  Hampshire  Boys"  and  Canadian  sympathizers  and  a 
few  who  were  gloriously  independent  of  both  governments. 

It  is  too  long  a  story  to  tell  of  arrests  made  on  both  sides 
of  the  assumed  boundary  line  and  of  rescues  of  the  men  arrested. 


no  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

There  was  a  good  deal  of  violent  talk,  and  on  one  occasion  stones 
were  thrown,  a  pistol  was  fired,  a  sabre  was  swung,  and  several 
were  wounded.  Captain  James  Mooney  was  sent  with  about 
fifty  New  Hampshire  militiamen  to  preserve  order.  Parker,  who 
had  been  prominent  as  a  leader  among  the  settlers,  got  discouraged, 
took  his  family  and  settled  in  Wisconsin. 

Lord  Gosford,  Governor  of  the  province  of  Lower  Canada, 
made  complaints  of  irregularities  on  the  part  of  some  inhabitants 
of  Indian  Stream.  A  commission,  consisting  of  Joseph  Low, 
Ralph  Metcalf  and  John  P.  Hale,  visited  the  settlement  in  1836. 
They  and  the  militia  soon  convinced  the  settlers  that  they  be- 
longed to  New  Hampshire  and  that  it  would  be  for  their  own 
interests  to  publicly  acknowledge  that  fact,  which  they  did  by 
a  series  of  resolutions,  published  in  the  two  newspapers  of 
Concord.  The  troops  were  removed  at  once.  The  independent 
republic  ceased  to  exist.  It  died  unlamented,  and  the  inhabitants 
of  Indian  Stream  became  law-abiding  citizens  of  New  Hamp- 
shire. The  town  of  Pittsburg  was  incorporated,  December  10, 
1840.  The  settlement  of  the  boundary  line  was  made  in  1842 
by  the  Ashburton  Treaty,  as  beginning  at  the  head  of  Hall's 
Stream.  Since  that  time  development  has  been  steady.  Rail- 
roads have  brought  business  and  summer  tourists,  and  the  little 
republic  of  1832-6  is  now  a  flourishing  and  beautiful  town.1 

1  The  historical  facts  concerning  Indian  Stream  have  been  gathered  by 
Grant  Showerman,  Ph.D.,  Professor  in  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  and 
published  as  the  eleventh  volume  of  the  Collections  of  the  N.  H.  Historical 
Society,  under  the  editorshio  of  Otis  Grant  Hammond,  M.A.  The  Hist, 
of  Coos  County,  published  by  W.  A.  Ferguson  &  Co.,  of  Syracuse,  in  1888, 
contains  well  written  chapters  on  Pittsburg,  by  David  Blanchard,  Esq., 
pp.  696-720.  Special  attention  is  called  to  an  article  in  the  second 'volume 
of  the  Proceedings  of  the  N.  H.  Historical  Society,  by  Judge  Edgar 
Aldrich,  with  maps,  portraits,  etc.,  pp.  366-400.  Judge  Aldrich  adds  to  his 
article  an  extended  bibliography  of  the  subject.  See  also  Potter's  Military 
Hist,  of  N.  H.,  pp.  269-288. 


Chapter  VIII 

STATE  POLITICS  AND  THE  MEXICAN 

WAR 


Chapter  VIII 


STATE  POLITICS  AND  THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 

Need  of  at  least  Two  Political  Parties — Democrats  and  Whigs — Van  Buren 
and  Harrison — James  Wilson — Gov.  John  Page — New  Hampshire  Banks 
Independent  United  States  Treasury — Corporations  versus  the  People — 
Education  of  the  Blind  Commenced — Extent  of  the  Militia — Relief  of 
Poor  Debtors — War  with  England  Averted  by  Settlement  of  the  North- 
ern Boundary — Gov.  Henry  Hubbard — Opposition  to  the  Tariff — 
Responsibility  of  Stockholders — Defense  of  the  Unjustly  Accused — 
One  of  the  Rights  of  Women — Gov.  John  H.  Steele — Corporations 
should  be  Servants,  not  Masters — The  Tariff  Made  Responsible  for 
too  Much — Strife  over  the  Annexation  of  Texas — Condemnation  of  the 
Policy  of  England — Dr.  Jackson's  Geologic  Survey  of  the  State — Min- 
erals Discovered — Gov.  Anthony  Colby — Cause  of  the  Mexican  War- 
Part  of  New  Hampshire  in  the  War — Administration  of  the  only  Whig 
Governor. 

A  REPUBLIC  can  not  long  continue  under  the  dominance  of 
a  single  party.  Issues  continually  arise  that  express  differ- 
ences of  opinion  and  desire.  Where  there  is  something  to  con- 
tend for,  there  must  be  something  to  contend  against.  Two 
almost  evenly  balanced  parties  are  the  historic  rule  and  the  safe- 
guard of  a  republic,  and  there  is  sometimes  need  of  a  third  and 
a  fourth  party,  but  these  are  either  short-lived,  or  they  take  the 
place  of  one  of  the  old  parties,  that  then  passes  away.  At  about 
the  time  to  which  we  have  arrived  the  old  Republican-Demo- 
cratic party  was  splitting  into  Democrats  and  Whigs.  The 
name  of  the  latter  party  was  not  new  in  this  country  and  had 
been  previously  known  in  Great  Britain  as  the  party  opposed  to 
the  Tories.  The  latter  supported  the  government  in  power; 
while  the  Whigs  sought  changes  and  innovations.  In  the  United 
States  President  Van  Buren  had  many  opponents,  who  in  1840 
gathered  around  the  standard  of  William  Henry  Harrison,  the 
hero  of  Tippecanoe.  The  political  struggle  for  the  mastery  be- 
came fiercer  than  ever  before.  In  1839  the  standard  bearers  of 
the  two  parties  were,  for  the  Whigs,  James  Wilson  of  Keene, 
and,  for  the  Democrats,  John  Page  of  Haverhill. 

113 


ii4  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Although  James  Wilson  was  defeated,  his  prominence  as  a 
public  speaker  and  his  influence  was  so  great  that  he  deserves 
special  mention.  He  was  son  of  Hon.  James  Wilson,  who  was 
a  graduate  of  Harvard  College,  representative  to  congress,  1809- 
n,  an  able  lawyer  and  a  firm  Federalist.  James  Wilson,  his 
son,  inherited  the  talents  and  the  legal  practice  of  his  father.  He 
was  educated  at  Phillips  Exeter  Academy  and  at  Middlebury 
College.  He  took  great  interest  in  military  affairs  and  rose  from 
captain  of  the  Keene  light  infantry  to  be  major-general  of  militia. 
It  is  suspected  that  men  of  political  aspirations  then  made  use 
of  the  militia,  just  as  now  they  use  the  Grangers  and  other 
organizations  to  make  acquaintances,  gain  popularity  and  secure 
votes.  James  Wilson  represented  Keene  in  the  legislature  from 
1825  to  1840,  excepting  the  years  1833,  1838  and  1839.  In  the  last 
two  years  he  was  the  Whig  candidate  for  governor,  receiving 
25,244  votes  in  1838  and  23,028  in  1839.  His  reputation  as  an  ora- 
tor extended  far  and  wide.  He  was  six  feet  four  inches  in  height, 
well  built,  of  stentorian  voice,  ready  in  wit,  able  to  tell  a  story 
without  sobering  his  audience,  quick  to  cry  or  laugh  and  make 
others  do  the  same,  possessing  great  facility  in  the  use  of  lan- 
guage, sincere  and  sympathetic,  upright  and  honorable.  People 
of  all  shades  of  political  belief  flocked  to  hear  him.  The  title, 
"Long  Jim,"  shows  better  than  any  other  words  can  what  the 
people  thought  of  him.  His  oratory  helped  enlistments  in  the 
Civil  War,  and  he  was  an  honored  citizen  of  Keene  till  his  death, 
in  1881. 

His  political  opponent  in  1839  was  John  Page,  born  at  Haver- 
hill,  May  21,  1787,  whose  father,  of  the  same  name,  was  one  of 
the  first  settlers  in  that  town.  All  his  schooling  was  obtained 
in  the  common  schools  of  his  native  town  before  he  was  fifteen 
years  of  age.  Then  his  help  was  needed  on  the  farm.  In  the 
War  of  1812  he  served  as  lieutenant  in  the  frontier  guard  at 
Stewartstown.  At  different  times  he  held  the  offices  of  selectman, 
representative  and  register  of  deeds  of  Grafton  county.  In  1835 
he  was  elected  United  States  senator  and  served  till  1837,  filling 
out  the  unexpired  term  of  Isaac  Hill.  After  filling  the  governor's 
chair  three  years  he  returned  to  farming.  He  was  influential  in 
securing  the  building  of  the  Boston,  Concord  and  Montreal  Rail- 
road, and  while  governor  he  promoted  agriculture  by  recommend- 
ing and  securing  the  Geologic  Survey  of  the  State  under  the  direc- 


A    HISTORY  115 

tion  of  Dr.  Charles  T.  Jackson  of  Boston.  He  died  at  Haverhill 
September  3,  1865. 

In  all  the  messages  of  Governor  Page  emphasis  is  laid  on 
banking.  At  this  time  there  were  twenty-eight  banks  in  New 
Hampshire,  too  many,  as  the  governor  thought,  and  more  in- 
tent upon  making  money  by  speculation  and  overissue  of  bank 
notes  than  in  ministering  to  the  needs  of  the  people.  Many  had 
suspended  specie  payment.  The  banks  sustained  themselves  "by 
collecting  bills  of  other  banks  and  depositing  them  in  Boston  for 
the  redemption  of  their  own  notes."  At  this  time  there  was  no 
State  debt,  since  the  State  had  entered  into  no  plans  for  in- 
ternal improvement.  The  ordinary  expenses  of  the  State  gov- 
ernment were  forty-five  thousand  dollars  annually,  raised  by 
direct  taxation.  Individuals  and  corporations  were  supposed  to 
be  better  able  to  build  railroads  and  canals,  although  the  idea 
was  vanishing  that  the  public  roads  for  carriages  should  also  be 
constructed  by  private  companies  that  collected  toll  often.  It 
is  remarkable  that  the  same  notion  has  prevailed  till  the  present 
day,  in  spite  of  increasing  argument  and  conviction  to  the  con- 
trary. 

For  some  time  there  had  been  agitation  and  efforts  made 
to  establish  an  Independent  United  States  Treasury,  and  this 
was  effected  during  the  governorship  of  John  Page.  He  con- 
gratulates the  State  on  this  fact  in  his  message  of  November, 
1840.  There  was  a  general  and  growing  distrust  of  all  private 
banks,  and  State  banks  were  but  little  in  favor.  The  desire  was 
to  separate  the  fiscal  concerns  of  the  general  government  from 
all  connection  with  the  banking  corporations  of  the  entire  coun- 
try. This  was  effected  on  a  basis  of  redemption  in  gold  and 
silver.  A  committee  reporting  to  the  legislature  of  1839  stated, 
that  since  the  year  1814  the  government  had  lost  nearly  $13,000,- 
ooo  by  banks  and  the  depreciation  of  bank  notes  received  in  pay- 
ment of  the  public  revenues.  From  1817  to  1834  there  were 
deposited  in  banks  three  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars,  on 
which  there  was  a  loss  of  a  million  and  a  quarter  of  dollars; 
while  from  the  organization  of  the  government  down  to  1837  ten 
billions  and  fifty-three  millions  of  dollars  had  passed  through 
the  hands  of  government  officials,  with  a  loss  of  a  little  over  one 
million  dollars,  and  eighty  millions  had  been  coined  at  the  gov- 


n6  NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

ernment  mint  without  the  loss  of  a  single  dollar.  Thus  the 
superior  safety  of  the  Independent  United  States  Treasury  was 
demonstrated.  Moreover,  there  was  a  financial  panic  in  1837, 
due  to  the  suspension  of  specie  payment  at  a  time  when  there 
had  been  an  overplus  of  many  millions  in  the  United  States 
treasury,  that  was  actually  distributed  among  the  States,  and 
there  were  forty  millions  of  specie  in  the  vaults  of  the  banks. 
It  did  not  seem  to  occur  to  those  who  distrusted  the  private 
banks  that  corporations  not  trustworthy  in  the  handling  of  money 
would  not  be  any  more  reliable  in  the  management  of  railroads 
and  other  public  improvements.  Since  then  such  corporations 
have  filched  more  money  from  the  pockets  of  the  people  than 
all  the  defaulting  banks  ever  did,  yet  the  old  cry  is  still  heard, 
that  governments  as  such  may  only  "control,"  but  not  build 
and  manage  any  internal  improvements.  Let  private  capital 
continue  to  absorb  the  wages  of  the  toilers,  as  in  all  history  has 
been  the  fact.  The  legislature  of  New  Hampshire,  in  1839, 
adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  in  favor  of  the  United  States 
Treasury  and  payment  of  notes  in  gold  and  silver,  instructing 
their  senators  and  representatives  in  congress  to  support  bills 
to  such  effect. 

Governor  Page  cautioned  against  excessive  legislation  and 
frequent  changes  in  the  laws,  as  tending  to  increase  litigation 
and  useless  expense.  Special  legislation  in  favor  of  corporations 
had  wrought  evil.  There  were  corporations  "with  a  sole  view  to 
avoid  personal  responsibility,  to  enable  individuals  to  transact 
business  under  their  corporate  name,  with  an  exemption  from 
all  responsibility,  beyond  their  mere  interest  in  the  corporate 
property.  Applications  to  the  legislature  for  such  favors  ought 
not  to  be  encouraged.  .  .  .  The  interests  of  the  public,  as 
well  as  the  rights  of  individuals,  should  be  guarded  with  great 
care.  The  number  and  power  of  corporations  in  this  country 
have  been  extended  to  an  alarming  degree,  and  it  may  require  the 
utmost  vigilance  and  efforts  of  our  people,  as  well  as  their  legis- 
latures, to  retain  the  government  of  the  country  in  opposition 
to  so  many  and  so  powerful  combinations." 

The  State  made  an  appropriation  for  the  education  of  the 
blind,  and  $675  were  expended  for  that  purpose  in  an  institu- 
tion in  Boston.  Still  the  State  was  sending  its  deaf  and  dumb 
to  be  trained  at  Hartford. 


A    HISTORY  117 

Governor  Page's  message  in  1841  stated  that  there  were 
then  one  million  and  a  half  of  soldiers  enrolled  in  the  militia 
throughout  the  Union.  Of  this  number  about  thirty  thousand 
were  in  New  Hampshire,  who  were  called  out  thrice  each  year 
for  inspection,  drill  and  review.  The  expense  was  great  and  the 
people  were  groaning  under  the  burden.  The  same  arguments 
were  used  for  and  against  preparedness  that  are  used  now.  We 
must  be  ready  to  defend  ourselves  always,  or  somebody  is  likely 
to  attack  us ;  so  it  was  said  then,  and  "preparedness"  led  us  into 
the  Mexican  War. 

The  legislature  of  1840  having  abolished  the  law  for  the 
imprisonment  of  poor  debtors,  the  governor  the  following  year 
suggested  "whether  some  small  portions  of  the  uncollected 
avails  of  the  debtor's  labor  might  not  justly  and  consistently 
with  the  best  good  of  community  be  exempted  from  the  opera- 
tion of  the  trustee  process."  The  little  republic  at  Indian 
Stream,  by  its  acts  of  1832,  was  teaching  the  great  State  ad- 
vanced legislation.  See  previous  chapter. 

The  settlement  of  the  northern  boundary  of  Maine  and 
New  Hampshire  by  the  Ashburton  Treaty,  in  1842,  was  pre- 
ceded by  much  excitement  and  talk  of  another  war  with  Eng- 
land. The  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  in  1783,  seemed  to  be 
clear  and  to  sustain  the  American  contention.  The  British 
claimed  more  than  they  expected  to  get,  so  as  to  settle  by  a 
seeming  compromise.  British  forces  were  sent  into  northern 
Maine,  and  Maine  sent  militiamen  to  resist  encroachments.  New 
Hampshire  passed  a  series  of  resolutions  in  sympathy  with 
Maine  and  pledged  the  national  government  her  support  in 
defense  of  her  own  right  and  that  of  a  sister  State.  War  was 
averted  by  concessions.  The  northern  boundary  of  New  Hamp- 
shire remained  as  the  State  claimed,  but  Maine  lost  a  portion 
that  properly  belonged  to  her,  little,  however,  in  comparison  with 
what  England  claimed,  for  she  asked  for  one-third  of  the  State. 
The  motto  of  grasping  nations  seems  to  be — Claim  all  and  take 
what  you  can. 

The  election  of  1842  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Henry  Hub- 
bard  for  governor.  The  opposition  was  scattered  among  three 
or  more  candidates,  the  chief  of  whom  was  Enos  Stevens.  Hub- 
bard's  votes  numbered  26,831,  and  he  was  re-elected  the  two 
following  years.  He  was  born  at  Charlestown  May  3,  1784,  and 


ii8  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1803.  Jeremiah  Mason  was 
his  instructor  in  law  and  his  native  town  was  the  place  where 
he  practiced  and  made  his  home.  Sixteen  times  he  was  mod- 
erator at  town  meetings,  and  eleven  times  he  represented  his 
town  in  the  legislature.  In  1825  he  was  Speaker  of  the  House. 
He  was  Judge  of  Probate  two  years  in  Sullivan  county.  The 
Democratic  party  sent  him  to  congress,  1831-5.  From  1835  to 
1841  he  filled  a  seat  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States.  After 
his  retirement  from  the  governorship  he  removed  for  a  time  to 
Boston,  where  he  was  sub-treasurer.  He  returned  to  Charles- 
town  in  1849  and  died  there  June  5,  1857.  He  is  described  as  a 
willing  and  unwearied  worker,  ardent  and  courteous  in  political 
debates,  loved  by  friends  and  respected  by  opponents.  He  was 
specially  active  in  the  passage  of  the  Pension  Act  of  1832,  which 
gave  some  late  reward  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution.  On 
the  split-up  of  the  Federalist  party  he  sided  with  the  Jacksonian 
Democrats  and  was  their  ardent  leader. 

Governor  Hubbard's  messages  to  the  legislature  are  able, 
suggestive,  and  lengthy,  showing  the  trend  of  political  thought 
and  commercial  activity.  At  this  time  it  was  proposed  to  dis- 
tribute among  the  States  the  money  received  from  the  sale  of 
public  lands.  This  was  strenuously  opposed  by  the  governor 
and  legislature.  They  said  that  such  money  should  be  used  for 
the  expenses  of  government  and  the  tariff  should  be  lowered.  A 
few  manufacturers  were  being  "protected"  at  the  expense  of 
millions  of  consumers.  It  then  cost  one  million  dollars  out  of 
every  fourteen  millions  of  tariff  to  pay  expenses  of  collection, 
and  the  governor  cites  the  opinion  of  some  expert,  that  the 
direct  and  indirect  costs  of  collection  of  tariffs  averaged  forty- 
five  per  cent,  of  their  gross  amount.  In  spite  of  tariff  and  sale 
of  lands  the  nation  had  in  one  year  contracted  a  debt  of  twenty 
million  dollars. 

An  important  recommendation  of  the  governor  was,  that, 
when  an  accused  person  was  shown  to  be  innocent,  he  should 
not  be  compelled  to  bear  any  expense  in  his  own  trial.  Some- 
times it  was  an  insupportable  burden  for  a  poor  man  to  defend 
himself  against  malicious  accusation.  The  accuser,  whether  the 
State  or  an  individual,  ought  to  bear  the  expense,  if  the  accusa- 
tion is  unsupported.  So  it  would  seem,  but  there  is  something 
to  be  said  on  the  other  side.  The  upright  and  law-abiding  citizen 


A   HISTORY  119 

rarely  is  accused,  while  the  real  transgressor  of  law  often  fails 
to  be  convicted.  Some  measure  of  self-defense  may  perhaps  well 
be  left  to  every  citizen.  The  governor  was  averse  to  allowing 
retrials,  generally  speaking,  after  a  jury  had  come  to  a  con- 
clusion. In  many  cases  their  first  decision  should  be  final. 
Again  the  voice  of  a  governor  is  raised  against  capital  punish- 
ment. 

He  advises  against  the  creation  of  corporations,  the  mem- 
bers of  which  are  privately  irresponsible  for  the  debts  of  the 
corporation.  Stockholders  in  banks  should  be  made  liable  for 
debts  contracted,  as  was  the  case  in  English  law  and  also  in  the 
law  of  one  of  our  own  States  at  that  time.  The  legislature  had 
no  moral  nor  constitutional  right  to  confer  on  corporations,  as 
railroads,  the  power  to  take  private  property  for  their  own  use, 
under  the  plea  that  it  was  for  the  benefit  of  the  public.  The 
stockholders  in  railroad  corporations  are  not  working  for  the 
public,  but  to  enrich  themselves.  They  render,  it  is  true,  a 
service  to  the  public,  as  does  every  honest  laborer,  but  they  are 
paid  for  their  services. 

Another  recommendation  of  Governor  Hubbard  will  be 
appreciated  by  those  who  insist  that  women  should  have  their 
full  and  complete  rights.  He  advised  that  the  property  of 
females,  up  to  a  declared  limit,  should  not  be  taxed,  on  the 
ground  that  they  had  not  equal  opportunities  with  the  men  for 
earning  money. 

John  Hardy  Steele  was  elected  governor  as  a  Democrat  in 
1844  and  was  re-elected  the  following  year,  his  principal  com- 
petitor being  Anthony  Colby.  Governor  Steele  was  born  in 
Salisbury,  North  Carolina,  January  4,  1789.  He  was  apprenticed 
to  a  mechanic  at  an  early  age,  and  was  later  brought  to  Peter- 
borough, New  Hampshire,  by  Captain  Nathaniel  Morrison,  to 
work  in  his  carriage  factory.  He  was  soon  a  manufacturer 
himself,  making  chairs  and  gigs.  He  had  mechanical  genius 
and  put  in  operation  the  first  power  loom  in  the  State,  in  1847, 
building  and  superintending  a  cotton  mill  at  West  Peter- 
borough, in  1824.  He  visited  England  and  Ireland  in  1842.  At 
different  times  he  represented  Peterborough  in  the  legislature, 
and  acted  on  the  governor's  council.  After  retiring  from  the 
governor's  office  he  attempted  the  role  of  the  scientific  farmer, 
in  which  he  found  much  pleasure  and  no  remuneration.  The 


120  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

output  was  more  than  the  income.  Experiments  in  scientific 
farming  are  a  beautiful  recreation  for  such  as  have  agricultural 
tastes  and  have  made  a  lot  of  money  in  manufacturing  and 
trading.  The  ordinary  farmer  can  not  follow  their  example. 
Governor  Steele  died  at  Peterborough  July  3,  1865. 

A  passage  in  Governor  Steele's  message  of  1845  is  worthy 
of  attention,  since  the  threatened  evil  is  ever  recurrent: 

Individuals  as  well  as  associated  wealth  rarely,  if  ever,  suffer  an  op- 
portunity to  pass  without  making  strenuous  exertions  to  retain,  if  not  to 
gain  privileges  denied  to  the  mass  of  the  community;  and  it  is  too  often  the 
case  that  individuals,  even  among  legislators,  are  to  be  found,  who,  from 
personal  motives,  as  well  as  from  undefined  expectations  of  benefits  to 
themselves,  are  ready  to  advocate  and  grant  to  corporations  privileges  and 
immunities  which  they  would  at  once  refuse  to  partnerships  or  to  individ- 
uals. In  my  opinion  acts  of  incorporation  should  never  be  granted,  except 
where  individual  or  partnership  enterprise  is  manifestly  incompetent  to  ac- 
complish the  object  intended,  and  when  granted  should  be  rigidly  restricted 
in  their  powers  and  privileges.  In  short,  they  should  be  made,  as 
they  are  intended  to  be,  servants  and  not  masters  of  the  people.  A  different 
course,  or  one  granting  to  combined  wealth  exclusive  privileges  or  immuni- 
ties, would  ere  long  raise  the  grantees  above  the  grantors,  and  corporate 
bodies  would  soon  usurp  the  power,  without  possessing  the  dignity  or  per- 
sonal responsibility  of  the  landed  and  titled  aristocracy  of  Europe. 

Certainly  the  governor  had  some  prophetic  insight  and  fore- 
sight. The  struggle  between  the  masses  and  the  capitalists  has 
been  unabated  since  his  time  and  is  now  more  violent  than  ever. 
There  can  be  only  one  issue,  however  long  postponed. 

The  tariff  question  was  ever  before  the  people,  and  every 
governor  had  something  to  say  about  it.  If  there  was  depres- 
sion in  business,  want  of  currency,  or  panic,  the  innocent  tariff 
was  blamed.  If  there  was  business  prosperity,  the  friends  of  a 
high  protective  tariff  pointed  to  it  as  the  direct  cause.  The 
governor  told  the  legislature  that  France,  England  and  Ger- 
many had  depression  in  business  and  also  prosperity  during  the 
years  that  we  had  the  same  in  the  United  States,  and  England 
had  no  tariff.  The  opening  of  China  as  a  market  had  more  to 
do  with  increased  business  than  the  tariff,  and  the  governor 
spoke  as  a  manufacturer.  It  is  well  to  carefully  distinguish 
between  occasions,  coincidences,  and  causes. 

In  the  governor's  message  of  June,  1845,  tne  annexation  of 
Texas  is  advocated  with  enthusiasm  and  Oregon  is  claimed 


A    HISTORY  121 

against  the  pretensions  of  Great  Britain.  A  special  committee 
considered  this  part  of  his  message  and  brought  in  a  series  of 
resolves,  which  were  adopted  by  the  House,  not  without  opposi- 
tion. It  is  interesting  at  this  time  to  note  the  antipathy  then 
felt  toward  the  nation  that  we  now  sympathize  with  most  deeply. 
The  aggressions  of  Great  Britain  were  keenly  felt.  The  gov- 
ernor said,  that  "no  people  or  government  ever  yet  admitted  or 
even  proposed  to  waive  or  yield  any  of  its  rights  to  the  claims 
or  demands  of  Great  Britain  but  in  the  end  had  cause  to  repent 
of  so  doing.  The  public,  I  trust,  have  not  yet  forgotten  the 
easy  terms  on  which  that  haughty  power  obtained  possession  of 
a  large  portion  of  the  State  of  Maine.  Our  government  was 
first  induced  to  listen  to  quibbles  about  the  words,  "Sea"  and 
"Ocean,"  then  amused  by  the  discovery  that  Mars  Hill  was  high 
enough  to  cast  a  shadow  over  the  treaty  line,  and  at  last 
astounded  by  the  discovery  that  Mars  Hill  was  too  high  to 
permit  the  boundary  line  to  pass  over  it." 

The  report  of  the  committee  recalls  the  "overreaching  policy 
and  deep  duplicity  of  Great  Britain  in  relation  to  the  northeastern 
boundary,"  which  ought  to  be  a  warning  to  look  out  for  our 
rights  in  the  settlement  of  the  northwestern  boundary.  The 
animus  of  the  people  is  shown  in  the  following: 

Resolved,  That  the  interference  of  England  to  prevent  the  peaceful  an- 
nexation of  Texas  to  the  Union  is  a  measure  as  unprecedented  and  unjusti- 
fiable as  insulting  to  the  Republic,  and  requires  speedy  explanation  by  the 
British  ministry. 

Resolved,  That  the  interference  of  the  United  States  to  avert  from  any 
portion  of  the  people  of  this  continent  or  the  world  the  miseries  of  British 
colonial  servitude  would  be  abundantly  justified  by  the  acts  of  that  govern- 
ment. 

Resolved,  That  the  recent  development  of  the  intrigues  of  the  British 
government  with  those  of  Mexico  and  Texas,  to  defeat  the  policy  of  thi» 
nation  in  relation  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  demonstrates  the  sagacity, 
wisdom  and  patriotism  of  such  of  our  statesmen  as,  by  their  efforts,  brought 
this  great  measure  to  a  triumphant  consummation. 

The  resolves  were  opposed  by  a  minority  on  the  ground  that 
the  admission  of  Texas  into  the  Union  was  only  a  part  of  the 
plan  to  extend  slavery  in  this  country,  and  that  said  plan  ought 
to  be  combated  by  every  friend  of  humanity,  patriotism  and 
religion.  The  discussion  showed  how  bitter  still  was  the  mem- 
ory of  the  Revolution  and  the  War  of  1812.  Nations  should  be 


122  NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

judged  by  what  they  now  are,  not  by  what  they  once  were,  and 
the  same  is  true  of  individuals. 

During  the  administration  of  Governor  Steele  the  Geologic 
Survey  of  the  State  was  completed  by  Dr.  Jackson  after  a  labor 
of  two  years  or  more.  Previous  to  this  he  had  surveyed  Maine 
and  Rhode  Island  and  parts  of  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Bruns- 
wick. A  more  minute  survey  was  made  by  Dr.  C.  H.  Hitchcock 
in  1870-73,  so  that  here  may  be  noted  only  the  discovery  of 
minerals  by  Dr.  Jackson,  which  led  in  some  cases  to  business 
enterprises.  A  condensed  report  made  to  the  legislature  in  1842 
sums  up  his  chapter  on  Economical  Geology  in  his  First  Annual 
Report  on  the  geology  of  the  State,  printed  the  preceding  year. 
He  disabuses  the  public  mind  of  the  conceit  that  coal  mines 
may  be  found  in  granite  formations,  putting  an  end  to  the 
fruitless  exploration  for  that  mineral.  He  found  magnetic  iron 
ore,  not  only  at  Franconia,  where  mines  had  been  worked  since 
1805  by  the  New  Hampshire  Iron  Manufacturing  company,  but 
also  in  Jackson,  Bartlett,  Piermont  and  other  towns.  The  bog 
iron  ore  of  Gilmanton  was  at  this  time  about  exhausted. 

Inexhaustible  beds  of  limestone  were  found  at  Haverhill 
and  Lisbon.  That  at  Haverhill  was  worked  on  a  large  scale,  and 
six  bushels  of  lime  were  sold  for  a  dollar  and  a  half.  A  bed  of 
lime  fit  for  agriculture  was  found  at  Amherst. 

Copper  was  found  in  Franconia,  Unity  and  Warren.  The 
ore  in  Warren  was  associated  with  zinc.  The  zinc  and  lead 
mines  of  Eaton  were  considered  workable.  Here  the  zinc  ore 
was  five  or  six  feet  deep,  and  an  analysis  showed  thirty-three 
per  cent,  of  sulphur  and  sixty-three  per  cent,  of  zinc.  An 
attempt  had  been  made  to  work  a  mine  of  lead  in  Eaton  twelve 
years  before.  The  vein  was  eight  inches  wide.  The  zinc  ores 
of  Warren  and  Shelburne  furnished  as  high  a  percentage  of 
pure  zinc  as  the  mines  wrought  in  England.  The  lead  ore  of 
Shelburne  was  declared  to  be  rich  enough  in  silver  to  pay  a 
profit  on  the  expense  attending  its  extraction. 

Two  veins  of  tin  ore  were  found  in  Jackson,  specimens  of 
which  yielded  seventy-three  per  cent,  of  fine  tin.  Another  mine 
in  Jackson  yielded,  from  a  specimen,  sixty  per  cent,  of  arsenic 
and  thirty  per  cent,  of  iron.  One  hundred  pounds  of  the  tin  ore 
of  Jackson  were  estimated  to  be  worth  from  twelve  to  sixteen 
dollars. 


A   HISTORY  123 

Mica  was  quarried  in  several  towns,  especially  in  Grafton, 
yielding  fifteen  hundred  dollars  in  yearly  sales.  It  was  obtained 
also  in  Alstead. 

Granular  quartz  was  ground  to  powder  in  the  town  of  Unity, 
and  used  in  making  sand  paper  and  rifles  for  sharpening  scythes. 
Another  use  suggested  was  that  of  mixing  it  with  paint,  "in 
order  to  encrust  the  pillars  of  public  buildings  so  as  to  prevent 
injury  from  the  knives  of  idlers."  Quartz  was  also  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  glass,  especially  at  Keene  by  the  New  Hampshire 
Glass  Manufacturing  Company. 

A  plumbago  mine  in  Goshen  was  being  worked,  and  the 
ground  mineral  sold  at  three  to  five  cents  per  pound,  twenty 
tons  being  sold  in  a  year.  Plumbago  was  also  found  in  Hills- 
borough  and  Antrim.  A  very  valuable  ore  of  titanium  was 
found  in  Unity  and  in  Merrimack,  the  latter  worth  sixteen 
dollars  a  pound,  employed  by  dentists  in  the  manufacture  of 
mineral  teeth  and  by  porcelain  painters. 

The  survey  of  Dr.  Jackson  gave  much  information  about 
the  rocks  and  soils  of  the  State  and  was  calculated  to  be  of  great 
assistance  to  the  farmers.  Some  were  induced  to  search  for 
ore  and  minerals  as  an  easier  way  of  getting  rich  quick.  The 
efforts  made  from  time  to  time  in  Warren  cost  more  money 
than  was  dug  out  of  mines.  The  iron  works  at  Jackson  prom- 
ised well,  and  sixty  thousand  dollars  were  once  offered  for  them 
by  an  English  company,  but  the  owners  missed  their  opportunity 
in  the  endeavor  to  get  one  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  ore 
is  there  in  abundance. 

In  1846  there  was  no  election  of  governor  by  the  people. 
Anthony  Colby,  candidate  of  the  Whig  party,  had  17,707  votes; 
Jared  W.  Williams  had  26,740  votes  as  the  candidate  of  the 
Democratic  party ;  and  Nathaniel  S.  Berry  had  10,379  votes,  with 
about  five  hundred  scattering.  The  opponents  of  the  Democratic 
party  combined  in  the  legislature  and  gave  to  Anthony  Colby 
146  votes  to  124  for  Jared  W.  Williams. 

Anthony  Colby  was  born  in  New  London,  November  13, 
1795.  His  education  was  obtained  in  the  common  schools.  He 
was  the  first  Whig  to  fill  the  governor's  chair,  owing  his  election 
to  his  personal  popularity.  He  was  a  manufacturer  and  a  man 
of  the  people,  of  genial  disposition  and  known  for  benevolent 
works.  It  was  he  who  established  Colby  Academy  in  New  Lon- 


124  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

don,  an  honored  institution  under  Baptist  control.  He  was  a 
trustee  of  Dartmouth  College  from  1850  to  1870,  from  which 
he  received  the  honorary  degree  of  Master  of  Arts.  In  the 
militia  he  rose  to  the  rank  of  major-general.  His  party  was  not 
yet  strong  enough  to  hold  the  trenches  gained  from  the  political 
enemy,  and  so  Governor  Colby  had  to  retire  at  the  end  of  one 
year,  the  only  man,  as  he  jocosely  said,  who  satisfied  the  people 
in  such  a  brief  time.  He  died  at  New  London  July  13,  1773. 

During  Governor  Colby's  administration  and  the  following 
year  the  Mexican  War  was  in  progress.  In  general  the  oppon- 
ents of  slavery  condemned  the  war  and  the  annexation  of  Texas 
as  movements  in  the  interests  of  the  slave-holding  States. 
Resolutions  approving  the  war  were  voted  down  in  1846  and 
passed  by  a  small  majority  in  1847.  One  hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  members  of  the  House  voted,  that  the  Mexicans  were  a 
"weak,  harassed  and  defenseless  people,"  that  sympathy  was  due 
to  the  friends  of  the  brave  men  who  had  fallen  "victims  to  the 
baleful  spirit  of  conquest  and  lust  of  territorial  aggrandizement," 
and  that  "the  prevalence  of  better  councils,  and  a  wise,  mod- 
erate and  conciliatory  policy  might  have  saved  us  from  this 
calamitous  and  bootless  war."  On  the  other  hand  a  majority 
voted,  that  in  the  measures  taken  by  the  national  executive  "we 
recognize  not  only  a  spirit  of  justice,  and  a  desire  for  peace,  but 
at  the  same  time,  wisdom,  statesmanlike  forecast,  and  patriotic 
energy."  The  sober  judgment  of  history  seems  to  be,  that  the 
Mexican  war  was  one  of  conquest  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  although  provoked  thereto  by  many  acts  of  aggression. 
The  acquisition  of  territory  and  the  extension  of  slavery  were 
the  chief  motives.  It  was  the  triumph  of  a  strong  nation  over 
a  weak  one.  Nevertheless,  the  results,  extending  through  the 
intervening  years  from  that  time  to  this,  have  demonstrated 
that  the  territory  annexed  to  the  United  States  was  greatly  bene- 
fited, and  that  it  would  have  been  better  for  all  Mexico,  if  the 
whole  of  it  had  then  become  a  part  of  this  country.  Even  mili- 
tary conquest  of  the  inferior  by  a  superior  civilization  may  be  a 
blessing  in  disguise,  but  who  shall  decide  at  the  critical  moment, 
which  is  the  superior  civilization?  Is  it  not  that  which  pro- 
duces, in  the  long  run,  the  best  men  in  greatest  number?  And 
is  not  ideal  character  better  than  physical  force?  The  trouble 
with  Mexico  has  been  the  average  Mexican,  and  the  average 


A   HISTORY  125 

has  been  low  because  of  the  oppressions  of  the  powerful  few. 

New  Hampshire  had  only  a  small  part  in  the  Mexican  War. 
The  most  of  the  soldiers  in  three  companies  of  the  Ninth  Regi- 
ment of  United  States  Infantry  were  recruited  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, under  the  auspices  of  Colonel  Franklin  Pierce.  Among 
those  who  distinguished  themselves  for  gallantry  were  Lieutenant 
George  Bowers  of  Nashua,  afterwards  a  Lieutenant  Colonel  in  the 
Civil  War,  Sergeant  John  Bedel  of  Bath,  afterward  Colonel  and 
Brevet  Brigadier-General  in  the  Civil  War,  Lieutenant  Jesse  A.  Gove 
of  Concord,  who  fell  at  the  head  of  a  Massachusetts  regiment  in  the 
Civil  War,  Major  W.  W.  S.  Bliss  of  Lebanon,  who  was  brevetted 
Lieutenant-Colonel  for  gallant  and  meritorious  conduct  at  the 
battle  of  Buena  Vista,  Lieutenant  John  H.  Jackson  of  Ports- 
mouth, who  was  saved  from  a  death-bearing  bullet  by  a  Bible 
over  his  heart,  came  out  of  the  war  a  Captain  and  afterwards 
served  in  the  Civil  War  as  Colonel  of  a  New  Hampshire  regi- 
ment, Captain  Theodore  F.  Rowe,  brevetted  Major  for  gallant 
conduct  at  Puebla,  Lieutenant  Thomas  J.  Whipple  of  Went- 
worth,  who  served  also  as  Colonel  in  the  Civil  War,  Lieutenant 
George  Thorn  of  Derry,  who  rose  to  be  a  General  in  the  Union 
Army,  Captain  Henry  Lane  Kendricks,  native  of  Lebanon, 
graduate  and  professor  at  West  Point,  who  was  brevetted  Major 
for  gallant  conduct  in  1847,  afterwards  commanded  a  western 
post,  was  promoted  to  be  colonel  and  declined  a  commission 
of  Brigadier-General  in  1861,  returning  to  West  Point  as  pro- 
fessor and  known  as  one  of  the  best  beloved  instructors  there, 
and  Brigadier-General  Franklin  Pierce,  afterward  President  of 
the  United  States,  of  whom  more  will  be  said  in  a  subsequent 
chapter.1 

Governor  Colby  was  alive  to  the  varied  interests  of  the 
State.  He  called  attention  to  the  banking  law,  which  he  declared 
to  be  "aristocratic  in  its  operation,  and,  if  continued,  our  banks 
will  be  the  most  perfect  monopolies  that  our  state  has  ever 
reared.  The  unlimited  personal  liability  of  the  stockholders 
forces  the  whole  business  into  a  sort  of  legalized  copartnership 
of  the  rich,  excluding  the  middling  interests  and  others,  who  are 
the  sole  contributors  to  make  up  the  yearly  dividend  which 

1  For   further  particulars  about  New  Hampshire  men   in  the   Mexican 
War  see  Military  History  of  New  Hampshire,  by  Hon.  Chandler  E.  Potter. 


126  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

passes  safely  into  the  pockets  of  the  few.  .  .  .  The  revenue 
arising  from  the  proper  management  of  them  should  be  distribu- 
ted, as  far  as  may  be,  among  the  many."  He  upheld  the  tariff 
as  needful  for  the  protection  of  American  manufacturers  and 
to  secure  higher  wages  for  laborers,  results  at  that  time  satis- 
factory to  both  capitalists  and  wage-earners.  The  governor,  it 
seems,  had  power  to  order  the  commissioners  to  locate  a  railroad, 
contrary  to  their  own  convictions  of  the  public  good,  and  the 
repeal  of  such  a  law  was  recommended.  Strict  economy  was 
urged  and  that  all  unnecessary  public  offices  should  be  abolished. 
It  is  rare  to  find  an  Executive  asking  for  a  lessening  of  his  own 
power,  but  Governor  Colby  wanted  the  people  themselves  to 
choose  their  own  officers,  unless  debarred  by  the  constitution. 
He  was  a  good  governor,  but,  being  a  Whig,  had  to  be  set  aside 
by  the  triumphant  return  of  the  Democratic  party  to  power  in 
1847,  to  continue  to  hold  the  reins  of  State  government  for 
another  decade. 


Chapter  IX 
THE  ABOLITIONISTS 


Chapter  IX 

THE  ABOLITIONISTS. 

Position  of  the  Democratic  Party  as  to  Slavery — William  Lloyd  Garrison 
and  the  Liberator — Anti-Slavery  Societies — Fifty  Petitions  to  the  Legis- 
lature— Gov.  Hill  on  Slavery — Motion  of  Samuel  Garfield,  Jr. — Report 
of  Special  Committee — Resolutions  of  the  House — Gov.  Colby  Speaks 
out  against  Slavery — Position  of  the  Clergy — George  Thompson  and 
John  G.  Whittier  Mobbed  in  Concord — Attempt  to  Make  Clergymen 
Hold  Their  Tongues — The  Northern  Churches  in  General  Opposed 
Slavery — Nathaniel  P.  Rogers — Stephen  S.  Foster — Hon.  James  Wil- 
son— Senator  John  Parker  Hale — Amos  Tuck — "God  Bless  New  Hamp- 
shire"— Pierce  versus  Hale  in  the  Old  North  Church  at  Concord — Im- 
mortal Words  of  Hale — Hale  the  First  Anti-Slavery  Senator — Free 
Soil  Candidate  for  the  Presidency — His  Eloquent  Defense  of  Shadrach 
— A  Moral  Political  Reformer  of  the  First  Rank. 

FROM  the  beginning  of  our  national  existence  slavery  had 
been  the  bone  of  contention  between  the  North  and  the 
South.  While  there  were  prominent  men  in  the  South,  like 
President  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  admitted  and  strongly  as- 
serted the  evils  of  slavery,  yet  it  was  considered  so  necessary  to 
the  southern  planter,  that  greed  could  not  sacrifice  money  to 
morals.  The  Union  of  the  original  States  was  formed  by  con- 
cessions made  to  the  South.  Slavery  was  held  to  be  an  institu- 
tion under  the  control  of  separate  States.  The  Democratic  party 
of  the  North  always  supported  the  claims  of  the  South,  that 
they  should  be  let  alone  and  allowed  to  do  as  they  pleased 
with  their  slaves.  This  position  was  reiterated  in  almost  every 
message  of  New  Hampshire's  governors,  after  the  great  agita- 
tion in  favor  of  abolition  of  slavery  begun. 

In  1831  began  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  abolition  of 
slavery.  In  that  year  William  Lloyd  Garrison  established  the 
Liberator  in  Boston,  and  this  paper  brought  into  New  Hamp- 
shire the  elements  of  moral  strife.  Slumbering  humanitarianism 
awoke.  National  prosperity,  questions  of  constitutionality,  the 
preservation  of  the  Union  itself,  were  seen  to  be  of  importance 
inferior  to  the  rights  of  man.  The  moral  aspect  of  human  servi- 

129 


130  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

tude  overtopped  all  others.  Societies  among  men,  women  and 
even  children  were  formed  all  over  the  North  for  the  suppression 
and  abolition  of  the  great  wrong.  To  confine  it  within  certain 
States  was  not  enough ;  it  must  be  blotted  out  everywhere  and 
forever.  There  must  be  no  compromise  with  this  "sum  of  all 
villainies."  Such  was  the  spirit  of  the  New  England  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  organized  in  Boston  in  1832.  The  following 
year  a  convention  of  sixty  delegates  from  various  parts  of  the 
country  met  in  Philadelphia  and  formed  the  American  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  of  which  New  Hampshire  organized  a  branch 
in  1834.  In  June  of  that  year  there  was  a  debate  in  Concord  on 
the  burning  question,  and  many  of  the  members  of  the  legislature 
attended  it  and  in  consequence  scattered  the  seeds  of  abolition 
all  over  the  State.  Petitions  flowed  into  the  House  in  1838,  to 
the  number  of  more  than  fifty,  relating  to  the  abolition  of 
slavery,  signed  by  men  and  women  by  the  thousands.  All  these 
petitions  were  referred  to  a  committee,  who  reported  that  "it 
is  inexpedient  to  legislate  on  the  subject,"  and  they  postponed 
action  indefinitely  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  nine  to  eighty- 
two.  The  object  of  most  of  the  petitions  was  to  exclude  slavery 
from  the  District  of  Columbia  and  from  the  newly  acquired 
territory  of  Florida.  Some  asked  that  no  runaway  slave  should 
be  returned  from  New  Hampshire  without  trial  by  jury,  and  that 
the  prisons  of  the  State  should  not  be  used  for  the  incarceration 
of  hunted  slaves. 

The  message  of  Governor  Hill,  in  1836,  is  explicit  on  this 
topic.  He  said,  "We  must  take  things  as  they  are, — not  as  we 
would  have  them."  That  sentiment  will  never  do  for  a  reformer. 
We  must  change  the  evils  that  are  as  quickly  as  possible  into 
the  things  that  should  be.  He  said  further,  "That  whites  found 
the  colored  race, — fit  only  for  servitude."  The  abolitionists  re- 
plied that  the  whites  stole  the  colored  people  from  Africa  and 
that  some  of  them  had  been  fitted  for  something  better  than 
servitude,  and  the  rest  could  be.  The  governor  went  on  with  the 
usual  talk  about  the  kind  treatment  of  the  southern  slaves  by 
their  masters  and  that  the  well-used  slaves  considered  them- 
selves superior  to  the  colored  persons  who  were  free  and  had 
to  support  themselves.  The  abolitionists  replied  by  narrations 
of  frightful  cruelties  on  the  part  of  slave-drivers  and  of  the 
separation  of  families  by  the  slave-trade.  The  governor's  com- 


A    HISTORY  131 

parison  of  the  slaves  of  the  South  with  the  apprentices  of  New 
England  was  not  apt,  for  the  apprentice  was  sure  of  freedom 
after  he  had  learned  his  trade.  He  apologizes  for  slavery,  while 
he  admits  that  it  is  an  evil.  The  Constitution  obliges  us  "to 
protect  the  rights  which  the  slaveholders  have  in  slaves.  The 
North  has  no  right  to  interfere  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  the 
South."  .  .  .  "It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  master 
should  feel  obliged  to  deny  the  slave  the  means  of  education, 
when  he  knows  that  teaching  him  to  read  and  write  will  in- 
crease his  ability  and  his  inclination  to  do  his  master  injury." 
He  declares  that  the  work  of  the  abolitionists  has  retarded  the 
thing  they  were  seeking  for  fifty  years.  The  pro-slavery  advo- 
cates were  then  asserting  everywhere  that  the  education  or  the 
liberation  of  the  colored  people  would  lead  to  massacres  of  the 
whites.  The  threat  of  the  disruption  of  the  Union  kept  the 
Democrats  of  the  North  in  the  traces.  The  very  foundations  of 
society  and  civil  government  must  not  be  suddenly  broken  up, 
— such  was  the  party  cry,  and  most  of  the  shouters  were  sin- 
cere,— and  mistaken. 

Samuel  Garfield  Jr.,  of  Langdon,  introduced  in  the  House  a 
resolution,  "That  it  is  inexpedient  to  discuss  the  sublime  merits 
of  Southern  slavery,  while  Northern  slaves  are  required  by  their 
taskmatsers  in  gloves  to  wear  the  collar  and  draw  in  traces." 
He  was  censured  by  vote  of  the  House  and  required  to  apologize 
for  his  "unmanly  and  unjust  aspersions."  This  shows  the  heat 
of  the  discussion  and  that  well-meaning  reformers  sometimes 
use  unwise  language.  The  abolitionists  perhaps  employed  too 
much  words  and  epithets  of  denunciation  and  scorn,  so  natural 
to  the  lips  of  one  whose  heart  is  burning  with  moral  indignation. 

A  special  committee  made  a  long  report  to  the  House,  in 
1839,  in  which  they  say,  that  "in  some  of  the  States  the  blacks 
outnumber  the  whites.  They  are  ignorant  and  destitute  of 
property.  They  have  been  slaves  and  they  will  remember  it. 
Let  them  be  emancipated,  and  they  will  claim  the  right  of 
citizens.  If  denied,  what  follows?  Civil  war,  the  event  of  which 
must  be  the  extermination  of  the  blacks  or  of  the  whites.  But 
elevate  them  to  the  rights  of  citizenship,  place  the  ballot  in  their 
hands,  and  every  election  will  be  a  question  of  color.  Nor  can 
the  issue  be  at  all  doubtful.  The  Southern  States  would  have 
a  black  Governor  and  a  black  Legislature;  black  Senators  and 


132  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

black   Representatives    in    Congress;   black  Judges,   and   your 
committee   fear,   black   laws."     Was   this   prophetic   foresight   of 
the  results  of  post-bellum  reconstruction  of  the  .South  ? 
The  House  was  led  to  pass  the  following  resolves : 

That  the  relation  of  master  and  slave,  as  established  by  law  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  any  of  the  States,  is  an  institution  for  which  the  State,  within 
which  it  is  established,  is  alone  responsible,  and  with  which  neither  Congress, 
nor  the  Legislature  of  any  other  State,  can  rightfully  interfere. 

That  the  adoption  and  prosecution  of  measures  by  individuals  residing 
within  one  State,  with  the  avowed  design  of  overthrowing  the  institutions 
of  another  State,  by  sending  emissaries,  scattering  documents,  pamphlets  or 
papers,  within  that  State  against  the  declared  will  of  the  same,  is  a  dis- 
regard of  that  comity  and  mutual  respect  which  should  ever  be  cultivated 
among  the  States. 

That  Congress  ought  not  to  interdict  the  slave-trade  between  the  States, 
or  to  abolish  slavery  within  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  the  Territories  of 
the  United  States. 

That  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  by  which  all  memorials  relating  to  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery,  upon  the  presentation  of  the  same,  were  ordered  to  lie  on  the 
table,  without  any  further  action  thereon,  was  not  an  infringement  of  the 
right  of  petition. 

That  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery,  by  whatever  means  effected, 
without  the  expatriation  of  the  slaves,  would  be  productive  of  calamities, 
moral  and  political,  such  as  should  be  deprecated  by  every  friend  of 
humanity. 

Such  continued  to  be  the  spirit  and  utterance  of  Democratic 
governors  and  legislatures  till,  in  1846,  Anthony  Colby  was 
elected  by  the  Whigs  and  their  friends  in  the  legislature.  In  his 
first  and  only  message  he  changes  the  whole  tone  of  New  Hamp- 
shire's chief  executive  and  voices  the  growing  protest  of  her 
people,  declaring  that  slavery, 

at  variance  with  our  declaration  of  liberty  and  equal  rights,  and  repug- 
nant to  our  moral  sense,  was  entailed  upon  us  by  the  framers  of  our  Con- 
stitution, whose  palliation  for  the  admission  of  so  great  a  blot  upon  our 
system  was  the  weak  and  embarrassed  condition  of  the  country  at  the  close  of 
the  revolutionary  war.  But  what  can  be  said  of  the  present  generation  in  the 
United  States  ?  Grasping  territory  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  human  mis- 
ery. Texas  has  been  annexed  to  the  United  States  for  no  higher  object  than 
to  perpetuate  an  institution  which  degrades  the  human  race  and  dishonors 
the  God  of  Heaven.  For  doing  this  there  is  no  excuse  that  will  avail  for 
our  country  before  a  righteous  Judge.  Let  New  Hampshire  wipe  out  the 
stain  which  has  been  flung  upon  her  by  party  machinery,  set  in  motion  by  the 


A    HISTORY  133 

Baltimore  convention,  whereby  she  has  been  made  to  act  contrary  to  the 
true  spirit  of  her  original  democracy,  and  contrary  to  the  true  feelings  of 
three-fourths  of  her  citizens.  While  we  of  the  North  are  not  permitted  to 
remain  in  a  southern  State,  by  our  agents  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  jus- 
tice, let  us  render  good  for  evil  and  say  to  our  southern  brethren,  of  what- 
ever rank  or  color,  that  if  they  come  into  New  Hampshire  they  may  enjoy 
equal  liberty  with  us  ;and  if  any  be  claimed  as  servants  or  as  slaves,  let  a 
right  to  their  services,  founded  on  mutual  contract,  be  shown  to  the  satis- 
faction of  a  New  Hampshire  jury.  If  Congress  have  not  the  constitutional 
right  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  it  would  look  better  for 
them  to  remove  the  seat  of  government  to  some  free  State. 

The  reason  why  abolitionists  asked  that  a  hunted  slave 
should  have  the  right  to  trial  by  jury  was,  that  they  well  knew 
that  no  New  Hampshire  jury  of  twelve  men  would  ever  send  a 
runaway  negro  back  to  southern  slavery.  He  never  entered  into 
contract  with  his  master.  The  legislature  of  1846  passed  resolu- 
tions in  harmony  with  the  governor's  message  after  long  debate 
and  the  use  of  every  trick  known  to  parliamentary  tactics  to 
block  the  expression  of  the  moral  indignation  of  the  majority. 

Meanwhile  the  friends  of  human  liberty  were  increasing. 
Anti-slavery  societies,  both  male  and  female,  begun  at  Concord 
in  1834,  had  multiplied  to  fifteen  in  the  course  of  the  following 
year,  and  these  societies  were  circulating  such  literature  as  the 
secular  journals  would  not  print,  and  but  few  of  the  religious 
newspapers  then  spoke  out  with  clearness.  The  clergy  were 
growing  bolder,  though  the  fear  of  dividing  the  churches  con- 
strained many  to  keep  silent  and  let  somebody  else  do  their  work 
of  reform.  The  bread-and-butter  prophets  have  never  become 
extinct.  When  a  moral  question  gets  into  politics,  there  are 
always  some  in  the  pew  to  cry  out,  that  the  pulpit  is  no  place  for 
politics,  which  always  means,  if  the  preacher  can  not  re-echo 
their  sentiments,  let  him  hold  his  tongue.  A  few  preachers  led 
the  way  of  reform  and  suffered  the  fate  of  the  reformer,  thus 
becoming  bitterly  critical  of  the  churches  in  general.  Gradually, 
however,  the  laity  became  educated  and  bold  enough  to  sustain 
the  champion  of  human  rights. 

In  the  summer  of  1835  George  Thompson  of  England,  a 
noted  lecturer  on  anti-slavery,  came  to  Concord,  accompanied 
by  John  Greenleaf  Whittier,  and  was  advertised  to  speak  at  the 
old  State  House,  before  the  ladies  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society 
and  their  friends.  A  mob  collected,  encouraged  by  a  resolution 


I34  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

passed  at  a  previous  meeting  of  some  leaders  in  society  at 
Concord,  and  pelted  Mr.  Whittier  with  dirt.  Mr.  Thompson  fled 
to  the  house  of  his  host,  Mr.  George  Kent,  Jr.,  and  thence  he 
and  Mr.  Kent  escaped  to  the  woods.  On  assurance  that  Mr. 
Thompson  would  not  speak  in  Concord  the  mob  dispersed. 
However,  they  constructed  his  effigy  and  burned  it  in  the  State 
House  yard.  Mr.  Thompson  had  made  an  address  in  Concord 
in  the  previous  November  before  the  ladies'  society,  and  in 
spite  of  hisses,  groans  and  throwing  of  missiles,  continued  his 
lecture  to  the  end.  The  opposition  published  all  the  accusations 
they  could  rake  together  against  the  moral  character  of  Mr. 
Thompson  in  England,  personal  abuse  taking  the  place  of  argu- 
ment and  facts,  as  is  frequent  in  a  losing  contest.  It  is  interest- 
ing to  note  that  in  1864  George  Thompson  was  invited  to  Con- 
cord and  delivered  an  address  three  hours  long  in  Eagle  Hall. 
At  the  first  meeting  of  the  New  Hampshire  Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety, held  in  Concord  in  1834,  Dr.  Nathaniel  Bouton  of  the 
North  church  and  the  Rev.  George  Storrs  of  the  South  church 
identified  themselves  with  the  movement,  and  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  draw  up  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  State,  con- 
sisting of  John  Farmer,  George  Kent  and  Rufus  A.  Putnam. 
The  first  name  on  the  committee  insured  historical  accuracy  and 
fulness.  One  can  scarcely  read  that  report  now  without  feeling 
one's  blood  stirred  with  indignation.  The  horrors  of  the  slave- 
trade  are  vividly  depicted. 

Anti-abolition  meetings  were  held  in  several  towns,  ad- 
dressed by  such  leading  politicians  as  Governor  Isaac  Hill  and 
Senator  Charles  G.  Atherton,  who  introduced  the  "gag  law"  in 
Congress,  but  I  have  read  of  no  Societies  organized,  nor  asso- 
ciations of  women,  to  sustain  the  cause  of  the  slaveholders. 

In  1841  a  convention  of  Congregationalists  and  Presby- 
terians met  in  the  South  church,  Concord,  to  decide  on  the  best 
method  for  the  abolition  of  slavery.  They  adopted  a  constitu- 
tion, the  preamble  of  which  affirms  that  slave-holding  and  slave- 
trading  are  heinous  sins  in  the  sight  of  God  and  that  "immediate 
emancipation  is  both  the  duty  of  the  master  and  the  right  of  the 
slave,  practicable,  safe,  expedient  and  for  the  best  interests  of 
all  parties."  A  society  was  formed,  to  which  any  member  of 
the  denominations  represented  was  eligible,  and  when  the  con- 
stitution went  forth,  sixty-five  Congregational  ministers  had 


A   HISTORY  135 

signed  it,  and  others  united  with  the  Society  soon  afterward. 
The  Methodist  ministers  of  the  North  were  almost  unanimously 
abolitionists,  and  on  the  question  of  slavery  the  Methodist  Epis- 
copal Church  was  split  asunder  along  Mason  and  Dixon's  line. 
It  is  true,  as  Garrison  wrote,  that  Professor  Moses  Stuart  of 
Andover  Theological  Seminary  found  slavery  in  the  Decalogue, 
and  some  students  in  that  institution  were  disciplined  and  left 
the  seminary  because  of  their  advocacy  of  abolition  of  slavery. 
Bishop  Hedding  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  President 
Lord  of  Dartmouth  College  and  Rev.  Nehemiah  Adams  are 
enumerated  by  Garrison  as  among  the  opponents  of  the  cause  of 
the  abolitionists,  but  before  1840  the  majority  of  clergymen  in 
the  North  were  foes  of  slavery,  though  many  of  them  thought 
it  not  expedient  to  speak  out  in  their  pulpits,  lest  their  flocks 
should  be  divided.  The  cry,  "No  politics  in  the  pulpit,"  shut 
their  mouths.  Only  a  few  were  ready  to  take  the  prophet's 
reward,  though  after  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  all  claimed 
that  they  were  always  in  favor  of  the  liberation  of  slaves.  Men 
like  Stephen  S.  Foster,  Parker  Pilsbury,  Wendell  Phillips  and 
William  Lloyd  Garrison  assailed  the  churches  bitterly  for  their 
apathy  and  lack  of  support  and  open  advocacy  of  letting  the 
institution  alone.  Phillips  said  in  1853,  that  "in  some  towns 
large  societies  were  formed,  led  by  most  of  the  clergymen,  and 
having  almost  all  the  church  members  on  their  lists.  In  those 
same  towns  now  you  will  not  find  one  single  abolitionist  of  any 
stamp  whatever."  Why  this  falling  away  of  the  ministers  and 
church  members?  Because  the  division  was  breaking  up  the 
churches  and  endangering  ministers'  salaries.  A  few  rich  Demo- 
crats in  a  church, — and  there  were  a  very  few  in  many  of  the 
churches, — could  say,  "If  abolitionism  is  preached,  then  I  will 
neither  go  to  church  nor  help  to  pay  its  expenses."  Thus  they 
held  the  balance  of  power  and  silenced  the  timid  and  penurious. 
Reforms  cost  sacrifice,  and  not  all  the  professed  followers  of 
Jesus  are  willing  to  "lay  down  their  lives  for  the  brethren." 
Nevertheless  it  was  the  members  of  the  Christian  churches  in 
the  North,  who  by  voice  and  vote  sustained  the  movement  for 
abolition.  The  refusal  of  a  few  to  co-operate,  or  even  of  the 
majority  at  the  beginning  of  the  reform,  is  not  evidence  suffi- 
cient to  condemn  the  whole  church,  as  the  language  of  some 
abolitionists  too  plainly  states.  The  abolition  campaign  was  not 


136  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

confined  to  church  or  denomination ;  neither  was  it  the  secular 
work  of  those  not  affiliated  with  the  churches.  All  lovers  of 
mankind,  all  friends  of  liberty,  equality  and  justice,  were  grad- 
ually swept  into  the  movement  and  swept  along  by  it.  It  was 
a  great  revival  of  national  righteousness. 

Among  the  early  abolitionists  of  New  Hampshire  was 
Nathaniel  Peabody  Rogers,  born  at  Portsmouth  June  3,  1794. 
He  graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1816  and  practiced  law 
in  his  native  town  till  1838,  when  he  edited  at  Concord  an 
abolition  paper,  called  the  Herald  of  Freedom.  He  also  con- 
tributed to  the  New  York  Tribune,  under  the  name  of  "The  Old 
Man  of  the  Mountain."  Later  he  was  a  member  of  the  Non- 
Resistance  Society.  On  one  occasion  a  speaker  in  a  public 
assembly  declared,  in  answer  to  an  inquiry,  that  he  would 
take  human  life,  "if  God  commanded  it."  "Well,"  replied 
Rogers,  "I  wouldn't."  This  shows  the  moral  fibre  of  the  man. 
There  is  a  higher  law  within,  to  be  obeyed  sooner  than  any  sup- 
posedly miraculous  command  of  God.  Mr.  Rogers  gave  an 
address  before  the  Female  Anti-Slavery  Society,  at  Concord,  in 
1837,  which  was  published.  In  it  he  said : 

American  slavery  is  the  crime  and  curse  of  the  whole  land.  Its  root  and 
life  principle  are  in  the  North.  The  tree  not  only  overshadows  the  North, 
but  its  roots  run  up  here  and  are  intertwined  among  the  rocks  of  the  soil 
of  freedom.  Here  it  derives  its  nutriment  and  here  it  must  be  overthrown. 
It  must  fall  by  the  axe  of  Free  Discussion.  This  mighty  and  peaceful 
weapon  everybody  can  wield.  It  is  this  that  Slaveholding  dreads,  and  begs 
you,  commands  you  not  to  take  up.  The  South  asks  the  North  to  sustain 
her  slave  system  by  its  silence.  She  says  to  us — all  we  want  of  you,  is  that 
you  keep  still  and  hold  your  peace.  We  don't  want  to  hear  you  talk  on  this 
subject  in  our  ears.  You  disturb  our  tranquility  and  agitate  us.  We  can't 
discuss  the  subject — we  can't  allow  you  to  discuss  it — it  must  not  be  dis- 
cussed. .  .  .  Treat  the  free  negroes  as  you  have  done — promote  coloniza- 
tion to  drain  off  as  many  of  them  as  you  can,  out  of  sight  of  our  slaves,  and 
out  of  sight  of  the  conscience  of  your  church,  and  we  will  take  care  of 
slavery.  .  .  .  You  don't  know  how  to  talk  on  this  "delicate  subject" 
.  .  .  The  field  for  the  great  conflict  that  must  liberate  the  slave  is  the 
northern  church  meeting  and  the  northern  prayer  meeting.  .  .  .  Break  up 
the  church's  criminal  silence  on  the  subject  of  this  heaven-daring  abomina- 
tion, and  the  foul  system  perishes  in  the  light  of  truth. 

The  whole  address  shows  Nathaniel  P.  Rogers  to  have  been 
a  man  of  brains,  heart  and  eloquence.  Nothing  could  be  said 
against  his  blameless  and  peaceful  Christian  life. 


A   HISTORY  137 

Stephen  Symonds  Foster  was  another  abolitionist,  who  made 
himself  felt  not  only  in  New  Hampshire  but  throughout  the 
North.  He  was  born  in  Canterbury,  November  15,  1809.  He 
graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1831  and  studied  for  the 
ministry  in  Union  Theological  Seminary,  but  never  entered  upon 
his  chosen  profession,  because  he  was  not  allowed  to  preach 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  pulpit.  He  was  also  an  advocate 
of  peace  and  attacked  the  church,  because  it  sanctioned  slavery 
and  war.  He  published  a  pamphlet,  in  1843,  entitled,  "The 
Brotherhood  of  Thieves,  a  True  Picture  of  the  American  Church 
and  Clergy."  One  of  his  singular  ways  of  arousing  public  in- 
terest in  the  anti-slavery  cause  was,  to  enter  a  church  on  Sunday 
and  at  first  opportunity  begin  to  pray  or  exhort  on  his  favorite 
topic,  claiming  the  liberty  of  prophysying  in  a  known  tongue. 
For  such  conduct  he  was  cast  into  prison  more  than  a  dozen 
times.  Both  the  North  church  in  Concord  and  the  South  church 
forcibly  expelled  him,  causing  in  the  latter  case  injuries  that 
confined  him  for  weeks.  His  manner  and  tone  were  inoffensive, 
and  nobody  doubted  his  Christian  spirit  and  conscientiousness. 
He  seems  to  have  adopted  this  method,  which  proved  almost  as 
effective  as  John  Brown's  raid  at  Harper's  Ferry,  to  stir  up  the 
dormant  moral  feeling  of  the  North,  somewhat  as  the  suffragettes 
of  England  shock  and  frighten  the  public  into  listening  and 
reading,  by  violent  conduct,  since  otherwise  the  papers  would 
publish  nothing  about  the  reform  they  advocate.  It  is  not,  per- 
haps, the  wisest  way  of  pushing  forward  a  reform,  unless  it  is 
the  only  way,  and  of  that  other  people  may  be  better  judges 
than  we.  When  people  will  not  give  ear  to  the  voice  of  the 
prophet,  he  is  forced  to  resort  to  unusual  means  to  gain  atten- 
tion. Something  before  unheard  of  wakes  the  sleepy  up.  Nearly 
all  prophets  and  reformers  have  been  original  in  their  methods; 
the  burning  zeal  within  impels  them  to  give  it  strange  outlets. 
Let  not  the  dull  and  unemotional  judge  them  harshly.  Stephen 
S.  Foster  married  a  quakeress  reformer,  as  zealous  as  himself, 
and  together  they  traveled  and  preached  the  Gospel  of  freedom 
and  peace.  He  died  near  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  September 
8,  1881.  It  is  written  of  him,  that  "probably  he  encountered 
more  mob  opposition  and  violence  than  any  other  agent  ever  in 
the  anti-slavery  lecturing  field,  and  almost  always  he  would  in 
some  way  obtain  control  of  his  opponents."  The  poet  Lowell 


138  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

called  him  "a  kind  of  maddened  John  the  Baptist."  While  a 
student  in  Dartmouth  College  he  was  imprisoned,  because  he 
would  not  perform  military  service.  He  got  printed  such  a 
description  of  the  filthiness  and  unsanitary  condition  of  the 
prison,  that  a  reform  was  soon  instituted.  A  prison  had  no 
more  terrors  for  him  than  for  St.  Paul.1 

The  Hon.  James  Wilson  of  Keene  rendered  good  service  to 
the  cause  of  anti-slavery  in  the  national  House  of  Representa- 
tives, in  1849.  Near  the  end  of  a  long,  printed  speech  he  said: 

Gentlemen  need  not  talk  to  me,  or  attempt  to  frighten  me,  by  threats 
about  the  dissolution  of  the  Union.  Sir,  I  do  not  permit  myself  to  talk  or 
even  think  about  the  dissolution  of  the  Union;  very  few  northern  men  do. 
We  all  look  upon  such  a  thing  as  impossible.  But,  sir,  if  the  alternative 
should  be  presented  to  me  of  the  extension  of  slavery  or  the  dissolution  of 
the  Union,  I  would  say,  rather  than  extend  slavery,  let  the  Union,  aye,  the 
universe  itself  be  dissolved.  Never,  never  will  I  raise  my  hand  or  my  voice 
to  give  a  vote  by  which  slavery  can  or  may  be  extended.  As  God  is  my 
judge  I  cannot,  I  will  not,  be  moved  from  the  purpose  I  have  now  an- 
nounced. 

But  of  all  the  abolitionists  of  New  Hampshire  the  one  who 
has  reflected  most  honor  upon  his  State  was  John  Parker  Hale. 
At  first  a  Democrat,  he  was  forced  into  the  ranks  of  the  Free  Soil 
party  by  his  natural  repugnance  to  slavery.  He  was  born  in 
Rochester,  March  31,  1806,  and  graduated  at  Bowdoin  College 
in  1827,  having  for  college  mates,  Henry  W.  Longfellow, 
Nathaniel  Hawthorne,  William  Pitt  Fessenden  and  Franklin 
Pierce.  He  read  law  with  the  Hon.  Daniel  M.  Christie  of 
Dover  and  opened  an  office  in  that  town  in  1830.  Soon  he 
found  himself  in  the  State  legislature  and  a  little  later  in  the 
national  House  as  a  Democrat,  though  his  first  election  to  office 
was  on  a  workingmen's  ticket.  In  1835  he  was  almost  a  perse- 
cutor of  abolitionists,  a  sort  of  Saul  of  Tarsus,  but  the  Lord 
had  mercy  on  both  because  of  their  ignorance  through  unbelief. 
Mr.  Hale  knew  truth  when  he  saw  it  and  followed  it  unflinch- 
ingly. He  and  "Black  Hannibal  Hamlin"  of  Maine  stood  alone 
and  together  in  the  Democratic  ranks  in  Congress  in  defense  of 
human  freedom.  He  earned  the  epithets  of  "Democratic 

1  See  a  biographical  sketch  of  Stephen  S.  Foster,  by  Parker  Pilsbury,  in 
the  Granite  Monthly,  Vol.  V.,  pp.  369-375. 


JOHN  P.  HALE 


A    HISTORY  139 

Boanerges,"  and  "Granite  State  cataract"  by  his  denunciations 
and  vehement  eloquence.  After  long  effort  he  secured  the  pas- 
sage of  a  bill  abolishing  flogging  in  the  navy.  The  Democratic 
party  of  New  Hampshire  had  been  opposed  to  the  further  exten- 
sion of  slavery,  affirming  that  it  was  an  evil  that  ought  to  be 
checked.  The  annexation  of  Texas  changed  the  attitude  of  most 
of  the  leaders  in  that  party.  They  became  obedient  to  the 
southern  directors  of  their  party  and  counseled  silence  and  non- 
interference. Mr.  Hale  published  a  letter  to  his  electors,  in 
which  he  strongly  opposed  the  admission  of  Texas  into  the 
Union,  because  it  would  increase  slave  territory.  In  so  doing 
he  broke  with  the  new  Democratic  party,  while  advocating  the 
principles  of  the  old.  He  stigmatized  the  measure  as  "calcu- 
lated to  provoke  the  scorn  of  earth  and  the  judgment  of  heaven." 
For  this  the  Democratic  party  attempted  to  throw  him  over- 
board as  a  political  Jonah,  but  there  was  a  split  in  the  party, 
and  the  Independent  Democrats  rallied  around  the  standard  of 
John  P.  Hale.  A  convention,  called  by  Amos  Tuck  of  Exeter 
and  John  L.  Hayes  of  Portsmouth,  met  at  Exeter  February  22, 
1845,  and  organized  under  the  name  of  Independent  Democrats.2 
Soon  a  paper  was  published  by  that  name.  An  address  to  the 
people  of  New  Hampshire  was  scattered  throughout  the  State. 
John  P.  Hale  and  others  lectured  here  and  there  in  the  effort  to 
arouse  and  shape  public  opinion  against  the  further  extension  of 
slavery.  This  split  within  the  Democratic  party,  begun  in  Exeter 
in  1845,  was  made  by  the  thin  edge  of  the  wedge  called  the  Free 
Soil  party,  organized  under  that  name  in  1848,  when  they 
nominated  a  national  ticket  at  Buffalo.  It  was  the  noble  stand 
taken  by  Mr.  Hale  and  his  associates  that  called  forth  the  poem 
of  John  G.  Whittier  : 

God    bless    New    Hampshire — from    her    granite    peaks 
Once  more  the  voice  of  Stark  and  Langdon  speaks. 
The  long-bound  vassal  of  the  exulting  South 
For  very  shame  her  self-forged  chain  has  broken, — 
Torn  the  black  seal  of  slavery  from  her  mouth, 
And  in  the  clear  tones  of  her  old  time  spoken. 

The  political  contest  of  1845  was  an  animated  and  strenuous 
one.    Old  Democrats,  Independent  Democrats  and  Whigs  were 

2  The  Free-Soil  Movement  in  New  Hampshire,  by  John  L.  Hayes. 


140  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

in  the  field,  contending  for  the  mastery.  Franklin  Pierce  as 
the  leader  of  the  old  Democrats  went  through  the  State,  mar- 
shaling his  forces  and  winning  newspapers  to  his  aid.  John  P. 
Hale,  backed  by  the  convention  at  Exeter  and  many  resolute 
men,  was  equally  industrious  and,  moreover,  was  impelled  by 
moral  earnestness.  On  the  week  for  the  assembling  of  the 
legislature,  in  June,  it  was  arranged  that  Mr.  Hale  should  set 
forth  the  principles  of  his  party  in  the  old  North  church  at  Con- 
cord. The  people  thronged  the  church  before  the  appointed 
hour,  so  that  the  streets  were  deserted,  and  Mr.  Hale  was  de- 
pressed in  spirit  on  his  way  to  the  church,  fearing  a  thin  audience 
and  a  failure.  His  feelings,  as  expressed  to  Hon.  Henry  P. 
Rolfe  many  years  later,  have  been  put  on  record.  "I  was  gloomy 
and  despondent,  but  kept  my  thoughts  to  myself.  As  we  turned 
around  the  corner  of  the  old  Fiske  store,  and  I  looked  up  and 
saw  the  crowd  at  the  doors  of  the  old  church  surging  to  get  in, 
the  people  above  and  below  hanging  out  of  the  windows,  first 
a  great  weight  of  responsibility  oppressed  me,  and  in  a  moment 
more  an  inspiration  came  upon  me,  as  mysterious  as  the  emo- 
tions of  the  new  birth.  I  walked  into  the  densely  crowded  house 
as  calm  and  collected  and  self-assured  as  it  was  possible  for  a 
man  to  be.  I  felt  that  the  only  thing  I  then  wanted — an  oppor- 
tunity— had  come,  and  I  soon  gathered  that  great  crowd  into 
my  arms,  and  swayed  it  about  as  the  gentle  winds  do  the  fields 
of  ripening  grain.  That  inspiration  never  for  a  moment  left  me. 
It  followed  me  over  the  State,  during  the  ensuing  campaign,  into 
the  senate  of  the  United  States,  remained  with  me  there,  and 
subsided  only  when  the  proclamation  of  President  Lincoln  de- 
clared that  in  this  land  the  sun  should  rise  upon  no  bondman 
and  set  upon  no  slave;  and  now  when  I  turn  my  eyes  heaven- 
ward, I  can  in  imagination  see  hanging  out  from  the  battle- 
ments of  Heaven  the  broken  shackles  of  four  millions  of  slaves, 
which  for  nearly  twenty  years  I  did  all  in  my  power  to  rend." 
Mr.  Hale  spoke  for  two  hours,  knowing  that  he  was  address- 
ing not  only  the  citizens  of  Concord  but  also  representatives  from 
every  part  of  the  State.  It  had  been  arranged  that  Franklin 
Pierce  should  reply  to  him  on  the  spot,  and  he  held  the  audience 
for  another  hour  with  oratory  that  was  bitter  and  sarcastic  in 
tone  and  matter.  His  manner  was  that  of  the  irritated  partisan, 
who  feels  himself  to  be  already  defeated.  Mr.  Hale  sat  in  a 


A    HISTORY  141 

front  pew  and  listened  in  silence  to  the  almost  insulting  denunci- 
ations of  an  old  college  friend.  In  a  brief  rejoinder  he  stood  upon 
the  pew  and  closed  his  argument  with  words  that  have  made 
him  forever  honored :  "I  expected  to  be  called  ambitious,  to  have 
my  name  cast  out  as  evil,  to  be  traduced  and  misrepresented. 
I  have  not  been  disappointed;  but  if  things  have  come  to  this 
condition,  that  conscience  and  a  sacred  regard  for  truth  and 
duty  are  to  be  publicly  held  up  to  ridicule,  and  scouted  without 
rebuke,  as  has  just  been  done  here,  it  matters  little  whether  we 
are  annexed  to  Texas,  or  Texas  is  annexed  to  us.  I  may  be 
permitted  to  say  that  the  measure  of  my  ambition  will  be  full, 
if  when  my  earthly  career  shall  be  finished  and  my  bones  laid 
beneath  the  soil  of  New  Hampshire,  when  my  wife  and  children 
shall  repair  to  my  grave  to  drop  the  tear  of  affection  to  my 
memory,  they  may  read  on  my  tombstone,  'He  who  lies  beneath 
surrendered  office,  place  and  power  rather  than  bow  down  and 
worship  slavery.' " 

These  were  noble  words  and  have  been  fitly  put  upon  his 
monument  in  the  State  House  yard,  a  perpetual  object  lesson 
to  teach  the  sacredness  and  pre-eminent  right  of  human  free- 
dom as  well  as  the  manliness  of  a  fearless  utterance  of  conscien- 
tious conviction.  The  feeling  with  which  he  spoke  and  that  im- 
pelled him  in  his  subsequent  career  is  as  fine  an  illustration  of 
prophetic  inspiration  as  can  be  found  in  Hebrew  history.  Such 
inspirations  can  be  felt  only  by  those  who  are  divinely  assured 
that  they  are  aiding  a  righteous  cause. 

In  the  political  contest  that  followed  there  were  three  can- 
didates in  the  field,  representing  three  distinct  parties.  There 
was  no  election  in  September,  and  a  second  trial  in  November 
had  a  like  result.  In  the  March  following  the  issue  of  no  more 
slave  territory  was  put  before  the  people  more  plainly  and  fully 
than  ever  before,  and  the  result  was  a  complete,  but  temporary, 
overthrow  of  the  Democratic  party.  Mr.  Hale  was  electee! 
representative  from  Dover  to  the  lower  house  of  the  State,  as 
an  Independent  Democrat  and  was  chosen  Speaker  of  that  body. 
During  the  session  he  was  elected  United  States  senator  for  the 
full  term  of  six  years.  Here  he  was  alone  among  thirty-two 
Democrats  and  twenty-one  Whigs,  opposing  every  movement 
for  the  extension  of  slave  territory,  fighting  the  fugitive  slave 
law,  calmly  and  courteously  replying  to  the  insults  of  senators 


142  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

from  the  South.  He  was  joined  soon  by  such  men  as  Chase, 
Hamlin  and  Sumner  from  the  North.  He  was  the  leader  of  the 
forlorn  hope  of  Anti-slavery  in  congress  and  of  the  Independent 
Democratic  party,  which  prepared  the  way  for  Free-Soilers  and 
the  Republicans.  At  the  expiration  of  his  first  term  of  office  he 
planned  to  take  up  the  practice  of  law  in  New  York,  but  was 
recalled  to  the  senate  in  1855,  to  fill  out  the  vacancy  occasioned 
by  the  death  of  Senator  Atherton,  and  he  was  re-elected  for  a 
full  term  in  1859,  thus  serving  sixteen  years  in  the  senate,  dur- 
ing which  time  he  saw  the  fulfillment  of  his  glorious  vision. 

Mr.  Hale  declined,  in  1847,  tne  nomination  as  Free- Soil 
candidate  for  the  presidency,  but  accepted  the  honor  in  1852, 
when  he  received  155,850  votes.  After  his  retirement  from  the 
senate  he  was  minister  to  Spain  for  four  years,  a  position  for 
which  he  had  no  inclination  or  training.  Impaired  health  led 
to  his  return  and  he  died  on  the  iQth  of  November,  1873. 

An  incident  in  his  career  deserves  perpetual  remembrance 
as  illustrating  the  qualities  of  a  reformer  and  orator.  It  was  in 
1851  and  there  was  a  court  trial  in  Boston,  occasioned  by  fugi- 
tive slaves.  In  defense  of  the  rescuers  of  Shadrach  Mr.  Hale 
uttered  the  following  words,  like  a  sunburst  from  out  of  dark 
clouds:  "John  Debree  claims  that  he  owns  Shadrach.  Owns 
what  ?  Owns  a  man !  Suppose,  gentlemen,  John  Debree  should 
claim  an  exclusive  right  to  the  sunshine,  the  moon,  or  the  stars ! 
Would  you  sanction  the  claim  by  your  verdict?  And  yet,  gen- 
tlemen, the  stars  shall  fall  from  heaven,  the  moon  shall  grow 
old  and  decay,  the  sun  shall  fail  to  give  its  light,  the  heavens 
shall  be  rolled  together  as  a  scroll,  but  the  soul  of  the  despised 
and  hunted  Shadrach  shall  live  on  with  the  life  of  God  himself. 
I  wonder  if  John  Debree  will  claim  that  he  owns  him  then !" 

New  Hampshire  has  had  other  sons  that  have  outshone  John 
Parker  Hale  as  lawyers,  statesmen  and  orators,  although  he  was 
eminent  in  law,  statesmanship  and  oratory.  As  a  moral  political 
reformer  he  outranks  all  others  in  the  Granite  State.  His  name 
was  a  household  word  throughout  the  North  during  the 
troublous  twenty  years  following  1845,  and  well  the  writer 
hereof  remembers  hearing  it  often  mentioned  with  admiration 
when  he  was  but  a  lad.  No  worthier  name  adorns  the  history 
of  the  whole  anti-slavery  movement,  and  none  contributed  more 
than  he  to  the  awakening  and  growth  of  righteous  sentiment  in 


A   HISTORY  143 

the  hearts  of  millions,  that  led  to  the  overthrow  of  the  crush- 
ing curse  of  slavery.  His  spirit  needs  to  be  forever  reincarnated, 
to  give  to  all  men  their  just  and  equal  rights.8 

3  The  best  collection  of  character  sketches  and  survey  of  the  life  of 
John  P.  Hale  is  found  in  a  report  of  the  addresses  delivered  at  the  unveiling 
of  his  statue,  presented  to  the  State  by  his  son-in-law,  Senator  William  E. 
Chandler,  August  3,  1892.  These  addresses  were  published  by  direction  of 
the  Governor  and  Council.  The  principal  address,  made  by  the  Hon.  Daniel 
Hall  of  Dover,  is  a  model  for  condensed  fulness  of  matter  and  forceful 
beauty  of  diction. 


Chapter  X 
PERIOD   OF   DISCORD 


Chapter  X 

PERIOD  OF  DISCORD. 

Gov.  Jared  W.  Williams— He  Warns  against  Control  by  Capitalists  in  Legis- 
lative Halls — His  Argument  for  Preparedness — Visit  of  President  Polk 
— Gov.  Samuel  Dinsmoor — Decline  of  the  Militia  System — His  Attitude 
toward  Struggling  Railroads — Constitutional  Convention — Proposed 
Amendments  Rejected  by  the  People — Contribution  of  the  State  to  the 
Washington  Monument — Gov.  Noah  Martin — His  Pithy  Political 
Maxims — Prosperity  of  the  State  Shown  in  Statistics — Number  of  Edu- 
cational Institutions — Rise  of  the  American,  or  "Know-Nothing"  Party — 
Origin  of  the  Republican  Party  at  Exeter — Franklin  Pierce  Elected 
President— Gov.  Nathaniel  B.  Baker— Gov.  Ralph  Metcalf— He  Speaks 
out  against  the  Aggressions  of  the  Slave  States — Indignation  at  the 
Assault  on  Charles  Sumner — Legal  Prohibition  in  New  Hampshire — 
Alarm  at  the  Influx  of  Catholic  Immigrants — Fears  of  Foreign  Domina- 
tion Unfounded — Good  Men  Should  Be  Free  to  Go  and  Live  Anywhere 
— Senator  James  Bell — The  State  Casts  Its  Vote  for  John  C.  Fremont 
— A  Combination  Defeats  the  Democrats — Gov.  William  Haile — Normal 
School  Recommended — Reform  School  Established — The  Rights  of 
Africans  Asserted  by  the  Legislature. 

AT  the  election  of  1847  tne  same  three  gubernatorial  can- 
didates were  in  the  field  as  in  the  preceding  year,  but  the 
voters  for  Nathaniel  G.  Berry  did  not  hold  together.  Nearly 
four  thousand  deserted  him,  to  return  to  the  Democratic  ranks, 
and  as  a  consequence  he  had  to  wait  till  1861  for  his  hour  of 
triumph,  and  although  Governor  Colby  had  over  three  thousand 
votes  more  than  in  the  year  before,  Jared  W.  Williams  was 
elected  by  a  vote  of  30,806,  more  than  all  his  competitors. 

Jared  Warner  Williams  was  born  in  West  Woodstock,  Con- 
necticut, in  1796.  He  was  graduated  at  Brown  University  in 
1818,  read  law  at  the  Litchfield  Law  School  and  settled  in  Lan- 
caster in  1822,  where  he  resided  till  his  death,  September  2% 
1864.  He  represented  that  town  in  the  legislature,  1832-7,  and 
was  representative  in  congress,  1837-41.  After  serving  as  gov- 
ernor two  years  he  was,  in  1852,  appointed  Judge  of  Probate. 
He  was  elected  United  States  senator  for  the  years  1853-5.  IQ 
1864  he  was  a  delegate  to  the  Democratic  National  Convention 

147 


I48  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

at  Chicago.  Dartmouth  College  gave  him  the  honorary  degree 
of  Master  of  Arts,  and  Brown  University  made  him  a  Doctor  of 
Laws. 

His  attitude  toward  slavery  was  the  traditional  one  of  the 
Democratic  party  of  the  North,  admitting  it  to  be  a  moral, 
political  and  social  evil,  opposing  its  further  extension,  advocat- 
ing the  Wilmot  Proviso,  but  letting  the  slave-holding  States 
alone,  esteeming  the  preservation  of  the  Union  against  Southern 
threats  of  more  importance  than  the  abolition  of  slavery  on 
American  soil.  The  Mexican  war  and  its  results  were  justified 
in  his  first  message,  and  again  the  legislature  was  warned  against 
"an  improper  tendency  in  favor  of  capital  rather  than  labor,  to 
benefit  the  few  rather  than  the  many;  and  the  cause  of  this 
tendency  must  be  found  in  the  controlling  influence  of  this 
capital  in  our  legislative  hall."  Corporations  had  to  be  watched 
continually.  Almost  every  governor  for  a  long  term  of  years 
warned  the  legislature  to  restrict  their  powers  and  keep  them 
under  the  control  of  the  State.  They  should  have  no  more 
rights  and  privileges  than  private  individuals  and  partnerships  in 
the  management  of  business. 

The  governor  recommended  a  well  ordered  militia,  and  the 
adjutant-general  in  his  annual  report  issued  an  alarming  call 
that  is  of  special  interest  today,  when  "preparedness"  is  the 
watchword  of  the  hour.  Here  is  the  way  he  sought  to  frighten 
legislators  into  the  adoption  of  strong  military  measures  against 
England,  whose  "policy  of  her  foreign  relations  has  ever  been 
violent,  overbearing  and  monopolizing,  and  wherever  she  has  trod 
with  her  iron  foot,  she  has  withered  and  destroyed  all  around.  All 
past  history  is  replete  with  the  encroachment  of  nation  upon 
nation,  and  can  we  expect  that  for  our  sakes  the  established 
order  of  things  will  be  reversed,  especially  if  we  neglect  the 
means  of  protecting  and  defending  ourselves?  Are  there  not 
despots  in  Europe,  whose  eyes  would  glisten  with  fiendish  joy, 
to  find  us  destitute  of  the  constitutional  power  to  enforce  the 
execution  of  our  laws,  to  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  in- 
vasions? Would  not  such  a  condition  invite  aggression  and 
attack?  With  a  bare  handful  of  an  army  in  time  of  peace,  and 
without  an  organized  militia,  who  would  there  be  to  order  out 
on  any  sudden  emergency  to  man  our  fortifications  and  fill  up 
our  garrisons;  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  landing  where  he 


A   HISTORY  149 

pleased,  turning  the  permanent  defenses  of  the  country,  assailing 
the  point  at  which  he  aimed  with  impunity,  and  with  the  watch 
cry  of  "beauty  and  booty"  ransacking  our  houses,  ravaging  our 
fields,  and  burning  our  cities  and  villages?"  Surely  the  pacifists 
should  feel  their  blood  curdling  at  the  reading  of  such  words 
and  wonder  whether  the  present  advocates  of  a  big  army  and 
navy  have  not  stolen  the  thunder  of  their  arguments  from  the 
records  of  the  dim  past.  Nearly  seventy  years  have  passed  and 
cruel  and  tyrannous  England  has  not  molested  us.  The  North 
then  needed  to  prepare  for  internal  conflict  rather  than  against 
foreign  foes.  Is  this  also  true  today?  Let  justice  in  legislation 
avert  the  evil. 

In  response  to  an  invitation  from  the  legislature  President 
Polk  visited  Concord,  arriving  on  the  first  day  of  July,  1847. 
A  committee  met  him  at  Lowell  and  a  special  train  was  provided 
by  the  Concord  Railroad.  Five  thousand  greeted  him  at  Man- 
chester and  the  train  stopped  opposite  the  monument  of  General 
John  Stark.  At  the  railroad  station  in  Concord  he  was  met  and 
escorted  by  the  Stark  Guards  and  the  Concord  Light  Infantry. 
An  arch  of  evergreen  and  flowers  was  erected  on  lower  Main 
Street.  Crowds  lined  the  way  and  cheered  tremendously,  as  a 
newspaper  said.  Seven  governors  of  New  Hampshire  and  other 
States  were  present.  The  President  was  entertained  at  the 
American  House,  made  an  address  to  the  legislature  and  had  a 
reception  in  the  State  House  in  the  evening,  leaving  for  Lowell 
at  half  past  eight  on  the  day  of  his  arrival.  The  people  had  seen 
the  President  and  some  of  them  had  heard  his  voice.  On  his 
way  through  Exeter,  Newmarket  and  Dover  to  Maine  many 
persons  assembled  at  the  railroad  stations  to  see  and  hear  him 
for  a  few  minutes.  The  reception  of  a  European  monarch  is  a 
vastly  more  elaborate  affair ;  in  this  country  we  honor  the  office 
to  some  extent,  but  we  honor  the  man  more — if  he  deserves  it. 

There  were  three  candidates  for  governor  in  1849  and 
Samuel  Dinsmoor  received  over  thirty  thousand  votes,  more 
than  the  other  two  together.  He  was  born  in  Keene,  May  8, 
1799,  son  of  Governor  Samuel  and  Mary  (Reid)  Dinsmoor.  He 
graduated  at  Dartmouth  in  1815,  at  age  of  fifteen,  and  there- 
after studied  and  practiced  law  in  his  native  town.  For  a  while 
he  was  in  Arkansas  with  the  territorial  governor,  Gen.  James 
Miller.  He  visited  Paris  and  became  well  acquainted  with  the 


ISO  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

French  language.  He  served  as  governor  the  usual  term  of 
three  years.  Other  offices  held  by  him  at  different  times  were 
clerk  of  the  State  Senate,  postmaster  of  Keene  and  president 
of  the  Ashuelot  Bank. 

Here  is  the  way  he  speaks  about  the  militia  system  in  his 
first  message.  "The  time  has  arrived  when  the  system  should 
be  either  abandoned  altogether,  as  fraught  with  incorrigible  evil, 
or  placed  upon  such  a  footing  of  efficiency  and  respectability  as 
to  command  the  obedience  and  receive  the  cordial  support  of 
the  people  throughout  the  State.  No  one,  having  a  regard  for 
the  dignity  of  the  State,  or  wishing  to  hold  in  respect  the  char- 
acter of  our  citizens,  can  desire  to  see  repeated  the  spectacle  now 
so  commonly  witnessed  when  the  militia  are  called  out  for 
training  and  parade.  It  is  not  unusual  on  these  occasions  to  see 
large  bodies  of  men  making  a  studied  mockery  of  a  public  duty, 
furnishing  a  pernicious  example  of  insubordination  to  the  laws, 
and  bringing  into  contempt  the  authority  of  the  State."  Like 
other  governors  he  called  for  reform  by  means  of  new  laws 
and  reorganization. 

In  his  second  message  he  reaffirms  the  principle,  that  had 
been  vigorously  contested,  that  the  State  that  makes  a  corpora- 
tion has  the  right  to  control  it,  through  their  representatives. 
"New  Hampshire  has  been  the  battle-field  on  which  this  con- 
test has  been  decided,  and  the  complete  triumph  here  of  the 
popular  view  of  this  question  may  be  regarded  as  having  fixed 
unalterably  the  policy  of  this  State." 

What  he  says  about  railroads  may  throw  some  light  upon 
present  difficulties.  Up  to  1850  four  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of 
railroad  had  been  constructed  in  New  Hampshire,  at  a  cost  of 
not  far  from  sixteen  million  dollars.  Some  of  them  were  begun 
with  an  inadequate  supply  of  means  and  were  pushed  forward 
on  borrowed  funds.  Such  were  constantly  struggling  with  finan- 
cial difficulties.  Their  stock  was  depreciated,  their  credit  was 
impaired,  and  the  hopes  of  the  stockholders  for  dividends  were 
indefinitely  postponed.  The  governor  advocated  publicity.  The 
stockholders  wanted  to  know  what  had  been  done  with  their 
money.  "When  there  is  concealment,  or  the  suspicion  of  it, 
there  will  inevitably  result  a  want  of  confidence."  "They  desire, 
and  are  clearly  entitled  to  receive,  frequent,  full,  intelligible  and 
undisguised  reports  of  the  condition  of  their  roads,  which  re- 


A    HISTORY  151 

ports  should  embrace  such  copious  details  in  relation  to  income, 
expenditures,  contracts  and  financial  operations,  as  will  enable 
them  to  judge  whether  there  has  been  a  judicious  application  of 
the  large  amounts  of  money  placed  at  the  disposal  of  their 
directors."  At  this  time  the  salary  of  the  president  of  the 
Northern  Railroad  was  $1,200,  and  that  of  the  superintendent 
was  $2,000,  while  the  President  of  the  Concord  Railroad  received 
only  $1,000.  Other  railroads  did  not  report  such  items.  The 
Concord  Railroad  then  paid  nine  per  cent,  dividend  and  had  a 
respectable  balance  left.  Perhaps  smaller  salaries  for  officials 
would  help  the  financial  condition  of  some  railroads  at  the 
present  time.  In  1850  the  governor  had  some  doubt  whether 
certain  railroad  enterprises  in  New  Hampshire  would  ever  be- 
come remunerative,  yet  they  were  a  decided  help  to  the  com- 
munities they  served. 

In  1849  tne  people  decided  by  a  vote  of  two  to  one  that  a 
revision  of  the  constitution  was  desirable,  and  a  convention  met 
at  Concord  in  1850  to  fulfill  their  will.  Fifteen  amendments 
were  submitted  to  the  people  by  a  convention  that  included 
such  men  as  William  Plumer  Jr.,  Oilman  Marston,  Levi  Wood- 
bury,  Ichabod  Bartlett,  Ichabod  Goodwin,  Thomas  E.  Sawyer, 
James  Bell,  Charles  G.  Atherton,  William  Haile,  Edwin  D.  San- 
born  and  other  men  of  note,  yet  every  amendment  was  rejected 
by  the  people.  Governor  Dinsmoor  tells  us  in  his  third  mes- 
sage that  the  cost  of  this  convention  to  the  State  was  $40,000, 
and  the  same  year  there  was  paid  as  a  bounty  on  crows  the  sum 
of  $3,500.  The  ablest  men  of  New  York  have  just  now  (1915) 
proposed  a  revised  constitution  for  that  State,  which  is  pro- 
nounced to  be  a  model,  yet  it  has  been  overwhelmingly  rejected 
by  the  people.  It  takes  a  long  time  to  get  a  new  idea  lodged 
securely  in  the  minds  of  the  masses.  Two  hundred  and  ninety 
members  formed  the  convention  of  1850,  and  Franklin  Pierce 
was  chairman.  The  convention  reassembled  on  the  sixteenth 
of  April,  1851,  and  resolved  to  resubmit  to  the  vote  of  the  people 
three  of  the  rejected  amendments,  viz.,  those  proposing  to  abol- 
ish the  religious  test,  to  do  away  with  the  property  qualification, 
and  to  provide  a  new  mode  for  amending  the  constitution.  At 
the  annual  town  meetings,  held  March  9,  1852,  the  second  of 
these  three  amendments,  abolishing  the  property  qualification, 
was  adopted.  The  journal  of  this  constitutional  convention 


152  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

exists  in  manuscript  only,  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State. 

The  governor,  in  compliance  with  a  vote  of  the  legislature  in 
1849,  sent  a  block  of  granite,  quarried  and  prepared  at  Concord, 
with  the  name  of  the  State  inscribed  upon  it,  to  the  Washington 
Monument  Association.  It  is  known  that  Durham  sent  a  similar 
contribution,  and  probably  other  towns  of  the  State  did  likewise. 

Noah  Martin  was  elected  governor  in  1852  and  re-elected 
the  following  year.  He  was  born  at  Epsom  July  26,  1801,  of 
Scotch-Irish  descent.  His  father  served  in  the  Revolution.  After 
graduating  at  the  Medical  College  of  Dartmouth  in  1824,  Noah 
Martin  settled  in  Great  Falls  as  a  physician  and  continued  in 
practice  there  nine  years.  Then  he  removed  to  Dover.  He 
represented  both  Somersworth  and  Dover  in  the  legislature  and 
was  State  senator,  1835-6.  He  died  in  Dover  May  28,  1863. 

In  reading  the  messages  of  the  governors  of  the  State  one 
is  impressed  with  their  dignity,  pithy  utterance  of  fundamental 
principles  of  justice,  breadth  of  political  view,  as  well  as  skillful 
use  of  words.  Governor  Martin  was  not  inferior  to  any.  Here 
are  a  few  of  his  striking  sentences:  "Under  our  forms  legisla- 
tion is  merely  the  collecting  of  public  opinion  and  uttering  it 
with  the  solemn  sanction  of  the  people's  voice,  through  their 
assembled  representatives."  "Agricultural  prosperity,  knowl- 
edge and  virtue  are  the  sustaining  pillars  of  a  republican  govern- 
ment." Legislators  "are  the  conservators  of  the  public  morals, 
individual  rights  and  interests."  "We  are  willing  to  extend  the 
helping  hand  to  other  nations,  however  distant,  struggling  for 
that  civil  and  religious  freedom  which  is  the  natural  right  of  all 
humanity."  "The  despots  of  Europe  expect  us,  the  only  repre- 
sentatives of  free  government,  to  favor  freedom  everywhere." 
But  he  advocated  the  enforcement  of  the  fugitive  slave  law, 
although  it  contradicted  his  sentiments  of  universal  liberty.  He 
did  this,  in  harmony  with  his  political  party,  because  he  thought 
the  Constitution  demanded  it,  and  to  keep  in  harmony  with  the 
South,  so  as  to  avoid  disruption  of  the  Union.  He  cautioned  the 
legislature  against  the  chartering  of  competing  lines  of  railroad, 
where  there  was  business  enough  for  only  one,  but  he  could 
not  see  that  natural  monopolies  should  be  sold  or  rented  to 
corporations,  rather  than  given  by  the  State,  and  nobody  then 
in  New  Hampshire  raised  his  voice  in  favor  of  State  and 
municipal  ownership  of  public  utilities. 


A    HISTORY  153 

The  governor,  in  his  message  of  1853,  gave  some  illuminat- 
ing statistics  in  regard  to  the  prosperity  of  the  State.  There  were 
then  improved  and  under  tillage  2,251,488  acres,  valued  at  over 
fifty-five  million  dollars.  The  wheat  crop  was  185,658  bushels, 
and  there  were  produced  1,108,476  pounds  of  wool.  There  were 
fifty-four  cotton  mills  and  sixty-one  woolen  mills  in  the  State. 
The  average  wage  in  the  former  was,  for  males,  $25.45  per 
month  and  for  females,  $13.47  per  month;  in  the  woolen  mills 
the  average  wage  for  men  was  $22.74  and  for  females  $14.51  per 
month.  How  could  the  laborers  live?  The  cost  of  rent,  food 
and  clothing  was  proportionally  low,  but  it  is  evident  that  with 
a  wage  for  men  and  women  ranging  from  forty  cents  to  a  dollar 
a  day  not  much  money  could  be  laid  aside  for  sickness  and  old 
age.  There  were  thirty-three  banks  of  deposit  with  a  capital  of 
$3,226,000  and  sixteen  savings  institutions  with  a  capital  of 
$2,132,218.  The  State  had  625  miles  of  railroad,  which  had  cost 
$18,346,086  and  were  paying  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  on  invest- 
ments. Railroad  accidents  were  of  almost  daily  occurrence,  with 
a  shocking  loss  of  life,  occasioned  in  most  instances  by  "reck- 
lessness, ignorance  or  carelessness."  The  governor  urged  the 
legislature  to  make  the  railroads  penally  responsible  for  loss  of 
life  or  injury  through  carelessness,  the  guilty  persons  to  be 
punishable  with  hard  labor  for  life. 

The  State  then  had  forty-seven  incorporated  academies  and 
forty-six  unincorporated  academies  and  private  schools,  besides 
two  thousand  three  hundred  common  school  districts.  The 
pupils  in  the  academies  numbered  over  seven  thousand  six 
hundred  and  the  common  schools  registered  eighty-four  thou- 
sand in  attendance.  The  governor  adds,  that  "the  Bible  and 
the  statute  book  should  be  placed  in  proximity  in  every  house- 
hold." The  State  was  asked  to  contribute  towards  the  erection 
of  a  monument  to  the  memory  of  Mechech  Weare  and  another 
at  Philadelphia  for  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence. 

About  this  time  the  Democratic  party  was  having  its  own 
sweet  way  because  of  the  divisions  of  their  opponents  into 
several  small  factions.  The  Whig  party  was  breaking  up.  The 
Independent  Democrats  mustered  but  a  small  force  at  elections. 
The  abolitionists  were  divided  as  to  ways  and  means,  though 
desiring  the  same  ends.  The  Free-Soilers,  formed  in  1848,  were 


154  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

making  little  progress.  There  was  too  much  political  machinery. 
The  old  Whigs  adhered  tenaciously  to  their  political  organiza- 
tion. They  were  led  by  Ichabod  Bartlett  and  Ichabod  Goodwin 
df  Portsmouth,  Daniel  M.  Christie  and  Thomas  E.  Sawyer  of 
Dover,  Asa  McFarland  and  Judge  Perley  of  Concord,  James 
Wilson  and  Levi  Chamberlain  of  Keene,  etc.  For  some  time 
efforts  had  been  made  further  south  to  build  up  what  was  after- 
ward called  an  American  Party,  though  it  did  not  take  much 
shape  till  1854.  From  their  habit  of  answering  "I  don't  know" 
to  questions  the  members  of  the  secret  and  oath-bound  societies, 
in  which  the  party  originated,  were  called  "Know-Nothings," 
and  the  political  party,  which  took  to  themselves  the  name 
American,  was  called  by  others  the  Know-Nothing  party.  At 
that  time  the  potato  famine  in  Ireland  was  driving  many  thou- 
sands to  the  United  States.  Emigrants  were  pouring  in  also 
from  Germany,  escaping  from  the  defeated  revolution  there. 
Many  feared  that  the  naturalization  and  election  to  office  of 
too  many  immigrants  would  endanger  American  institutions. 
They  feared  also  the  power  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and 
this  may  be  the  reason  why  New  Hampshire  in  1852  refused 
to  abolish  the  religious  test.  In  the  election  of  1854  the  Know- 
Nothing  party  carried  Massachusetts  and  Maryland,  and  it 
was  very  strong  throughout  the  South.  The  mention  of  the 
party  reminds  us  of  the  American  Protective  Association  of  more 
recent  date,  which  sought  to  alarm  the  people  against  subjuga- 
tion by  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  In  both  cases  the  fears 
were  not  well  grounded,  and  it  has  been  found  that  immigrants 
from  all  foreign  countries  unite  with  varied  political  parties 
according  to  their  environment  and  the  degree  of  education 
acquired.  Our  safety  as  a  nation  lies  not  in  excluding  the 
foreigner,  but  in  kindly  receiving  and  properly  educating  him, 
so  that  he  may  become  a  good  American  citizen  as  soon  as 
possible.  After  two  generations  few  can  tell  the  national  lineage 
of  his  neighbor.  The  Know-Nothing  party  obtained  a  strong 
hold  upon  New  Hampshire  in  1855. 

There  were  those  who  recognized  the  need  of  uniting  the 
small  parties  who  in  the  main  sought  the  same  ends.  Such 
were  found  especially  in  Rockingham  county,  whence  Amos 
Tuck  of  Exeter  had  been  sent  several  times  to  represent  them 
in  the  House  at  Washington.  He  called  a  meeting  for  con- 


A    HISTORY  155 

ference  of  a  few  trusted  persons  at  Exeter  on  the  twelfth  of 
October,  1853,  at  Major  Blake's  hotel,  "to  fix  on  a  plan  of  har- 
monizing the  different  party  organizations,"  that  "the  four  parties 
may  pull  together."  Fourteen  persons  met,  among  whom  were 
John  P.  Hale,  Amos  Tuck,  Ichabod  Bartlett,  Asa  McFarland, 
George  Fogg,  David  Currier,  William  Plumer,  William  H.  Y. 
Hackett,  D.  Homer  Batchelder,  Messrs.  Young  and  Preston. 
Mr.  Tuck  proposed  that  other  party  names  should  be  dropped 
and  that  the  united  party  should  be  called  Republican,  and  on 
this  name  they  agreed.  It  was  a  meeting  privately  called,  and 
no  record  was  kept  or  report  thereof  printed.  Two  months  later 
Mr.  Batchelder  related  the  affair  to  Horace  Greeley,  while  the 
latter  was  on  a  vacation  in  his  native  town  of  Amherst,  and 
very  soon,  in  1854,  the  name  of  the  new  party  was  published  in 
a  letter  of  Horace  Greeley  to  Mr.  A.  N.  Cole,  in  the  Genesee 
Valley  Free  Press,  the  pioneer  Republican  journal  of  America. 
The  origin  of  the  Republican  party,  then,  may  be  traced  back 
to  that  meeting  in  Exeter,  October,  1853,  although  its  origin  has 
been  claimed  for  Strong,  Maine,  in  1855,  and  for  other  States. 
It  was  a  revival  of  an  old  party  name  and  reminded  some  of  the 
times  of  Jefferson  and  Madison.  Most  of  the  so-called  "Jeffer- 
sonian  Democrats"  of  1860  became  Republicans.  The  first  na- 
tional campaign  of  the  Republican  party  was  in  1856,  and  John 

C.  Fremont  was  the  presidential   candidate.     The  party  drew 
to  itself  Whigs,  Free-Soilers,  Independent  Democrats  and  Aboli- 
tionists, in  fact  all  who  were  opposed  to  slavery  and  sought  its 
limitation  or  extinction  in  the  United  States.1 

The  year  1852  winessed  the  elevation  to  the  presidency  of 
the  United  States  of  Franklin  Pierce  as  the  leader  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  triumphing  over  the  Whig  party  led  by  General 
Winfield  Scott.  President  Pierce  carried  twenty-seven  states 
and  General  Scott  only  four,  Massachusetts,  Vermont,  Kentucky 
and  Tennessee.  Another  chapter  deals  with  President  Pierce's 
administration. 

The  election  of  1854  made  Nathaniel  B.  Baker  governor  by 
a  slight  majority  over  his  two  opponents,  James  Bell  and  Jared 
Perkins,  and  he  held  the  office  but  one  year.  He  was  born  in 

1  See   Exeter  News-Letter   for   August   19,    1887,    Communication   from 

D.  Homer  Batchelder. 


I56  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Henniker,  September  29,  1819,  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in 
1839,  read  law  in  Concord  with  Pierce  and  Fowler,  and  from 
1841  to  1845  was  one  of  the  proprietors  and  editors  of  the  New 
Hampshire  Patriot.  He  attained  the  rank  of  colonel  on  Gov- 
ernor Steele's  staff  and  was  clerk  of  the  superior  court  of  Merri- 
mack  county.  He  represented  Concord  in  the  legislature  and 
was  Speaker  of  the  House  in  1850-51.  After  serving  as  governor 
one  year  he  made  his  residence  in  Clinton,  Iowa,  as  attorney  for 
a  railroad  in  that  vicinity.  He  was  adjutant-general  for  Iowa 
during  the  civil  war.  His  message  to  the  legislature  follows  the 
beaten  track,  rehearsing  suggestions  of  previous  governors,  and 
adding  his  advice,  that  the  recently  proposed  Reform  School 
should  be  pushed  to  completion,  that  the  Revolutionary  Rolls 
should  be  securely  cared  for,  and  that  the  November  session  of 
the  legislature  every  fourth  year  should  be  done  away  with  by 
new  laws,  thus  saving  forty  thousand  dollars  to  the  State.  Also 
he  suggests  that  railroads  should  be  held  financially  responsible 
for  injury  done  to  employees. 

The  Know-Nothing  movement  went  up  like  a  rocket  in  1855, 
electing  Ralph  Metcalf  governor  with  32,768  votes,  the  largest 
number  any  candidate  had  received  up  to  that  time.  The  friends 
of  moral  reform  had  united.  Mr.  Metcalf  was  born  at  Charles- 
town,  November  21,  1793,  eldest  son  of  Hon.  John  and  Ruby 
(Converse)  Metcalf,  descended  from  one  of  the  oldest  families 
of  Massachusetts.  He  graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1823, 
studied  law  with  Governor  Henry  Hubbard  and  was  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  1828.  After  practicing  at  Newport  he  was  chosen 
Secretary  of  State  in  1830  and  removed  to  Concord.  He  was 
register  of  probate  for  Sullivan  county,  1845-51,  and  chairman 
of  the  committee  to  compile  the  State  laws  in  1850.  Newport 
was  represented  by  him  in  the  legislature  in  1852-3.  He  was 
re-elected  governor  by  the  legislature  in  1856,  lacking  a  majority 
of  the  votes  of  the  people.  John  Sullivan  Wells  was  his  prin- 
cipal opponent,  and  Ichabod  Goodwin  had  over  two  thousand 
votes.  In  the  legislature  the  vote  stood  one  hundred  and 
seventy-five  for  Metcalf  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  for  Wells. 

The  political  complexion  of  Governor  Metcalf  is  shown  in 
his  messages.  He  took  strong  ground  against  the  extension  of 
slave  territory  and  rebuked  the  Southern  members  of  congress 
for  their  arrogance  and  encroachments.  The  attack  on  Senator 


A   HISTORY  157 

Charles  Sumner  raised  a  storm  of  indignation  throughout  the 
North  and  did  much  toward  uniting  the  friends  of  human  free- 
dom. The  governor  says,  "Another  alarming  encroachment  of 
the  slave  power  upon  our  free  institutions  and  the  rights  of  the 
people  is  the  late  premeditated  and  preconcerted  attack  upon 
the  constitution  of  the  country,  the  freedom  of  speech,  and  the 
independence  of  the  Senate,  by  an  aggravated  assault  upon  a 
distinguished  Senator,  avowedly  for  words  spoken  in  debate." 
This  assault  was  approved  by  almost  all  the  members  of  con- 
gress from  the  South,  where  the  advocates  of  slavery  stood 
solidly  together  and  by  threats  of  secession  influenced  enough 
voters  in  the  North  to  side  with  them  and  thus  keep  themselves 
in  power.  The  Northern  States  were  getting  more  tired  and 
irritated  every  year.  The  abolitionists  advocated  radical  meas- 
ures. If  the  South  wanted  war  to  confirm  slavery,  as  many  in 
the  North  were  willing  to  have  war,  if  necessary,  to  overthrow 
it.  The  New  Hampshire  legislature  grew  more  bold  in  its 
resolutions  and  condemned  the  assault  on  Sumner  in  no  mild 
terms.  The  conviction  was  growing  that  the  South  must  be 
resisted  and  that  slavery  in  a  free  nation  could  not  be  tolerated 
much  longer. 

Another  reform  entered  largely  into  politics.  Led  by  the 
example  of  Maine  and  under  the  recommendation  of  Governor 
Metcalf  the  legislature  enacted  a  law,  prohibiting  the  sale  of 
intoxicating  liquors.  In  his  message  of  1855  the  governor  said, 
"The  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  State  demand  it;  our  social 
and  domestic  relations  demand  it;  morals  and  religion  demand 
it;  the  hopes  of  the  rising  generation  demand  it;  patriotism 
demands  it."  In  his  message  of  the  following  year  he  declares 
that  "in  many  towns  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  is  wholly 
abandoned  and  in  others  it  is  sold  only  as  other  penal  offences 
are  committed,  in  secret.  I  am  not  aware  that  there  is  a  city 
or  town  in  the  State  where  spirituous  liquors  are  openly  sold." 

The  principles  of  the  Know-Nothing  party  are  clearly  and 
abundantly  set  forth  in  Governor  Metcalf's  first  message.  The 
great  influx  of  immigrants  was  spreading  alarm  throughout  the 
nation,  overshadowing  for  a  time  the  anti-slavery  agitation. 
Half  a  million  were  coming  annually,  most  of  them  being  illit- 
erates. Many  were  destitute  of  the  means  of  subsistence,  with- 
out friends  and  without  trades  and  habits  of  industry.  They 


158  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

expected  to  find  plenty  of  work,  high  wages  and  liberty  almost 
without  restraint.  "Too  large  a  portion  of  them  were  emptied 
from  the  poor-houses,  the  hospitals  and  prisons  of  Europe,  and 
transported  here  with  no  definite  purpose,  but  destined  to  fill 
from  want  or  crime  similar  positions  to  those  they  left  at  home." 
This  was  adding  a  great  burden  to  American  tax-payers.  The 
adult  immigrants  were  too  old  and  ignorant  to  learn  our  ways, 
catch  the  American  spirit,  and  be  weaned  from  old  habits  of 
thought  and  conduct.  They  were  in  every  way  unfitted  to  be- 
come American  citizens.  Yet  politicians  then  as  now  sought 
voters  in  doubtful  elections,  and  there  was  in  some  places  too 
much  haste  in  getting  the  immigrants  naturalized.  The  legis- 
lature received  a  communication  from  Rhode  Island,  urging  that 
no  immigrant  should  be  naturalized  till  he  had  lived  in  the 
United  States  twenty-one  years.  The  legislature  of  New  Hamp- 
shire resolved  to  instruct  its  senators  and  representatives  in 
congress  to  urge  the  passage  of  a  new  naturalization  law,  "which 
should  require  a  previous  continuance  residence  of  not  less  than 
ten,  nor  more  than  twenty-one  years  in  this  country,  to  enable 
an  alien  to  become  a  citizen  thereof."  The  following  citation 
from  the  governor's  message  well  illustrates  the  religious  as 
well  as  political  prejudice  of  the  times : 

The  religion  which  they  have  been  taught  from  their  birth,  which  has 
grown  with  their  growth  and  strengthened  with  their  strength,  is  a  religion 
acknowledging  a  foreign  power  for  its  supreme  head,  teaching  and  requiring 
its  adherents  to  passively  submit  their  consciences  to  the  keeping  of  the 
priesthood,  to  seek  no  higher  sources  for  spiritual  instruction  and  consola- 
tion than  that  order;  a  religion  that  excludes  the  Bible  from  the  common 
people  and  allows  its  subjects  to  owe  no  allegiance,  spiritual  or  temporal,  to 
any  power  but  what  the  sovereign  Pontiff  may,  at  any  time  and  upon  any 
emergency,  annul  and  dissolve;  a  religion  that  pronounces  all  creeds  heresy 
but  their  own,  and  boldly  avows  that  it  "flourishes  most  when  watered  by 
the  blood  of  heretics."  A  numerous  population,  scattered  from  one  extreme 
of  the  country  to  the  other,  guided  and  controlled  by  one  mind,  and  that  mind 
solely  directed  to  one  object,  the  extension  of  the  dominion,  the  influence 
and  power  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  to  subject  to  its  control  all  other 
religious  sects  and  denominations,  must  be  a  dangerous  and  pernicious  ele- 
ment in  a  republican  government.  Such  a  population  thus  ignorant  and 
prejudiced,  thus  illiberal  and  bigoted,  thus  controlled  and  directed,  are  now 
in  our  midst  and  daily  increasing  in  alarming  numbers.  .  .  .  They  claim 
all  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and  not  only  to  decide  who  shall  make  and  ad- 
minister the  laws  of  the  country,  but  claim  that  right  for  themselves,  often 


A   HISTORY  159 

before  they  can  speak  the  name  or  read  it  on  the  printed  ballot,  which,  by 
order  or  contract,  they  deposit  in  the  ballot-box.  .  .  .  The  foreigner,  let 
loose  from  prison  in  Europe  on  condition  that  he  will  come  to  America  and 
thus  free  them  from  his  troublesome,  if  not  dangerous  presence,  thinks,  and 
too  often  has  reason  to  think  when  he  arrives  here,  that  he  confers  a  special 
favor  upon  the  country  by  condescending  to  accept  of  the  honors  of  citizen- 
ship. .  .  .  This  alien  element  is  now  rapidly  insinuating  its  wiles,  ma- 
turing its  schemes  and  extending  its  influence  over  the  country,  more  sure 
of  success  from  the  very  few  to  whom  is  entrusted  its  direction  and  control. 
With  great  ease  and  increasing  numbers  they  are  acquiring  all  the  rights, 
privileges  and  immunities  of  the  citizens  of  our  native  land,  and  in  some 
places  they  are  already  supplanting  them. 

The  above  citation  is  given  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating 
the  spirit  and  arguments  of  a  political  party  that  was  strong  in 
1855.  The  same  spirit  and  arguments  have  been  employed  by  a 
decreasing  number  of  religionists  from  that  time  to  this,  but 
they  have  not  entered  into  the  platforms  and  legislative  resolu- 
tions of  political  parties  since  the  death  of  the  Know-Nothing 
party.  Experience  has  convinced  most  of  the  people  in  the 
United  States  that  the  fears  of  foreign  domination  are  unfounded, 
that  immigrants  soon  imbibe  the  American  spirit  and  quickly 
learn  to  love  and  prize  American  institutions.  The  Roman 
Catholic  population  may  take  its  religion  from  Rome,  with  many 
unconscious  modifications,  but  it  is  as  loyal  to  the  government 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  individual  States  as  is  the  Protes- 
tant population.  Only  the  ignorant  fear  the  ignorance  of  others ; 
the  well  educated  delight  to  teach  and  assimilate  the  ignorant  to 
themselves.  The  United  States  has  been  and  should  be  still 
more  the  home  and  refuge  of  the  poor  and  oppressed  of  every 
nation  and  the  liberal  educator  of  all  who  come,  in  political  and 
social  morals. 

As  for  the  statement  that  the  Bible  is  withheld  from  the 
communicants  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  there  has  been 
no  truth  in  it  for  many  years  in  any  enlightened  country.  In 
Italy  anybody  can  buy  for  five  cents  a  version  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment authorized  by  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  As  for  the 
influx  of  paupers  and  criminals  the  same  objections  are  made 
now  as  then.  They  can  not  be  shut  out  altogether,  yet  of  the 
millions  who  are  coming  a  very  small  number  belong  to  the 
objectionable  classes.  Nearly  all  come  to  better  their  financial 
condition  and  to  enjoy  our  liberty.  If  a  few  return  to  Europe 


160  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

with  the  money  they  have  gathered  here,  it  is  that  they  may 
scatter  intelligence  and  induce  others  to  come  to  this  country. 
We  should  seek  to  hasten  the  day  when  any  human  being,  well 
disposed  toward  his  fellow  men,  may  go  anywhere  he  will  upon 
this  earth  and  be  sure  of  finding  friends. 

The  anti-slavery  parties  combined  to  defeat  the  Democrats 
in  1855  in  the  election  of  United  States  senators.  Already  men- 
tion has  been  made  of  the  choice  of  John  P.  Hale  at  this  time  for 
an  unexpired  term.  The  candidates  for  the  long  term  were 
James  Bell  and  Daniel  Clark.  The  former  was  the  choice  of  the 
senatorial  caucus  and  he  was  elected  by  the  legislature.  He  was 
born  at  Francestown  November  13,  1804,  and  graduated  at  Bow- 
doin  College  in  1822.  After  studying  law  with  his  brother, 
Samuel  Dana  Bell,  and  in  the  Litchfield  Law  School  he  prac- 
ticed at  Gilmanton,  Exeter  and  Gilford.  He  sat  in  the  legislature 
as  representative  in  1846.  Through  his  leadership  Lake  Winne- 
piseogee  was  dammed  at  its  mouth,  to  conserve  its  waters  for 
power  along  its  outlet.  He  served  as  senator  till  his  death,  May 
26,  1857,  at  Laconia. 

In  the  State  election  of  1857  the  Democratic  party,  with 
John  S.  Wells  as  its  standard-bearer,  found  itself  opposed  by  a 
new  party.  The  former  discordant  factions  that  had  for  once 
voted  together  for  the  Know-Nothing  candidate,  now  presented 
a  solid  front  under  the  name  of  Republicans.  The  State  had  cast 
its  vote  for  the  national  candidate  of  that  party,  John  C.  Fre- 
mont, the  year  before.  The  nominee  for  governor  in  1857  was 
William  Haile  of  Hinsdale.  There  were  but  four  hundred  and 
fifty-two  scattering  votes,  and  Governor  Haile  was  elected  by  a 
vote  of  34,216,  against  31,214  for  Mr.  Wells.  The  new  governor 
was  born  in  Putney,  Vermont,  in  1807.  His  life  was  spent  in 
trade  and  manufacturing,  yet  he  took  an  active  interest  in  the 
affairs  of  church  and  of  state.  For  six  years  he  represented  Hins- 
dale in  the  legislature  and  was  State  senator  in  1854-5,  presiding 
over  the  senate  in  the  latter  year.  After  serving  as  governor 
two  years  he  returned  to  business  life.  He  removed  to  Keene 
in  1873  and  died  there  July  22,  1876. 

Political  parties  then  had  something  worth  contending  for. 
The  main  issues  were  moral  in  their  nature.  Governor  Haile 
announced  once  more  the  opposition  of  his  party  to  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery,  to  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating 


A   HISTORY  161 

liquors,  to  the  unlimited  immigration  of  poor  and  ignorant  for- 
eigners, and  to  "a  recent  opinion  of  a  majority  of  the  judges  of 
the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  by  which  every  individual  of 
the  African  race,  in  the  United  States,  may  be  deprived  of  their 
estates,  their  liberties  and  their  families,  but  can  have  no  redress, 
because  they  are  not  citizens."  It  is  noticeable  that  he  says 
nothing  about  the  fear  of  religious  domination,  thus  quietly 
ignoring  the  objectionable  feature  of  Know-Nothingism. 

The  governor  recommended  the  establishment  of  a  State 
Normal  School,  and  the  legislature  waited  till  1870  before  his 
suggestion  was  adopted.  He  also  called  attention  to  the  need 
of  an  Agricultural  school,  in  connection  with  Dartmouth  Col- 
lege, and  nine  years  elapsed  before  such  an  institution  was 
established.  Since  1851  the  plan  of  establishing  a  Reform  School 
for  juvenile  offenders  had  been  discussed,  and  in  1855  one  hun- 
dred acres  of  the  farm  once  owned  by  General  John  Stark,  in 
Manchester,  were  purchased.  A  building  had  been  constructed 
before  1858,  suited  to  the  accommodation  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  boys  and  twenty-five  girls.  The  total  cost  of  land, 
building  and  equipment  was  about  fifty  thousand  dollars. 

The  legislature  passed  resolutions  opposed  to  the  efforts  to 
make  Kansas  a  slave  State  and  to  the  Dread  Scott  decision, 
whereby  all  Africans,  North  as  well  as  South,  were  by  in- 
ference deprived  of  their  rights  of  citizenship.  The  resolution 
condemns  "the  action  of  the  State  Department  of  the  United 
States  in  refusing  to  grant  passports  to  persons  of  African 
descent  contrary  to  previous  practice,  and  of  the  Treasury  De- 
partment in  refusing  to  grant  them  registers  for  their  own  ves- 
sels, with  the  right  to  navigate  them  as  masters;  and  of  the 
Interior  Department  in  refusing  them  the  right  of  entry  upon 
the  public  domain  to  become  purchasers." 


Chapter  XI 
RAILROADS 


Chapter  XI 


RAILROADS. 

First  Railroad  Chartered— The  Nashua  and  Lowell— The  Concord  Railroad 
Corporation — It  Consolidates  Six  Lines — A  Lucrative  Monopoly — The 
Northern  Railroad  Company— The  Concord  and  Claremont— The  Bos- 
tion,  Concord  and  Montreal — The  Atlantic  and  St.  Lawrence — The  East- 
ern Railroad— The  Portland  and  Ogdensburg— The  Boston  and  Maine- 
It  leases  All  Other  Lines — Railroads  a  Present  Necessity — Short  Inde- 
pendent Lines  Unprofitable — Competition  versus  Co-operation — Why 
Have  Dividends  Ceased? — Have  the  Roads  Been  Overcapitalized? — Short 
Lines  Leased  at  too  High  a  Rate— Is  It  Safe  to  Lease  or  Sell  all  Lines 
to  One  Great  Company? — Is  Government  Ownership  the  Proper 
Remedy? — Cost  of  Abolishing  Grade  Crossings — The  Public  Service 
Commission  Must  Solve  the  Problems — The  Abuse  of  Free  Passes 
Removed. 

A  COMPLETE  history  of  railroads  in  New  Hampshire 
might  fill  many  interesting  volumes.  Here  can  be  pre- 
sented only  the  most  important  facts,  from  which  some  con- 
clusions can  be  drawn. 

The  first  railroad  chartered  in  New  Hampshire  was  in  1832 
and  was  called  the  Boston  and  Ontario  Railroad.  It  was  to  start 
from  the  southerly  line  of  the  State,  in  Dunstable,  and  run  to 
the  westerly  line,  thence  through  Massachusetts,  Vermont  and 
New  York.  The  project  was  to  connect  the  Great  Lakes  with 
Boston,  but  it  never  materialized.  In  1835  four  lines  in  New 
Hampshire  were  chartered,  and  others  quickly  followed  in  the 
successive  years.  Only  the  main  lines  need  be  mentioned  here. 

The  Nashua  and  Lowell  Railroad  was  meant  as  a  continua- 
tion of  the  Boston  and  Lowell.  Its  length  was  only  fourteen 
miles,  five  and  a  quarter  of  which  were  in  New  Hampshire.  The 
road  was  opened  to  travel  in  1838.  At  that  time  it  was  con- 
templated to  extend  the  road  to  the  Connecticut  river  by  way  of 
Wilton,  Greenfield  and  Peterborough,  and  a  survey  was  made. 
The  road  from  Nashua  to  Wilton  was  chartered  in  1844  and 
completed  in  1851.  It  was  not  till  1874  that  the  road  from  Wil- 
ton to  Greenfield  was  built,  a  distance  of  eleven  miles.  The 

166 


166  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

road  was  extended  to  Keene  in  1878,  a  distance  from  Greenfield 
of  about  twenty-nine  miles.  These  roads  for  twenty  years  from 
1858  were  by  contract  jointly  managed  by  the  Boston  and  Lowell 
and  the  Nashua  and  Lowell  railroads.  The  total  cost  of  this  line, 
with  equipment,  up  to  1884  was  about  $2,500,000.  The  Nashua 
and  Lowell  was  then  declaring  a  dividend  of  seven  per  cent. 

The  Concord  Railroad  Corporation  was  chartered  June  27, 
1835,  only  four  days  after  the  Nashua  and  Lowell.  The  road 
extends  from  Concord  to  Nashua,  thirty-five  miles.  The  con- 
struction of  the  road  was  begun  in  1841  and  completed  in  1842. 
In  1870  the  company  leased  for  forty-two  years  the  Suncook 
Valley  road,  chartered  in  1863  an<^  opened  in  1869.  The  road 
extends  from  Suncook  to  Pittsfield,  seventeen  and  a  half  miles. 
The  lease  called  for  an  annual  rental  of  six  per  cent,  on  a  capitali- 
zation of  $240,000.  In  1858  the  Concord  Railroad  Company 
leased  the  Concord  and  Portsmouth  Railroad  for  five  years,  and 
in  1861  a  new  lease  was  substituted,  for  ninety-nine  years,  at  an 
annual  rental  of  $25,000,  about  seven  per  cent,  on  a  capitaliza- 
tion of  $350,000.  The  lessee  was  to  keep  the  road  in  good  con- 
dition. The  road  connects  the  Concord  road  at  Manchester  with 
Portsmouth,  forty-seven  and  a  half  miles,  chartered  in  1845. 
The  Nashua,  Acton  and  Boston  Railroad,  from  Nashua  to  Acton, 
Massachusetts,  was  leased  to  the  Concord  road  in  1876  for  ten 
years,  at  an  annual  rental  of  $11,000,  the  lessee  buying  the 
rolling  stock  and  furniture  of  the  leased  road  for  $70,000.  This 
road  was  chartered  in  New  Hampshire  in  1872  and  opened  in 
1873.  The  distance  is  about  twenty  miles.  The  cost  of  this 
road  and  equipment  is  given  as  $1,043,461,  and  the  year  before  it 
was  leased  the  expense  of  running  it  was  $10,000  more  than  the 
gross  earnings.  Only  five  miles  of  the  road  are  in  New  Hamp- 
shire. The  Manchester  and  North  Weare  Railroad,  chartered  in 
1846  as  the  New  Hampshire  Central  Railroad  Corporation,  was 
rechartered  in  1853.  The  rails  between  North  Weare  and  Hen- 
niker  were  taken  up  and  the  property  was  purchased  in  1859  at 
a  trustee's  sale  by  the  Concord  Railroad  Corporation.  The  length 
of  the  road  to  North  Weare  is  nineteen  miles.  The  nominal 
capital  fixed  upon  in  1859  was  $200,000,  which  must  have  been 
much  less  than  actual  cost.  The  Manchester  and  Lawrence 
Railroad  extends  from  Manchester  to  the  State  line,  over  twenty 
miles  through  Londonderry,  Deny,  Windham  and  Salem,  with 


A    HISTORY  167 

a  branch  to  Methuen  of  three  miles  and  three-quarters.  This 
road  was  chartered  in  1847  an<^  was  opened  for  passengers  in 
1849.  In  1856  it  was  leased  to  the  Concord  Railroad  Corpora- 
tion for  five  years,  and  in  1861  the  lease  was  extended  twenty 
years.  To  meet  the  requirements  of  a  law  passed  in  1867  the 
two  roads  were  run  independently  in  form,  with  two  sets  of 
books,  though  in  reality  the  two  lines  were  under  one  manage- 
ment. The  annual  rental  was  $11, ooo. 

Thus  six  railroads,  chartered  as  independent,  were  in  1884 
managed  as  one  line,  under  the  control  of  the  Concord  Railroad 
Corporation,  which  was  paying  a  dividend  of  ten  per  cent,  on  a 
capitalization  of  $1,500,000,  after  paying  $54,300  to  leased  lines. 
This  dividend  had  been  paid  for  fifteen  years,  and  the  road 
always  kept  something  in  reserve,  for  the  law  did  not  allow 
more  than  a  ten  per  cent,  dividend  to  be  declared  annually.  It 
earned  more  money  than  it  could  divide.  This  was  due  to  its 
location  and  the  comparatively  small  cost  of  its  construction. 
Roads  north  and  south  were  feeders  to  this.  Some  years  it 
earned  thirty  per  cent,  on  its  capital.  Hence  the  money  that  it 
could  not  divide  it  expended  upon  a  palatial  railway  station  at 
Concord,  costing  a  quarter  of  a  million  dollars,  and  it  kept  in- 
creasing the  salaries  of  its  chief  officials.  The  salary  of  the 
president  was  at  first  $1,000  annually,  then  it  gradually  went  up 
to  $2,500  and  then  it  was  not  reported  in  the  printed  returns, 
but  salaries  of  president,  treasurer  and  superintendent  were 
lumped  together  with  "clerks"  and  "other  expenses."  This  road 
had  at  one  time  about  two  million  dollars  of  undivided  surplus, 
which  ought  to  have  been  paid  over  to  the  State,  or  the  rates 
should  have  been  lowered  so  as  to  have  made  such  earnings,  or 
extortions,  impossible.  The  exceptional  opportunities  of  this 
road  made  a  few  men  millionaires  at  the  expense  of  the  travelers 
and  manufacturers  and  producers  on  the  farms.  The  road  had 
a  lucrative  monopoly.  They  were  the  Hohenzollerns,  the  high- 
taxers,  of  New  Hampshire.  All  travelers  and  transporters  paid 
them  such  a  toll  as  they  demanded. 

The  Northern  Railroad  Company  was  chartered  in  1844.  It 
extends  from  Concord  through  Boscawen,  Franklin,  Andover, 
Wilmot,  Danbury,  Grafton,  southeast  corner  of  Orange,  Canaan, 
northwest  corner  of  Enfield,  and  Lebanon  to  White  River  Junc- 
tion in  Hartford,  Vermont.  The  distance  is  sixty-nine  and  a 


i68  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

half  miles.  The  Bristol  branch,  chartered  in  1846,  extends  from 
Franklin  through  Hill  to  Bristol  and  is  about  thirteen  miles  in 
length.  It  was  consolidated  in  1869  with  the  Northern  Rail- 
road, with  two  thousand  shares  of  stock,  making  seventeen 
thousand  shares  in  the  consolidated  line.  The  road  to  Bristol 
was  opened  in  1847  and  that  to  Lebanon  in  1848.  The  construc- 
tion and  management  of  this  road  owed  much  to  George  W. 
Nesmith  and  Onslow  Stearns,  who  were  presidents  for  many 
years. 

Earlier  than  1884  the  Northern  Railroad  had  leased  the 
Concord  and  Claremont  Railroad.  The  latter  was  chartered 
in  1848.  It  was  consolidated  with  the  Central  Railroad 
Company  in  1853,  taking  the  title  of  the  Merrimack  and 
Connecticut  River  Railroad  Company,  and  this  became  the 
owner  of  the  road  built  in  1850  from  Concord  to  Bradford, 
twenty-seven  miles.  In  1856  it  was  united  with  the  Contoocook 
Railroad,  chartered  in  1849  and  opened  the  same  year,  extending 
from  Contoocook  to  Hillsborough  Bridge,  fourteen  and  a  half 
miles.  The  Contoocook  Valley  Railroad,  chartered  in  1848,  was 
sold  a  few  years  later  to  the  Merrimack  and  Connecticut  River 
Railroad.  The  Sugar  River  Railroad,  chartered  in  1856,  to  con- 
nect Bradford  with  the  Sullivan  Railroad  in  Claremont,  a  distance 
of  twenty-nine  miles,  was  completed  in  1873  and  consolidated 
with  the  Merrimack  and  Connecticut  the  following  year,  under 
the  restored  title  of  the  Concord  and  Claremont  Railroad.  Thus 
twenty-five  years  after  the  first  charter  to  that  road  six  distinct 
roads  were  operated  as  one  under  the  old  name.  The  aggregate 
cost  of  these  consolidated  roads  was  about  $1,850,000,  but  the 
total  cost  to  the  Concord  and  Claremont  Railroad,  up  to  1879, 
was  $1,126,606.  A  controlling  interest  in  these  six  consolidated 
roads  was,  in  1873,  owned  by  the  Northern  Railroad  Company, 
who  furnished  all  the  rolling  stock  and  managed  the  roads  as 
•  one  enterprise  with  itself.  The  Northern  managed  also  in  the 
same  connection  the  Peterborough  and  Hillsborough  Railroad, 
built  at  a  cost  of  $589,000  from  Hillsborough  Bridge  to  Peter- 
borough, eighteen  and  a  half  miles,  chartered  in  1869  and  opened 
in  1878.  Thus  the  Northern  Railroad  system  was  operating  in 
1884  a  total  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-two  miles.  In  that  year 
it  was  leased  to  the  Boston  and  Lowell  Railroad,  but  the  lease 
was  declared  void  in  1887.  The  dividends  of  the  Northern  were 


A    HISTORY  169 

for  a  few  years  about  two  per  cent.  Then  they  rose  gradually 
to  eight  per  cent,  and  fell  back  to  five  and  six.  In  1885  a  divi- 
dend of  thirteen  per  cent,  was  declared,  and  in  1890  it  reached 
thirty-one  per  cent.  It  has  been  a  payer  from  the  beginning.  Its 
connection  with  western  roads  made  it  so. 

The  Boston,  Concord  and  Montreal  Railroad  was  incor- 
porated in  1844.  It  extends  from  Concord  through  Canterbury, 
Northfield,  Tilton,  Belmont,  Laconia,  Gilford,  Meredith,  New 
Hampton,  Ashland,  north  corner  of  Bridgewater,  Plymouth, 
southwest  corner  of  Campton,  Rumney,  Wentworth,  Warren, 
northwest  corner  of  Benton,  Haverhill,  to  Wells  River,  Vermont, 
a  distance  of  ninety-three  miles.  It  was  opened  from  Concord 
to  Plymouth  in  1849,  to  Wells  River  in  1853.  Up  to  1856  it  had 
cost  $3,045,226.  The  road  was  in  the  hands  of  trustees  in  1857-9, 
and  was  handed  back  to  the  stockholders  in  an  improved  condi- 
tion. No  dividend  was  declared  till  1867.  From  that  date  till 
1885  six  per  cent,  was  paid  on  the  preferred  stock.  The  White 
Mountain  Railroad,  chartered  in  1848,  was  opened  to  Littleton 
in  1853.  This  was  sold  at  auction  in  1858  for  $24,000  and  debts. 
Thereafter  it  was  managed  by  the  Boston,  Concord  and  Montreal 
Railroad  under  a  lease.  The  fixed  rental  was  $12,000.  The  road 
from  Littleton  to  Groveton  Junction,  on  the  Atlantic  and  St. 
Lawrence  Railroad,  a  distance  of  about  fifty-one  miles,  was  com- 
pleted in  1880.  A  branch  has  been  built  to  the  base  of  Mount 
Washington.  These  northern  roads  were  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  summer  tourists  especially.  The  cost  of  construction  was 
great,  and  the  road  was  for  a  long  time  embarrassed  with  debt. 
The  Pemigewasset  Valley  Railroad,  chartered  in  1874  and  opened 
in  1883,  extends  from  Plymouth  to  North  Woodstock  and  was 
further  extended  to  Lincoln  in  1895.  The  cost  was  $541,262.  It 
was  leased  to  the  Boston,  Concord  and  Montreal  Railroad  in  1883 
for  ninety-nine  years,  at  six  per  cent,  on  its  cost  up  to  that  date. 
Thus  the  Boston,  Concord  and  Montreal  Railroad,  in  1884,  was 
managing  one  hundred  and  ninety-seven  miles  of  road.  The 
cost  was  close  to  five  million  dollars  for  the  entire  line.  The 
first  president  of  the  road  was  Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  and  he  was 
succeeded  by  John  E.  Lyon.  Both  did  much  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  road.  It  was  consolidated  with  the  Concord  Rail- 
road in  1889,  under  the  name  of  the  Concord  and  Montreal  Rail- 
road. Then  the  total  outlay  on  the  combined  system  was  esti- 


I7o  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

mated  to  have  been  $11,142,515.  When  leased  to  the  Boston  and 
Maine  Railroad  the  capitalization  was  $11,485,500,  and  in  1911 
it  had  risen  to  $15,327,326. 

Little  need  be  said  about  the  Atlantic  and  St.  Lawrence 
Railroad.  It  has  not  figured  in  railroad  controversies.  It  was 
chartered  in  Maine  in  1845  and  in  New  Hampshire  in  1847,  tQ 
extend  from  Portland,  Maine,  to  Island  Pond,  Vermont,  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  The  line  was  completed  in  1853 
and  at  once  leased  to  the  Grand  Trunk  Railroad  Company  for 
999  years  at  an  annual  rental  of  six  per  cent,  on  the  funded  debt 
and  capital  stock.  The  New  Hampshire  section  of  this  road 
passes  through  the  towns  of  Shelburn,  Gorham,  Berlin,  southeast 
corner  of  Dummer,  Stark,  Northumberland,  and  Stratford  on  the 
Connecticut  river,  a  distance  of  fifty-two  miles.  It  pays  because 
of  its  through  traffic  from  the  West  to  Portland,  where  freight 
is  shipped  to  Europe.  As  a  passenger  route  it  has  a  large  patron- 
age. The  pulp  mills  at  Berlin  and  the  summer  tourists  add  to 
its  revenues. 

The  Eastern  Railroad  of  New  Hampshire  was  chartered  in 
1836  as  a  continuance  of  the  Eastern  Railroad,  which  extends 
from  Boston  to  the  State  line.  Thence  to  Portsmouth  is  a  dis- 
tance of  sixteen  miles.  The  Portland,  Saco  and  Portsmouth  Rail- 
road continued  this  line  to  Portland,  making  a  total  distance  from 
Portland  to  Boston  of  one  hundred  and  eight  miles.  On  the 
completion  of  the  part  of  the  road  in  New  Hampshire  it  was 
leased  to  the  Eastern  Railroad  for  ninety-nine  years,  for  an 
equal  division  of  the  profits.  The  amount  of  capital  stock  in 
1856  was  $492,500.  Up  to  that  date  it  had  paid  an  annual  divi- 
dend of  from  six  to  nine  per  cent.  Thereafter  for  six  years  it 
paid  no  dividend,  and  then  rose  slowly  to  eight  per  cent,  again 
to  fall  off.  A  compromise  was  effected  in  1878,  or  modification 
of  lease,  whereby  the  Eastern  of  Massachusetts  was  to  pay  to 
the  Eastern  of  New  Hampshire  four  and  one-half  per  cent,  divi- 
dends annually  on  its  stock  for  sixty  years. 

In  1847  the  Portland,  Saco  and  Portsmouth  Railroad  was 
leased  for  ninety-nine  years  to  the  Eastern  Railroad  in  joint 
interest  with  the  Boston  and  Maine  Railroad,  making  a  through 
line  to  Portland  for  both  roads.  In  1871  The  Eastern  Railroad 
leased  the  Portsmouth,  Great  Falls  and  Conway  Railroad  for 
sixty-nine  years.  This  road  extends  from  Conway  Junction,  near 


A    HISTORY  171 

South  Berwick,  Maine,  to  North  Conway  Junction,  on  the  Port- 
land and  Ogdensburg  Railroad,  a  distance  of  about  seventy-one 
miles.  In  1876  a  compromise  was  made,  whereby  the  Eastern 
Railroad  was  to  pay  four  and  a  half  per  cent.,  instead  of  seven 
per  cent,  on  the  funded  debt  of  the  Portsmouth,  Great  Falls  and 
Conway  Railroad,  amounting  to  $1,000,000.  The  branch  road 
to  Wolfeborough  and  the  road  from  Portsmouth  to  Dover  came 
under  the  control  of  the  Eastern  system,  the  latter  by  lease  in 
1874,  at  an  annual  rental  of  six  per  cent,  on  its  cost,  viz.,  $800,000. 
In  1879  ^e  Eastern  Railroad  had  control  of  four  railroads  in 
the  State,  of  an  aggregate  length  of  over  one  hundred  and  seven 
miles.  The  road  was  greatly  embarrassed  from  the  year  1875 
onward,  and  there  were  special  acts,  litigations  and  compromises, 
at  the  expense  of  the  stockholders. 

The  Portland  and  Ogdensburg  Railroad,  in  its  Portland 
division,  extends  from  Portland  to  the  Connecticut  river,  at 
Lunenburg,  Vermont,  one  hundred  and  fourteen  miles.  It  was 
chartered  in  Maine  in  1867,  an^  m  New  Hampshire  in  1869.  The 
road  was  opened  to  Fabyan's  in  1875,  a  distance  of  ninety-one 
miles  from  Portland,  Maine.  Thence  a  portion  of  the  Boston, 
Concord  and  Montreal  Railroad  was  used,  making  the  total  length 
of  the  New  Hampshire  part  of  this  road  sixty-three  miles.  This 
road  cost  nearly  four  million  dollars.  One  of  its  greatest  assets 
is  its  mountain  scenery.  It  never  "paid"  financially.  It  went 
into  the  hands  of  a  receiver  in  1887  and  thence  passed  under  the 
control  of  the  Maine  Central  Railroad,  which  later  was  swallowed 
up  by  the  Boston  and  Maine. 

The  Boston  and  Maine  Railroad  was  chartered  in  New 
Hampshire  June  27,  1835.  It  was  opened  in  1840  from  Haver- 
hill,  Massachusetts,  to  Exeter,  and  in  1841  to  Dover.  It  extends 
through  Atkinson,  Plaistow,  Newton,  Kingston,  East  Kingston, 
Exeter,  South  Newmarket,  Newmarket,  Durham,  Madbury, 
Dover,  Rollinsford  and  Somersworth.  In  1842  it  was  consoli- 
dated with  the  Boston  and  Portland.  In  1847  the  cost  of  the 
road  in  New  Hampshire  was  given  as  $804,455.  I*1  that  year, 
in  connection  with  the  Eastern  Railroad  Company,  it  leased  the 
Portland,  Saco  and  Portsmouth  Railroad.  In  1871  the  contract 
was  broken  by  the  Eastern  Railroad,  which  paid  to  the  Boston 
and  Maine  $100,000  for  damages  in  so  doing.  Thereupon  the 
Boston  and  Maine  Railroad  extended  its  line  from  South  Ber- 


i;2  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

wick,  Maine,  to  Portland,  forty-two  miles,  completing  it  in  1872, 
at  a  cost  of  $3,941,323.  Thus  there  were  two  competing  lines 
from  Boston  to  Portland,  a  circumstance  which  goes  far  to  ex- 
plain the  financial  depression  of  the  Eastern  Railroad  for  some 
years  thereafter.  In  1863  the  Boston  and  Maine  took  under  its 
control  by  a  business  contract  the  Dover  and  Winnepiseogee 
Railroad,  which  was  completed  in  1851  from  Dover  to  Alton 
Bay,  twenty-nine  miles.  The  agreement  was  to  pay  six  per 
cent,  annually  on  the  cost,  $480,000.  The  cost  of  this  road,  with 
equipment,  was  returned  in  1874  as  $825,000. 

In  1884  the  Boston  and  Maine  Railroad  leased  the  entire 
Eastern  Railroad  system.  It  went  on  buying  and  leasing  rail- 
roads till  in  1886  it  controlled  227  miles  in  New  Hampshire  and 
in  1890  it  had  1,122  miles  of  the  1,174  miles  in  the  State,  all 
except  the  fifty-two  miles  operated  by  the  Grand  Trunk  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  State.  It  had  also  under  its  control  the 
Maine  Central  system,  by  purchasing  fifty-one  per  cent,  of  its 
capital  stock.  Among  the  roads  under  its  management  and  con- 
trol is  the  Worcester  and  Portland  system  of  which  fifty-eight 
miles  are  in  New  Hampshire.  It  was  opened  to  Nashua  in  1848 
and  thence  to  Rochester  in  1874.  The  Boston  and  Maine  Rail- 
road has  also  taken  under  its  control  the  entire  Fitchburg  sys- 
tem, including  the  short  roads  in  the  southwest  part  of  the  State. 
The  lease,  made  in  1900,  was  for  ninety-nine  years.  Up  to  1912 
the  Boston  and  Maine  has  paid  large  dividends,  eight,  nine  and 
ten  per  cent.,  once  as  high  as  thirteen  per  cent.  In  1912  it 
sunk  to  four  per  cent.  Since  that  time  there  have  been  no  divi- 
dends. The  Boston  and  Maine  Railroad  owns  and  controls  by 
lease  2,251  miles,  having  a  monopoly  of  transportation  in  a  large 
part  of  Maine,  nearly  all  of  New  Hampshire,  northern  Massa- 
chusetts and  much  of  Vermont.  Besides  it  operates  fifty  miles 
of  electric  railway  in  New  Hampshire.  The  capital  stock  of  the 
entire  system,  leaving  out  the  Maine  Central  railroad  and  its 
tributaries  which  were  separated  from  the  Boston  and  Maine 

system  in ,  is  $103,000,000.  About  $7,000,000  must  be  paid 

annually  in  rentals  before  any  surplus  can  be  divided  among  the 
stockholders  of  the  Boston  and  Maine  Railroad. 

Railroads,  having  put  the  turnpikes  and  canals  out  of  com- 
mission in  New  Hampshire,  are  now  indispensable.  They  must 
be  operated,  whether  they  pay  financially  or  not.  The  post  offi- 


A   HISTORY  173 

ces  throughout  the  United  States  as  a  whole  do  not  pay  in 
money  received  for  postage ;  it  would  be  profitable  for  the  nation 
to  maintain  them,  if  there  were  no  receipts  in  money.  Post 
offices  and  railroads  are  now  public  necessities,  demanded  by 
modern  civilization.  If  necessary,  the  people  must  be  directly 
taxed  to  support  them.  The  same  might  be  said  of  supplies  of 
water  and  light  for  cities.  They  must  be  had  at  any  cost. 
Whether  they  pay  dividends  or  not  to  private  corporations  or 
into  the  public  treasury,  the  people  will  not  part  with  them.  If 
private  capital  can  not  manage  them  and  make  them  yield  divi- 
dends, then  the  State  or  the  nation  must  either  assist  the  cor- 
porations in  some  way,  as  subsidies  are  paid  to  steamship  lines, 
or  the  state  or  nation  must  assume  ownership  and  manage  such 
utilities  for  the  public  good,  even  at  the  expense  of  taxing  the 
people  directly  for  their  maintenance.  The  people  are  deter- 
mined to  have  these  things  somehow.  Every  man  demands  and 
gets  a  road  to  his  door;  every  town  ought  to  have  within  easy 
distance  a  railroad  for  its  produce  and  wares.  Modern  civiliza- 
tion and  economic  wisdom  demand  it. 

At  first  most  of  the  short  railroads  did  not  pay  dividends; 
business  had  to  be  developed  along  their  routes.  In  Governor 
Haile's  message  of  1858  he  said  that  of  the  six  hundred  miles 
of  railroad  in  New  Hampshire,  "They  were  constructed  at  very 
great  expense,  but  have  failed,  except  in  rare  instances,  to  make 
any  returns  whatever  to  the  stockholders."  Therefore  he  recom- 
mended a  modification  of  the  law  respecting  their  taxation. 

A  similar  recommendation  appears  in  the  inaugural  message 
of  Governor  Goodwin,  in  1859.  He  says  that  there  were  then 
seven  hundred  miles  of  railroad  in  the  State,  having  a  capital  of 
sixteen  millions  of  dollars,  but  had  probably  cost  over  twenty 
millions.  "A  large  amount  of  this  investment  is  unproductive 
or  has  been  a  total  loss  to  the  original  stockholders.  Could  the 
energetic  proprietors  of  these  useful  enterprises  have  been  satis- 
fied with  the  trunk  roads,  and  awaited  a  fuller  development  of 
the  resources  of  the  State  to  maintain  them,  it  would  probably 
have  been  wiser,  in  a  personal  point  of  view,  and  have  saved 
many  a  fortune  to  the  projectors.  If  they  were,  however,  too 
hasty  for  individual  good,  in  pushing  forward  this  great  improve- 
ment of  the  age,  no  one  can  doubt  that  a  great  benefit  has  been 
effected,  in  developing  and  augmenting  the  wealth  of  the  State, 


174  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

and  the  rising  generation  are  reaping  advantages  which  cannot 
well  be  taken  from  them.  Should  the  entire  capital  invested  be 
lost  to  the  original  proprietors,  the  value  of  property  would  be 
enhanced  more  than  double  the  cost  of  the  railroads.  Under 
these  circumstances  should  there  not  be  some  discrimination  in 
taxation  made  in  favor  of  non-paying  roads?" 

Short  roads  have  been  built  to  a  waterfall  with  the  hope  of 
a  business  boom ;  roads  have  been  chartered  in  order  to  create  a 
boom,  but  were  never  built.  Before  the  year  1883  one  hundred 
and  eight  railroads  had  been  incorporated  in  New  Hampshire, 
and  in  that  year  only  thirty-five  of  them  were  in  operation.  Some 
of  the  latter  have  never  yielded  dividends  independently,  yet 
probably  it  would  not  be  well  to  discontinue  a  single  mile  of 
railroad  in  the  State.  Were  a  comprehensive  plan  for  the  entire 
State  to  be  made  at  the  present  time,  doubtless  passengers  and 
freight  traffic  could  be  accommodated  with  less  mileage,  but  the 
saving  would  not  be  great,  for  nature  planned  the  principal  lines. 
Railroads  have  to  be  built  between  ranges  of  mountains  and  high 
hills,  and  along  river  valleys,  with  as  few  tunnels  as  possible, 
for  they  are  costly.  They  can  not  run  up  hill  and  down  like  the 
old  country  roads  before  the  hills  were  "baled."  The  railroads 
in  New  Hampshire  have  been  wisely  planned,  although  they 
were  built  in  small  sections.  One  section  joined  onto  another, 
and  railroads  bearing  different  names  really  formed  one  con- 
tinuous line,  just  as  some  of  the  old  streets  of  London  form  a 
continuous  avenue  and  for  a  similar  reason.  Tourists  scarcely 
know  when  they  pass  from  Holborn  to  Newgate  Street,  or  from 
the  latter  to  Cheapside.  So  the  Nashua  and  Lowell,  the  Con- 
cord Railroad,  and  the  Concord  and  Montreal,  to  use  a  modified 
geometrical  phrase,  "form  one  and  the  same  crooked  line." 

Before  the  year  1883  it  was  the  settled  policy  of  the  State 
that  the  short  railroads  should  compete  with  one  another,  accord- 
ing to  the  old  saying,  that  "competition  is  the  soul  of  trade."  A 
stringent  law  prevented  consolidation  of  rival  and  competing 
lines.  Thus  it  was  thought  that  expenses  would  be  kept  down 
and  that  traffic  would  be  increased  by  hustling.  Experience  con- 
vinced legislators  that  the  short  lines  must  be  leased  to  the  main 
lines,  or  they  could  not  carry  on  business,  since  they  were  losing 
money  all  the  time.  Competition  had  to  give  way  to  co-opera- 
tion. Competition  means  war,  among  nations,  corporations  and 


A   HISTORY  175 

individuals.  One  party  gets  ahead  of  the  other,  and  this  causes 
discontent  and  hatred.  Co-operation  means  mutual  helpfulness. 
The  strong  bear  the  burdens  of  the  weak.  By  consolidation 
roads  that  could  not  pay  dividends  were  made  to  share  the  sur- 
plus of  more  fortunate  and  lucrative  roads.  A  law  passed  in  1883 
gave  permission  to  railroads  to  combine,  but  the  supreme  court, 
in  1887,  held  that  the  law  was  unconstitutional,  and  a  new  law 
was  enacted  two  years  later,  giving  authority  to  railroads  to 
lease,  purchase  or  consolidate  with  others.  Doubtless  in  some 
cases  this  was  so  done  as  to  enrich  speculators  and  schemers, 
yet  such  combinations  were  needed  for  the  public  good.  The 
Boston  and  Maine  swallowed  up  all  the  other  railroads,  and 
one  result  was  the  lowering  of  fares  from  three  and  five  cents  per 
mile  to  two  cents.  One  corporation  can  do  the  railroad  business 
of  the  State  better  and  with  more  economy  than  thirty-five  cor- 
porations can.  The  same  principle  is  true  if  applied  on  a  still 
larger  scale.  Great  railroad  systems  are  now  competing  with 
each  other  for  the  travel  and  traffic  of  the  West  to  Atlantic  sea- 
ports. They  are  consolidating  practically  with  transcontinental 
lines.  The  largest  and  most  powerful  systems  seek  to  swallow 
up  the  smaller  and  weaker  groups,  and  effort  is  made  to  keep 
them  separate,  just  as  was  the  case  before  1883  m  New  Hamp- 
shire. The  mighty  tendency  toward  unification  can  not  long  be 
resisted.  Fundamental  economic  laws  are  stronger  than  legis- 
lative enactments.  In  a  great  system  it  is  easy  to  find  ways  to 
evade  the  spirit  of  a  law  while  complying  with  its  letter.  Rail- 
roads will  co-operate  more  and  more  and  be  conducted  practically 
as  one,  whatever  may  be  the  law  and  the  decision  of  the  Inter- 
state Commission.  One  railroad  system  for  all  the  United  States 
is  the  ideal,  if  it  were  managed  for  the  benefit  of  the  public.  A 
system  like  the  Standard  Oil  Company,  while  it  may  furnish 
oil  at  a  lower  price  than  the  small  competing  oil  companies  did, 
creates  dissatisfaction  so  long  as  it  is  known  that  a  few  men  are 
getting  enormously  rich  thereby.  The  railroads  are  a  public 
utility.  They  should  be  of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for  the 
people.  So  with  all  public  utilities  that  can  be  managed  eco- 
nomically only  as  monopolies.  The  people  feel  that  they  should 
own  them  and  get  therefrom  all  the  revenues  accruing.  This 
feeling  seems  to  be  at  the  bottom  of  the  growing  discontent. 

So  long  as  the  railroads  were  making  money  fast,  distributing 


176  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

large  dividends  to  stockholders  and  having  left  a  large  surplus, 
there  was  no  request  for  additional  legislation  or  increase  of 
rates.  There  comes  a  year,  or  a  series  of  years,  of  leanness,  when 
there  are  no  dividends.  At  once  appeal  is  made  to  legislatures 
and  Public  Service  Commissions  for  higher  rates  or  change  of 
leases.  Why  not  take  of  the  revenues  of  those  full  years  to 
help  through  the  years  of  leanness  and  financial  depression? 
Stockholders  who  have  been  getting  ten  per  cent,  dividends  for 
many  years  do  not  excite  much  pity,  when  for  two  or  three  years 
the  dividends  run  low  or  wholly  cease.  • 

Moreover,  the  inquiry  naturally  arises,  Why  have  the  divi- 
dends ceased  ?  Have  the  roads  been  overcapitalized  ?  Have  they 
been  leased  at  too  high  a  rate  of  interest?  Has  the  high  cost  of 
living  raised  prices  of  labor  and  material?  Have  improvements 
used  up  the  earnings  ?  Have  the  passenger  and  freight  rates  been 
too  low? 

Some  would  give  an  affirmative  answer  to  all  of  these  ques- 
tions. When  the  capitalization  of  the  old  Concord  Railroad  was 
raised  from  $1,500,000  to  twice  that  figure,  it  was  charged  that 
stock  was  watered  in  order  to  divide  a  surplus  of  about  two 
million  dollars.  The  report  of  the  Public  Service  Commission 
says  that  "there  are  certain  roads  in  New  Hampshire  which 
present  clear  instances  of  stock  watering."  Improvements  out 
of  earnings,  after  a  fair  rate  of  dividend  has  been  paid,  should 
not  be  added  to  the  capital  stock,  though  this  in  some  instances 
has  been  done.  On  the  other  hand,  some  roads  in  New  Hamp- 
shire actually  cost  for  construction  more  than  the  amount  of 
their  capitalization,  so  that  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the 
Boston  and  Maine  Railroad  system  as  a  whole  is  overcapitalized, 
or  is  trying  to  pay  dividends  on  watered  stock. 

That  some  branches  have  been  leased  at  too  high  a  rate  is 
quite  evident.  They  never  paid  before  they  were  leased,  and 
adding  them  to  a  system  only  bleeds  the  system.  The  State  can 
afford  to  do  this  for  the  convenience  of  the  public ;  a  corporation 
bent  on  making  money  can  not  afford  to  carry  such  burdens. 
Some  parts  of  a  great  system  pay  better  than  other  parts,  yet 
the  extremities  can  not  be  cut  off.  They  feed  the  trunk  lines, 
and  the  little  branches  are  needed.  But  they  should  not  be  paid 
from  five  to  ten  per  cent,  on  cost  of  construction.  Remote  towns 
should  be  willing  to  sacrifice  something  for  the  great  advantage 


A   HISTORY  177 

of  having  a  railroad.  Such  roads  are  built  more  for  the  benefit 
of  communities  than  to  add  to  the  revenues  of  corporations.  The 
purchase  of  stock  in  such  cases  is  a  voluntary  contribution  to 
the  public  good,  with  the  expectation  also  of  increasing  the  value 
of  local  real  estate. 

But  the  leasing  of  so  many  railroads  by  one  small  corpora- 
tion is  not  thought  to  be  the  best  way  of  conducting  business; 
and  it  would  be  far  better  if  the  lessees  owned  the  roads 
operated.  A  leased  farm  or  building  always  deteriorates,  espe- 
cially at  the  time  when  the  lease  is  about  to  terminate.  Every 
person  will  take  better  care  of  his  own  property  than  of  that 
which  he  has  leased  for  a  time.  He  can  not  afford  to  make  those 
lasting  improvements  whose  benefits  he  will  never  reap.  He  will 
not,  like  the  industrial  husbandman,  plant  trees,  a  berry  of  which 
he  himself  will  never  behold.  If  great  railroad  systems  are  to 
continue,  and  it  seems  that  they  must  become  greater,  then 
some  way  ought  to  be  devised,  whereby  the  managing  corpora- 
tion should  legally  own  all  that  they  control.  Can  small  com- 
panies of  men,  continually  changing  in  their  membership,  be 
entrusted  with  so  great  power?  The  welfare,  almost  the  means 
of  sustinence  of  millions  of  people,  would  be  in  their  hands.  Can 
States  and  the  United  States  sufficiently  control  and  regulate 
them?  The  problem  has  not  been  solved.  One  of  two  things 
must  be  done,  as  admitted  by  all.  Either  government  must 
actually  regulate  and  control  railroads  for  the  public  good,  with 
justice  to  owners  as  well,  or  government  must  take  possession 
of  all  its  roads  and  manage  them  as  it  does  its  post  offices. 
Then,  whether  they  "pay"  or  not,  the  entire  people  get  back  the 
worth  of  their  money  invested.  A  hot  debate  is  going  on  as  to 
the  relative  advantages  of  the  two  systems.  The  corporations 
argue  for  government  control,  and  then  some  of  them  try  to 
evade  it;  the  people  are  calling  more  and  more  for  government 
ownership  of  all  public  utilities.  Instances  are  cited  where  each 
system  is  said  to  be  a  success  or  a  failure,  according  to  the 
point  of  view  of  the  advocate.  It  is  certain  that  there  can  not 
be  a  return  to  the  original  plan  of  small  competitions. 

There  is  a  loud  cry  for  the  abolishment  of  grade  crossings, 
and  many  who  join  in  the  clamor  do  not  know  that  the  execu- 
tion of  such  a  plan  throughout  the  Boston  and  Maine  system 
would  cost  as  much  as  the  original  construction  of  the  system, 


178  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

or  about  a  hundred  million  dollars;  yet  much  has  been  done  in 
the  larger  cities  to  eliminate  danger  by  elevation  or  depression 
of  tracks  and  the  expense  has  been  great.  Many  other  improve- 
ments have  been  made  in  costly  terminals  and  double  tracks,  that 
do  not  at  once  yield  revenues.  It  might  have  been  better  in  the 
past  to  have  paid  smaller  dividends  and  put  more  of  the  surplus 
into  permanent  improvements,  but  stockholders  are  always 
clamoring  for  greater  returns  on  money  invested.  The  penny- 
wise  policy  of  saving  for  the  present  proves  to  be  pound-foolish 
in  the  long  run.  The  long  delayed  expenditures  have  to  be  made, 
and  then  stockholders  must  patiently  wait  and  live  on  the  liberal 
earnings  of  the  past  and  the  expectations  of  the  future. 

The  rapid  rise  in  the  cost  of  all  material  and  wages  seems  to 
demand  a  corresponding  rise  in  the  cost  of  travel  and  freightage. 
The  Public  Service  Commission  are  trying  to  adjust  the  railroad 
rates  to  present  wise  and  necessary  expenditures.  In  making 
purchases  people  should  cheerfully  pay  what  a  thing  now  costs 
to  make  it,  with  reasonable  compensation  to  the  carrier.  When- 
ever it  is  discovered  that  the  stockholders  of  railroads  are  get- 
ting too  great  a  revenue,  the  rates  can  be  reduced  as  easily  as 
they  were  advanced. 

All  concerned  are  to  be  congratulated  that  the  abuse  of 
free  passes  has  ceased  to  exist.  Thereby,  it  was  charged,  legis- 
lation was  controlled,  and  a  moneyed  system  was  exalted  to 
political  power.  The  debate  over  this  subject  was  stormy  and 
prolonged.  Justice  triumphed  in  the  end.  The  railroads  are 
saving  money,  and  legislators  are  likely  to  be  less  biased  and 
more  independent.  The  State  must  keep  on  improving  its  rail- 
roads and  adapting  them  to  the  needs  of  the  entire  population, 
till  the  air-ship  or  some  other  invention  takes  their  place. 


Chapter  XII 
MANUFACTURES 


Chapter  XII 

MANUFACTURES. 

Relative  Rank  as  a  Manufacturing  State — Value  of  Textile  Output— Cot- 
ton Mills — Woolen  Mills — Paper  and  Pulp  at  Berlin — Gloves  and 
Photographs  at  Littleton— Stone  Cutting  at  Concord— Granite  for  the 
Congressional  Library — Red  Granite  at  North  Conway — Pink  Granite  at 
Lebanon — Extent  of  the  Granite  Industry — Other  Industries  at  Con- 
cord— Manufacture  of  Boots  and  Shoes — Lumber — Wages  Earned — Dis- 
content of  Workmen — Character  of  Operatives — Influence  of  Occupa- 
tion on  Character — Does  Machinery  Save  Labor  or  Make  More  of  It? 
— The  Shop  and  Farm  compared. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE  had  at  the  last  census  a  population  of 
430,572,  or  about  thirty-seven  persons  to  each  square  mile. 
It  ranked  thirty-ninth  among  the  states  and  territories  of  the 
United  States,  while  in  manufacures  it  ranked  twenty-eighth. 
Of  natural  products  the  State  has  little  to  work  upon,  save  lum- 
ber and  granite,  and  the  former  is  fast  disappearing.  It  takes  the 
products  of  other  states  and  works  them  over  into  finished  goods 
for  the  market.  The  immense  waterpower  of  the  Merrimack 
and  other  rivers  invites  capitalists  here,  as  well  as  excellent  means 
of  transportation  and  proximity  to  seaport  markets.  In  1909  the 
State  had  1,961  manufacturing  establishments,  or  factories,  em- 
ploying 84,191  workmen  and  the  salaries  and  wages  of  the  same 
were  $40,391,000.  In  sixty  years  the  value  of  its  manufactured 
products  had  increased  from  $23,165,000  to  $164,581,000,  or  over 
sixfold,  while  during  the  same  time  the  population  had  increased 
only  thirty-five  per  cent.  During  the  last  fifteen  years  the  in- 
crease has  been  very  marked.  Ninety-three  per  cent,  of  all 
persons  engaged  in  manufactures  are  wage-earners.  The  manu- 
facturing centers,  in  the  order  of  their  rank,  are  Manchester, 
Nashua,  Concord,  Dover,  Berlin,  Laconia,  Keene,  and  Ports- 
mouth. Small  waterfalls  unharnessed  may  be  found  in  almost 
every  town  of  the  State,  where  once  was  a  saw-mill  or  a  grist- 
mill. The  manufactures  have  been  drawn  to  within  easy  dis- 
tance of  the  railroads,  and  railroads  have  been  sending  out  short 

181 


182  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

branches  to  extensive  waterpowers  and  lumbering  regions.  Thus 
New  Hampshire  is  being  transformed  from  an  agricultural  into  a 
manufacturing  State. 

The  combined  value  of  the  textile  manufactures  of  the 
State,  in  1909,  including  cotton  goods,  woolen  and  worsted  goods, 
and  hosiery  and  knit  goods,  amounted  to  $55,097,000,  or  one- 
third  of  the  total  value  of  the  manufactures  of  the  State.  The 
value  of  the  cotton  goods  alone  was  excelled  only  by  that  of 
boots  and  shoes.  The  first  cotton  mill  in  New  Hampshire  was 
put  into  operation  in  the  year  1804,  in  New  Ipswich,  only  four- 
teen years  after  the  Arkwright  machinery  was  introduced  into 
Providence,  Rhode  Island.  The  prime  mover  in  this  industry 
was  Charles  Robbins.  The  first  mill  contained  five  hundred 
spindles  which  spun  four  and  a  half  pounds  of  yarn  the  first 
day  of  operation.  A  second  factory  was  commenced  in  the  same 
town  in  1807.  The  legislature  encouraged  these  enterprises  by 
granting  exemption  from  taxation  for  five  years,  on  the  build- 
ings, machinery  and  stock  not  exceeding  the  value  of  twenty 
thousand  dollars.  These  two  mills  were  in  operation  for  some 
years  before  any  other  machinery  was  set  up  in  the  State  for 
the  manufacture  of  cotton  yarn.  The  first  mill  spun  about  three 
hundred  pounds  of  cotton  per  week  at  a  cost  of  twenty-six  cents 
per  pound.  All  the  cotton,  or  cotton  wool,  as  it  was  then  called, 
was  picked  by  hand  at  a  cost  of  four  or  five  cents  per  pound  and 
was  distributed  for  that  purpose  among  the  farm  houses.  In 
1812  a  picking  machine  was  invented.  In  1820  power  looms 
were  introduced  into  New  Ipswich  for  the  manufacture  of 
sheetings.  Prior  to  that  date  hand-looms  wove  some  cotton 
fabrics  that  did  not  find  an  inviting  market,  since  nearly  all 
cotton  products  were  imported  from  England. 

Benjamin  Pritchard  learned  his  trade  at  New  Ipswich.  He 
associated  with  him  Ephraim,  David,  and  Robert  Stevens,  and 
they  built  a  small  mill  on  the  west  side  of  the  falls  at  Amoskeag 
village  in  1809,  in  what  was  then  Goffstown.  This  led  to  the 
incorporation  in  1810  of  the  Amoskeag  Cotton  and  Woolen  Man- 
ufacturing Company.  Thus  were  founded  the  textile  industries 
of  Manchester.  The  cotton  was  picked  and  the  yarn  woven  in 
the  neighborhood,  and  a  smart  weaver  could  earn  thirty-six 
cents  a  day.  In  1831  the  Amoskeag  Manufacturing  Company 
was  formed  with  a  capital  of  one  million  dollars.  Lyman  Tif- 


A    HISTORY  183 

fany  was  the  first  president  of  the  company,  and  Ira  Gray  clerk. 
The  property  of  the  old  firm  was  exchanged  for  stock,  and  land 
was  purchased  on  both  sides  of  the  Merrimack  river,  but  chiefly 
on  the  east  side,  where  it  was  more  advantageous  to  build  canals 
and  mills.  The  company  purchased  the  old  locks  and  canals  in 
this  vicinity  and  soon  after  acquired  possession  of  the  manu- 
facturing plants  at  Hooksett  and  Concord,  thus  having  all  the 
water  power  between  Concord  and  Manchester  with  extensive 
lands  adjacent.  A  stone  dam  was  built  at  Manchester  to  replace 
the  old  wooden  one.  A  city  was  laid  out  and  building  sites 
commenced  to  be  sold  in  1838.  A  site  and  mill  privilege  were 
sold  to  a  company  that  erected  the  Stark  mills.  Soon  followed 
machine  shops,  foundry  and  a  plant  for  the  manufacture  of  loco- 
motives. The  growth  of  the  city  has  been  rapid.  Two  of  the 
largest  cotton  mills  in  the  world  are  here,  and  yet  the  value  of 
boots  and  shoes  made  in  Manchester  is  greater  than  that  of  its 
cotton  products.  It  is  the  largest  city  in  the  State,  and  twenty- 
eight  per  cent,  of  all  the  manufactures  of  the  State  are  reported 
from  Manchester,  which  has  thirty-one  per  cent,  of  the  number 
of  wage  workers,  numbering  nearly  twenty-five  thousand  persons. 
The  value  of  its  annual  products  is  nearly  $47,000,000. 

The  Merrimack  river,  in  its  fall  of  five  hundred  feet  from 
Lake  Winnepiseogee  to  the  sea,  is  said  to  turn  more  spindles 
than  any  other  river  in  the  world.  Nashua  ranks  next  to 
Manchester  in  the  manufacture  of  cotton  goods.  The  Nashua 
Manufacturing  Company  was  chartered  in  1823,  with  three  hun- 
dred shares  of  stock  at  $1,000  per  share.  It  had  permission  to 
increase  its  capital  to  $1,000,000.  Daniel  Webster  subscribed 
for  sixty  shares,  but  they  were  bought  by  a  wealthy  family 
of  Boston.  The  leading  men  of  the  company  were  Daniel 
Abbott,  Joseph  Greeley  and  Moses  Tyler.  A  canal  was  built, 
three  miles  long,  forty  feet  wide  and  ten  feet  deep.  The  fall 
of  water  is  thirty-six  feet.  The  Jackson  Manufacturing  Com- 
pany was  organized  in  1828,  with  mills  on  the  lower  falls.  These 
two  companies  have  built  extensive  cotton  mills.  Two  mills 
in  1828  ran  18,500  spindles  and  540  looms.  Nashua  had  at  the 
last  census  (1909)  7,312  wage  earners  and  the  value  of  their 
products  was  $17,326,134.  Here  also  are  large  factories  for  the 
manufacture  of  boots  and  shoes.  Foundries  and  machine  shops 
employ  many  workmen. 


184  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

In  Dover  the  Cochecho  Manufacturing  Company  did  a 
large  business  in  making  cotton  goods,  and  the  American 
Woolen  Company  had  extensive  mills  on  Bellamy  River  falls.  The 
latter  business  was  begun  by  Alfred  I.  Sawyer,  who  came  to 
Dover  from  Marlborough,  Mass.,  in  1824,  and  established  the 
Sawyer  Woolen  Mills.  Dover  has  fifty  manufacturers  of  various 
kinds  employing  over  three  thousand  wage  earners.  Over  six 
millions  of  capital  are  invested,  and  the  annual  pay  roll  amounts 
to  one  million,  five  hundred  thousand  dollars. 

The  Salmon  Falls  Manufacturing  Company,  in  what  is  now 
Rollinsford,  was  incorporated  in  1822  for  the  manufacture  of 
cotton,  woolen  and  other  goods.  It  is  still  doing  a  large  busi- 
ness, with  over  fifty  thousand  spindles. 

Cotton  mills  are  in  operation  in  Exeter,  Suncook,  Jaffrey, 
Newmarket  and  other  towns.  All  such  mills  in  New  Hampshire 
consume  136,801,463  pounds  of  cotton  annually,  less  than  one 
per  cent,  of  it  being  imported.  The  large  number  of  cotton  mills 
built  in  the  South  since  the  Civil  War  have  not  injured  the 
manufacture  of  cotton  fabrics  in  New  England.  Rather  the 
industry  never  was  so  prosperous  as  now.  Water  power  at  some 
distance  from  seaport  has  very  little  advantage  over  steam  power 
near  a  harbor.  Foreign  markets  have  opened  to  our  manufac- 
tures. The  heathen  are  now  clothed  and  are  coming  to  their 
right  mind.  In  1909  the  total  cost  of  material  used  in  the  cotton 
industry  in  New  Hampshire  was  $19,123,850,  and  the  value  of 
the  products  was  $33,601,830. 

The  Newmarket  Manufacturing  Company  has  been  operating 
many  years.  It  has  six  mills  and  turns  70,000  spindles,  producing 
300,000  yards  of  cloth  per  week.  The  company  employs  fifteen 
hundred  operatives  and  the  monthly  pay  roll  is  about  forty 
thousand  dollars. 

The  woolen  mills  of  the  State  produce  about  twelve  million 
dollars'  worth  of  all-wool  goods  annually.  The  industry  runs 
193,000  spindles  and  over  four  thousand  looms.  More  imported 
wool  is  used  than  domestic.  The  use  of  shoddy  is  decreasing, 
and  also  the  manufacture  of  worsted  goods. 

The  woolen  mills  at  Milton  employ  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  operatives,  producing  annually  about  400,000  yards  of  cloth 
and  about  30,000  blankets.  Laconia  is  the  principal  seat  of  the 
manufacture  of  hosiery,  there  being  ten  or  a  dozen  firms  that 


A    HISTORY  185 

carry  on  that  business.  The  place  has  forty-three  manufacturing 
establishments  in  all  and  employs  2,250  workmen.  Over  $3,000,000 
are  here  invested. 

Keene  has  a  great  variety  of  industries,  over  sixty,  none  of 
them  very  large,  yet  1,800  wage  earners  find  employment. 

Portsmouth  has  over  $3,000,000  invested  in  thirty-six  in- 
dustries and  gives  employment  to  a  thousand  wage  earners. 
Here  the  manufacture  of  ale  gives  the  city  an  unenviable  distinc- 
tion in  which  no  other  place  in  the  State  shares.  The  proximity 
of  the  United  States  Navy  Yard  furnishes  employment  to  many 
workmen  of  Portsmouth. 

Berlin  is  the  center  of  the  pulp  and  paper  industry.  New 
Hampshire  ranks  eighth  among  the  States  in  the  manufacture 
of  paper  and  wood  pulp.  Spruce  is  used  almost  exclusively, 
except  balsam  fir.  This  industry  uses  349,997  cords  of  wood 
annually.  Materials  costing  about  $10,000,000  have  about  $4,000,- 
ooo  added  to  their  value  in  the  process  of  manufacture.  For 
newspapers  alone  the  mills  of  New  Hampshire  grind  out  120,- 
ooo  tons  of  paper  every  year,  and  14,000  tons  more  for  book 
paper,  and  50,000  tons  for  wrapping  paper.  Berlin  has  $13,000,- 
ooo  invested  in  manufactures  and  the  value  of  the  annual  products 
is  about  $6,000,000. 

For  many  years  Littleton  carried  on  a  large  business  in  the 
making  of  scythes,  axes  and  tools,  and  more  recently  in  the 
manufacture  of  carriages  and  sleighs.  The  principal  business, 
however,  is  the  manufacture  of  gloves,  and  the  product  has  been 
as  high  as  82,000  dozen  of  pairs  in  a  year.  Plymouth  also  has 
had  an  extensive  glove  industry.  The  Stereoscopic  View  Com- 
pany of  Littleton  has  printed  in  a  single  year  five  million  photo- 
graphs. It  employs  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  wage  earners. 

Concord  is  credited  with  one  hundred  and  eleven  manufac- 
turing establishments,  employing  2,693  wage  earners.  The 
capital  invested  is  $5,574,000  and  the  value  of  the  products  is 
$6,476,000.  The  chief  industry  is  the  quarrying  and  cutting  of 
granite,  of  which  Rattlesnake  Hill  produces  a  very  white  variety, 
easily  worked,  adapted  to  massive  buildings  or  to  sculpture, 
durable  and  beautiful.  It  has  had  a  reputation  throughout  the 
nation  for  many  years.  The  first  building  of  importance  erected 
from  Concord  granite  was  the  old  state  prison,  in  1812.  The 
State  House  soon  followed,  built  in  1816  from  stone  prepared  by 


186  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

convicts  in  the  prison.  The  quarry  operated  by  Luther  Roby 
and  William  Green  was  in  the  rear  of  the  new  prison  and  has 
been  filled  in.  It  was  known  as  the  Summit  Ledge  and  was 
acquired  in  1834.  Mr.  Roby  also  opened  the  quarry  afterward 
operated  by  the  Granite  Railway  Company,  at  the  top  of  Rattle- 
snake Hill,  not  far  from  the  village  of  West  Concord.  From  the 
latter  quarry  were  taken  the  massive  pillars  that  adorn  the  front 
of  the  State  House,  the  City  Hall  of  Boston,  the  Charter  Oak 
building  in  Hartford,  Conn.,  the  German  American  Savings  Bank 
in  New  York,  the  Equitable  and  the  Staats  Zeitung  building  in 
New  York. 

Thomas  Hollis  of  East  Milton,  Mass.,  grandfather  of  Senator 
Hollis,  was  at  one  time  agent  of  the  Granite  Railway  Company 
and  later  operated  what  was  known  as  the  Hollis  quarry.  The 
quarry  is  situated  between  the  main  road  and  the  Granite  Rail- 
way quarry.  The  Ether  Monument  in  the  public  garden  at 
Boston  came  from  this  quarry,  Thomas  Hollis  being  the  con- 
tractor. The  statue  of  the  Good  Samaritan,  which  surmounts 
the  monument,  is  considered  one  of  the  finest  pieces  of  granite 
statuary  in  the  world,  and  was  shipped  in  the  rough  from  Con- 
cord to  the  home  of  Garret  Barry  in  West  Quincy,  Mass.,  who 
spent  three  years  on  its  sculpture. 

The  Fuller  quarry,  about  four  hundred  yards  south  of  the 
Granite  Railway  Company's  quarry,  and  about  the  same  distance 
from  the  highway,  was  bought  in  1882  by  Sargent  and  Sullivan. 
This  last  named  firm  furnished  the  stone  for  the  post  office  and 
court  house  in  Concord  and  the  post  office  and  soldiers  and 
sailors'  monument  in  Manchester.  To  the  south  of  the  Fuller 
quarry  about  three  hundred  feet  is  the  Blanchard  quarry,  operated 
by  Mr.  David  Blanchard  for  a  number  of  years,  and  which  pro- 
duced a  fine  grade  of  granite.  From  this  quarry  was  taken  the 
stone  for  the  Hannah  Dustin  monument  on  the  island.  A  block 
of  granite  was  sent  to  Lowell  and  the  statue  was  chiseled  there. 
The  rest  of  the  monument  was  cut  in  Mr.  Blanchard's  yard. 
The  Donagan  and  Davis  quarry  lies  close  to  the  Blanchard 
quarry,  and  was  operated  by  James  A.  Donagan  and  George  H. 
Davis,  who  were  largely  engaged  for  years  in  both  quarrying 
and  cutting.  Messrs.  Runals,  Davis  and  Sweat  of  Lowell,  Mass., 
operated  the  quarries  to  the  southwest  of  the  Donagan  and 
Davis  quarry.  The  Masonic  Building  in  Boston,  corner  of 


A    HISTORY  187 

Tremont  and  Boylston  streets,  came  from  this  quarry.  To  the 
south  of  this  quarry  and  about  two  thousand  feet  from  the  State 
Prison  is  the  quarry  known  as  the  New  England  Quarry,  No.  I. 
It  was  first  brought  into  extensive  operation  by  the  Concord 
Granite  Company,  with  Mr.  E.  C.  Sargent  of  Quincy,  Mass.,  as 
agent.  The  Custom  House  at  Portland,  Maine,  the  Suffolk  Sav- 
ings Bank,  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Building,  the 
Lawrence  and  Rialto  buildings  on  Devonshire  street,  Boston, 
were  furnished  by  Mr.  E.  C.  Sargent  from  this  quarry. 

After  the  death  of  Mr.  Sargent  the  property  of  the  Concord 
Granite  Company  was  purchased  by  Sargent  and  Sullivan,  who 
a  few  years  later  transferred  it  and  also  the  so  called  Fuller 
quarry  to  the  New  England  Granite  Works,  of  Hartford,  Conn. 
Mr.  James  G.  Batterson,  president  of  the  company,  secured  the 
contract  for  the  cut  stone  work  of  the  Congressional  Library  in 
Washington,  D.  C.  This  contract  was  probably  the  largest  of 
its  kind  ever  made  in  the  United  States,  the  amount  being  close 
to  $1,300,000,  and  it  is  considered  as  fine  a  specimen  of  granite 
as  a  building  material  as  can  anywhere  be  seen.  It  required 
about  six  years  to  furnish  the  cut  stone,  and  during  that  time 
the  company  averaged  over  three  hundred  men  on  its  pay  roll 
per  month  and  expended  in  wages  in  Concord  at  least  $1,000,000. 
It  was  shipped  by  rail  to  Washington  at  a  cost  of  $3.60  per  ton 
and  required  about  twenty-two  hundred  cars  to  convey  it.  The 
granite  in  the  exterior  of  this  building,  including  the  main 
entrance,  but  not  the  approaches,  measures  about  350,000  cubic 
feet.  Mr.  Batterson  was  a  man  of  large  business  ability,  who 
had  traveled  extensively  in  Europe  and  Egypt  and  became  con- 
vinced that  American  granite  was  the  best  material  for  the  con- 
struction of  durable  and  characteristic  buildings  in  this  country. 
He  was  a  just  and  liberal  employer  and  did  much  for  the  granite 
industry  in  Concord.  The  building  of  the  New  Hampshire 
Historical  Society,  certainly  the  finest  in  the  State  and  one  of 
the  handsomest  and  most  costly  for  its  size  in  the  United  States, 
and  also  the  Christian  Science  Church  in  Concord,  the  gift  of 
Mrs.  Eddy,  got  their  granite  from  New  England  Quarry,  No.  I. 
The  sculptured  group  over  the  entrance  to  the  building  of  the 
New  Hampshire  Historical  Society  is  worthy  of  more  than  a 
passing  notice ;  it  came  from  John  Swenson's  quarry. 

Southeast  of  the  New  England  Quarry,  No.  I,  and  about 


188  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

two  thousand  feet  distant,  in  a  right  angle  line  from  the  main 
highway  about  half  a  mile,  is  the  Anderson  quarry,  operated 
many  years  by  Mr.  Ola  Anderson.  The  Soldiers'  Memorial  Arch 
in  Concord  came  from  this  quarry. 

The  addition  to  the  New  Hampshire  State  House,  erected 
during  Governor  Quinby's  administration,  is  of  Concord  granite, 
furnished  by  the  John  Swenson  Granite  Company,  which  firm 
for  a  number  of  years  has  been  the  largest  producer  of  Concord 
granite.  This  stone  came  from  the  Sheldon  quarry  so  called. 
Mr.  Swenson  now  owns  this  property  and  also  the  Hollis  quarry 
heretofore  mentioned. 

For  about  a  century  soapstone  of  an  excellent  quality  was 
quarried  at  Francestown.  It  was  easily  worked  and  was  used 
for  making  stoves,  floors,  sinks,  mantels,  pencils,  etc.  Six  thou- 
sand tons  have  been  sold  in  a  single  year  and  the  price  has  been 
as  high  as  thirty-five  dollars  per  ton.  This  quarry  is  not  now 
operated,  and  it  is  said  that  the  vein  of  soapstone  is  exhausted. 

At  North  Conway  are  extensive  quarries  of  reddish  granite, 
closely  resembling  the  famous  Scotch  granite.  It  is  very  hard 
and  suited  to  massive  buildings.  Side  by  side  in  the  same  quarry 
with  the  red  granite  is  found  a  vein  of  granite,  which  when 
polished  has  a  greenish-gray  color.  The  body  of  the  New  Hamp- 
shire State  Library  at  Concord  is  of  North  Conway  granite, 
with  trimmings  from  Sheldon  quarry,  of  Concord,  and  the 
polished  pillars  at  the  entrance  are  beautiful  specimens  of  the 
granite  of  greenish  hue,  from  North  Conway. 

At  Milford,  New  Hampshire,  an  extensive  granite  business 
is  carried  on,  chiefly  in  the  monumental  line.  The  large  granite 
columns  in  the  Treasury  Building  at  Washington,  which  replaced 
the  former  brownstone  columns,  were  cut  in  Milford. 

At  Fitzwilliam  are  a  number  of  quarries  of  very  white 
granite  which  is  used  extensively  for  monuments  and  tombs. 

There  is  a  beautiful  pink  granite  quarried  at  Lebanon,  not 
far  from  Dartmouth  College.  Some  of  it  is  used  in  the  college 
buildings,  and  there  is  a  considerable  quantity  of  it  found  in 
Boston.  It  is  owned  by  the  Pigeon  Hill  Granite  Company  of 
Rockport,  Mass. 

The  granite  industry  is  peculiar  to  the  Granite  State,  and  the 
city  of  Concord  unintentionally  advertises  it  by  its  liberal  use  of 
granite  in  street  curbings  and  fencing  for  front  yards.  Rough 
and  cut  granite  may  be  seen  where  other  cities  might  employ 


A    HISTORY  189 

brick,  concrete  or  nothing  at  all.  If  transportation  were  less  ex- 
pensive, Concord  granite  would  be  found  more  plentifully  out- 
side of  the  State.  There  are  in  all  about  one  hundred  establish- 
ments in  New  Hampshire  that  quarry  and  shape  marble  and 
stone.  These  employ  twenty-five  hundred  workmen.  The  capital 
invested  is  $1,721,000,  and  the  wages  paid  annually  amount  to 
$i,o62,ooo.1 

One  of  the  foremost  industries  of  Concord  is  that  carried  on 
by  the  Page  Belting  Company,  inaugurated  in  1871  by  the 
brothers,  George  F.  and  Charles  T.  Page.  The  business  has 
steadily  grown  till  it  now  employs  about  two  hundred  workmen. 
It  works  up  sixty  thousand  hides  in  a  year  and  sends  its  products 
wherever  in  the  civilized  world  belts  are  used.  The  capital  is 
half  a  million  dollars.  To  be  compared  with  this  is  the  I.  B. 
Williams  and  Sons  belt  factory  in  Dover,  which  does  two  million 
dollars  worth  of  business  annually. 

Other  notable  business  enterprises  of  Concord  are  the  silver 
factory,  begun  over  sixty  years  ago  by  William  B.  Durgin  in  the 
manufacture  of  silver  ware  and  which  has  grown  to  a  large 
establishment,  employing  over  two  hundred  artisans;  and  the 
Rumford  Press,  which  does  a  lot  of  fine  work  in  the  printing  of 
books,  state  documents,  etc.  It  is  the  largest  printing  house  in 
the  State. 

The  manufacture  of  boots  and  shoes  has  been,  in  some  years, 
the  largest  industry  in  the  State.  In  1909  it  employed  fifteen 
thousand  workers.  The  capital  invested  was  $12,700,000  and  the 
value  of  the  output  was  nearly  $40,000,000.  The  centers  of  this 
industry  have  been  Manchester,  Nashua,  Exeter,  Dover,  Ports- 
mouth, Farmington,  and  in  numerous  towns  a  factory  has  been 
built  and  operated  irregularly,  according  to  inducements  offered 
by  towns  in  the  way  of  free  rental  and  freedom  from  taxation 

1  The  information  here  given  about  Concord  quarries  has  been  taken 
with  but  little  change  from  an  article  by  Mr.  Timothy  P.  Sullivan,  of  tne 
former  firm  of  Sargent  and  Sullivan,  in  the  Stone  Trade  News  of  October 
15,  1896,  supplemented  by  later  news  obtained  in  personal  conversations. 
Under  his  guidance  the  writer  hereof  spent  an  instructive  afternoon  in 
visiting  the  quarries  of  Rattlesnake  Hill,  Concord.  Mr.  Sullivan  is  a  native 
of  Ireland,  came  to  New  England  in  early  youth,  learned  the  trade  of  a 
stone-cutter,  and  has  grown  up  with  the  business  to  be  a  contractor  and 
inspector,  having  expert  knowledge  of  works  in  stone,  which  he  has  obtained 
by  wide  reading  and  personal  experience.  He  illustrates  what  America  can 
do  for  Irishmen  and  what  Irishmen  can  do  for  America. 


IQO  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

for  a  term  of  years.  Such  efforts  to  build  up  small  places  and 
rent  empty  houses  have  not  succeeded  very  well.  They  lack 
permanence.  There  are  nine  establishments  in  the  State,  where 
leather  goods  are  produced.  These  furnish  work  for  three  hun- 
dred persons. 

Although  there  are  but  four  establishments  for  the  manu- 
facture of  malt  liquors,  they  employ  a  capital  of  $2,642,000,  with 
only  two  hundred  and  seventy-two  wage  earners.  They  are  said 
to  add  over  a  million  dollars  in  value  to  the  material  used,  but 
the  temperance  people  say  that  instead  they  turn  a  blessing 
into  a  curse,  bringing  riches  to  a  very  few  and  poverty  and  woe 
to  many. 

There  are  twenty-nine  creameries  for  the  making  of  butter, 
cheese  and  condensed  milk,  notwithstanding  extensive  milk  routes 
spread  out  over  the  State  and  railroad  trains  gather  up  from  the 
farms  milk  for  the  Boston  markets.  The  value  of  the  creamery 
products  amount  to  $807,000,  of  which  sum  $98,000  is  added  in 
the  process  of  manufacture. 

Limited  space  forbids  more  than  a  condensed  statement  of 
the  leading  manufacturing  industries  of  the  State.  It  is  seen 
that  the  cotton  and  woolen  mills,  and  the  boot  and  shoe  factories 
employ  the  most  men  and  money,  yet  the  hundreds  of  small 
shops,  that  turn  out  carriages,  clothing,  boxes,  brooms,  and  many 
useful  articles,  are  worth  full  as  much  to  the  State  as  the  big 
mills  and  factories.  The  small,  portable  saw-mills  especially  do 
a  large  business.  The  lumber  and  timber  industries  number  five 
hundred  and  eighty-nine  and  employ  over  eight  thousand  work- 
men. The  value  of  their  products  is  over  $15,000,000  annually. 

The  census  of  1909  shows  that  there  were  1,265  salaried 
officers  in  all  the  manufacturing  establishments,  such  as  super- 
intendents and  managers,  as  well  as  the  officers  of  the  companies. 
All  together  were  receiving  $2,435,129,  or  an  average  of  $1,965 
each,  and  since  the  president,  secretary,  treasurer,  etc.,  of  large 
corporations  receive  the  lion's  share  in  the  way  of  salaries,  the 
pay  of  the  superintendents  and  managers  must  average  con- 
siderably less  than  the  figure  just  given.  The  wage  earners 
numbered  78,658  and  they  received  together  $36,200,262,  or  an 
average  of  $460  annually.  Of  course  some  received  much  more 
than  this  amount,  and  many  received  much  less.  An  average  of 
less  than  ten  dollars  a  week  is  not  a  living  wage  during  the 


A   HISTORY  191 

times  since  1909,  considering  the  ever  increasing  cost  of  living 
and  demands  and  cravings  produced  by  a  growing  civilization. 
Few  persons  have  the  philosophical  content  of  the  Athenian  sage 
and  are  thankful  that  there  are  so  many  things  for  sale  that  they 
do  not  want.  Naturally  each  person  craves  every  good  thing  that 
his  neighbor  enjoys  and  asks  why  it  is  that  he  can  not  have 
it.  Convinced  that  he  is  not  getting  a  fair  share  of  the  profits 
of  his  own  labor  the  operative  joins  a  Labor  Organization.  There 
are  about  a  score  of  them  in  every  populous  city  of  the  State. 
All  classes  of  workmen  are  banded  together  under  the  oversight 
of  a  State  Federation  of  Labor.  They  are  claiming  more  and 
more  clearly  and  loudly  their  rights,  employing  strikes  as  a  last 
resort  to  get  the  same.  Such  organizations  have  greatly  in- 
creased the  price  of  labor,  but  the  corresponding  price  of  the 
necessaries  and  comforts  of  life  has  advanced  perhaps  more  rapidly. 
The  number  of  working  hours  in  the  day  has  decreased  far  below  the 
old  variable  standard,  when  farm  laborers  worked  from  sunrise 
to  sunset  and  often  beyond.  According  to  the  law  of  1891  ten 
hours  constituted  a  day  of  contract  labor;  the  day's  work  has 
been  reduced  to  nine  hours  in  many  establishments,  and  the 
clamor  throughout  the  country  is  for  a  working  day  of  eight 
hours,  as  is  the  rule  among  government  employees.  A  law 
enacted  in  1914  fixed  fifty-five  hours  per  week  as  the  maximum 
allowed,  thus  providing  for  ten  hours  of  labor  on  five  days  and 
a  half  holiday  on  Saturdays.  Theorists  are  saying  that  five  hours 
a  day  would  be  enough  to  keep  the  world  in  good  condition,  if 
the  idle  tramp  and  the  idle  rich  could  only  be  made  to  work. 

The  kind  of  operatives  employed  in  mills  and  shoe  shops 
and  other  places  of  manual  labor  differs  much  from  what  it  was 
two  generations  ago.  Then  almost  all  the  employees  were  of 
American  parentage,  people  who  came  in  from  the  farms  to 
earn  money  more  readily  in  the  cities.  Farmers'  daughters 
worked  in  the  cotton  and  woolen  mills,  with  no  foreigners  in 
their  company.  At  present  the  operatives  are  almost  all  of 
foreign  birth  or  parentage,  Canadian  Frenchmen,  Italians,  Greeks, 
Poles,  Russian  Jews  and  a  few  from  almost  every  nation  under 
heaven.2  Hosts  from  the  far  East  are  clamoring  for  admission 

2  The  races  that  make  up  the  population  of  Manchester  have  been 
reckoned  as  follows:  French-Canadians  27,000,  native  stock  14,755,  Irish 
13.500,  Greeks  6,000,  Poles  5,000,  Germans,  3,500,  Swedes,  2,700,  English 


i92  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

and  a  chance  to  earn  American  wages.  They  like  our  individual 
liberty  and  our  respect  for  the  laborer.  A  dollar  a  day  looks 
big  to  those  who  have  been  accustomed  to  work  in  the  old 
countries  for  twenty  cents  per  day.  The  skilled  workman,  who 
received  there  fifty  and  sixty  cents  per  day,  gets  here  three  dollars 
a  day  and  sometimes  five  dollars,  as  carpenter  or  mason. 

This  influx  of  foreign  laborers  is  forcing  the  Americans  out, 
up  or  down.  Many  are  driven  to  new  enterprises  in  the  West; 
some  are  forced  out  of  employment  in  old  age ;  many  married 
couples  can  not  afford  to  rear  children  because  of  the  competi- 
tion in  labor  and  the  high  cost  of  living.  Therefore  thousands 
of  old  families  of  New  England  are  becoming  extinct  in  their 
old  haunts,  and  we  have  to  search  for  New  England  on  the 
Pacific  coast.  A  new  population  is  taking  possession  of  our 
cities  and  increasingly  of  the  old  New  England  farms.  These 
new  comers  do  not  like  to  work  in  the  mills  and  on  the  streets 
any  better  than  the  Americans  once  did.  As  soon  as  they  can  they 
move  out  and  up.  Unless  the  Americans  are  crowded  up,  they  are 
forced  down  in  the  scale  of  living.  Here  and  there  may  be  found 
small  communities  of  the  old  Yankee  stock,  who  have  become  like 
the  "white  trash"  of  the  South.  The  destruction  of  such  poor 
people  is  their  poverty,  which  engenders  ignorance,  crime,  vice, 
and  physical  and  mental  deterioration. 

It  has  been  often  said  that  the  real  prosperity  and  welfare 
of  a  State  or  nation  does  not  depend  on  its  farms,  manufactures 
and  accumulated  wealth,  but  upon  the  kind  of  men  and  women 
it  produces.  It  should  not  be  concluded  without  reflection  that 
the  many  manufactories  of  New  Hampshire  are  indisputable 
evidence  of  prosperity.  Where  do  the  millions  of  dollars  in 
profits  go  ?  The  greater  part  may  go  into  the  pockets  of  absentee 
capitalists  in  Boston  and  vicinity,  and  then  the  evil  of  absentee 
landlords  that  has  so  injured  Ireland  may  be  repeated  here  in 
a  varied  form.  Is  the  country  really  prosperous  because  wealthy 
mill  owners  can  get  shiploads  of  foreigners  to  come  here  and 
work  for  a  smaller  wage  than  Americans  are  willing  to  accept, 

1,700,  Scotch  1,600,  Hebrews  850,  Ruthenians  600,  Syrians  600,  Lithuanians 
600,  Italians  250,  Portuguese  200,  Russians  225,  Norwegians  600,  Armenians 
200,  Danes  60,  Belgians  600,  Chinese  55,  Negroes  60,  Finns  25,  Hollanders  25, 
Swiss  20,  Bulgarians  50,  Albanians  40,  Spaniards  15.  Other  cities  have  more 
Italians  and  Finns.  Such  statistics  awaken  thought,  but  need  not  arouse  fear. 


A    HISTORY  193 

and  thus  make  themselves  still  richer?  If  "wealth  accumulates 
and  men  decay,"  is  the  country  a  gainer  or  a  loser  thereby  ?  The 
danger  to  our  civilization  is  not  that  people  from  Europe  and 
Asia  are  taking  the  places  of  natives  of  New  England.  The 
people  from  England,  Scotland  and  Ireland  need  not  flatter 
themselves  that  they  are  the  elite  of  the  earth ;  the  Italians  and 
Greeks  can  boast  of  a  more  ancient  civilization  and  greater 
names  in  history.  The  Syrian  and  the  Hindoo  can  quickly  be 
developed  into  as  bright  and  good  citizens  as  any  others.  The 
mixture  of  many  nationalities  may  produce  the  finest  generations 
the  world  has  yet  seen.  The  immigrants  are  changing  their 
language,  names,  occupations,  ideas  and  character,  yea,  even  their 
stature  and  facial  expressions.  They  look,  talk  and  act  just  like 
Yankees  after  two  generations. 

But  what  chance  is  there  for  the  development  of  character 
for  those  who  work  ten  hours  a  day  in  a  mill  or  shoe  shop, 
doing  one  little  thing  over  and  over  by  use  of  a  machine  or 
by  hand?  Can  a  man  grow  in  grace  and  knowledge  by  cutting 
out  heels  for  shoes  year  after  year?  Is  it  an  educative  process, 
or  one  that  shrivels  and  dwarfs  the  soul?  Once  we  had  small, 
competing  shops  where  workmen  learned  to  do  and  actually 
did  many  things  each  day,  and  where  they  had  to  be  ingenious 
and  exercise  their  wits.  Now  it  takes  no  brains  and  developes 
no  power  of  thinking  to  do  the  work  assigned  to  each  one  in 
a  well  organized,  mammoth  manufactory.  The  housemaid  hates 
to  wash  dishes,  to  do  the  same  uninteresting  thing  three  times 
a  day;  the  operative  may  have  to  do  a  more  insignificant  thing 
thousands  of  times  each  day,  and  he  becomes  a  half-alive  autom- 
aton. Work  ought  to  develope  the  workman  instead  of  stunting 
him.  It  ought  to  fill  his  heart  with  joy  instead  of  bitterness  and 
envy.  Have  the  great  manufacturing  cities  of  England  produced 
better  Englishmen  than  the  yeomanry  of  the  time  of  Oliver 
Cromwell?  Will  the  mills  and  shops  of  New  England  turn  out 
better  citizens  than  did  the  farms  of  one  hundred  years  ago? 
It  is  scarcely  thinkable.  The  evil  is  clearly  foreseen,  and  search 
is  being  made  for  the  proper  remedy. 

Then,  too,  the  "labor-saving"  machinery  of  recent  times  only 
increases  labor.  The  products  do  not  keep  up  with  our  growing 
desires.  The  pace  is  set  by  the  agent  of  the  greedy  capitalist, 


194  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

and  the  employee  must  work  up  to  standard,  as  fast  as  he  can, 
without  a  moment  of  rest  nine  or  ten  hours  a  day.  The  machin- 
ery has,  perhaps,  doubled  or  thribled  the  wages  of  workmen,  but 
it  has  multiplied  profits  by  twenty  or  thirty.  It  is  the  relative 
income  that  frets  the  laborer  and  makes  him  dislike  his  task- 
master. He  asks  why  machinery  should  not  benefit  the  man 
who  runs  it  as  much  as  the  man  who  buys  it,  and  he  wonders 
how  the  general  agent  of  a  group  of  mills  really  earns  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  a  year,  while  he  is  getting  for  his 
family  only  six  to  twelve  dollars  a  week.  The  unrest  and  dis- 
content resulting  does  not  develop  the  highest  type  of  manhood 
nor  produce  good  American  citizens.  The  operative  knows  not 
the  freedom  and  independence  of  the  farmer  of  other  days. 

Yet  a  little  ready  money,  regularly  received,  has  more  allure- 
ments than  distant  crops  and  fruits  of  trees.  If  the  farmer  now 
has  a  farm  of  his  own  with  buildings  and  stock,  he  can  manage 
to  get  a  comfortable  and  independent  living,  especially  if  he  has 
a  large  family  of  growing  boys,  each  one  of  whom  is  an  asset 
on  a  farm  and  an  expense  in  the  city.  If  a  farm  is  bought,  with 
a  mortgage,  and  interest  has  to  be  dug  out  of  the  rocky  and 
sandy  soil,  the  returns  are  meager.  Without  stock  scarcely 
anything  can  now  be  earned  on  a  farm  during  the  long  months 
of  winter,  and  the  expense  of  keeping  warm  is  great.  Farming 
for  the  man  without  capital  has  few  enticements.  Many  try 
it  for  a  short  time  and  fail.  The  fanner  seems  to  be  getting  less 
for  his  labor  and  the  capital  invested  than  even  the  operative 
in  the  mill  or  shoe  shop.  Therefore  young  men  crowd  into  the 
cities,  where  there  is  more  ready  money  and  more  of  social 
life.  The  only  way  that  farming  can  be  made  more  attractive 
is  to  make  it  more  remunerative.  The  beginner  in  any  occupa- 
tion must  practice  economy,  work  steadily  and  save  something 
regularly. 


Chapter  XIII 

NATIVE   SONS    AS    MANUFACTURERS 
AND    INVENTORS   ABROAD 


Chapter  XIII 

NATIVE  SONS  AS  MANUFACTURERS  AND  INVENTORS 

ABROAD. 

Local  Pride  in  Men  of  Mark— Jonas  dickering,  Maker  of  Pianofortes— 
The  Pilsburys,  Flour  Millers  of  Minneapolis — Cyrus  Wakefield,  in 
Whose  Honor  a  Town  Was  Named— Thaddeus  S.  C.  Lowe,  Navigator 
of  the  Air — Moses  G.  Farmer,  Pioneer  in  Electricity — Walter  A.  Wood, 
Maker  of  Farm  Machinery — Nehemiah  S.  Bean,  Maker  of  the  First 
Steam  Fire-Engine — Robert  P.  Parrott,  the  Man  behind  the  Gun — 
Sylvester  H.  Roper,  Mechanical  Engineer. 

IT  must  be  of  interest  to  all  who  claim  New  Hampshire  as 
their  place  of  birth  or  residence  to  know  something  of  the 
men  of  mark,  of  whom  it  can  be  said  with  local  pride,  "This  man 
was  born  there."  Not  all  the  great  men  have  staid  in  their  native 
State;  some  were  made  great  by  the  better  opportunities  and 
new  experiences  found  elsewhere.  It  is  the  purpose  of  this 
chapter  to  call  to  mind  a  few  of  them, 

Jonas  Chickering,  son  of  Abner  Chickering,  a  blacksmith 
and  small  farmer,  was  born  in  New  Ipswich  April  5,  1797.  He 
got  a  little  book  knowledge  in  the  town  school  and  a  lot  of 
practical  wisdom  in  his  trade  as  a  cabinet  maker,  to  which  he 
was  apprenticed  at  the  age  of  seventeen.  At  this  business  he 
worked  three  years  with  Mr.  John  Gould.  Early  he  displayed 
a  talent  for  music  and  learned  in  leisure  moments  to  play  skill- 
fully the  fife  and  clarionet.  At  the  age  of  nineteen  he  made  some 
repairs  on  the  only  pianoforte  in  New  Ipswich,  although  it  was 
the  first  instrument  of  the  kind  he  had  ever  seen,  and  then  he 
made  a  thorough  study  of  its  structure.  It  is  needless  to  say 
that  he  restored  the  damaged  pianoforte  to  tune  and  use.  Soon 
after  he  commenced,  alone  and  unaided,  the  building  of  a  small 
organ  with  no  instruction  or  drawings,  starting  out  with  only 
a  growing  idea.  This  did  not  prove  to  be  a  practical  success, 
but  he  was  acquiring  knowledge  which  afterward  was  of  service. 
Many  apparent  failures  may  precede  a  large  success. 

In  1818  he  went  to  Boston  and  obtained  employment  after 

197 


198  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

a  year  with  a  maker  of  pianofortes,  Mr.  John  Osborne,  one  of 
the  very  few  manufacturers  of  that  musical  instrument  then  in 
America.  He  quickly  mastered  the  business  and  after  three 
years  was  able  to  form  a  partnership  with  Mr.  Stewart  for  inde- 
pendent work.  This  lasted  three  years  and  then  Mr.  Chickering 
operated  alone  till  1830,  when  Capt.  John  Mackay  became  asso- 
ciated with  him  in  business,  thus  providing  sufficient  capital.  At 
once  a  large  building  was  erected  and  the  finest  woods  were 
imported.  His  partner  was  lost  at  sea,  and  Mr.  Chickering  con- 
tinued the  business  alone.  This  building  was  destroyed  by  fire 
in  1852,  and  a  mammoth  structure  at  once  succeeded  it,  where 
one  hundred  men  or  more  were  employed.  Mr.  Chickering  died 
ere  this  building  was  completed,  and  his  sons  continued  to 
manufacture  pianofortes,  making  the  name  of  the  firm  famous 
throughout  the  country.  At  one  time  there  were  two  thousand 
pianofortes  made  annually  by  the  Chickerings.  Ere  the  death  of 
Mr.  Jonas  Chickering,  December  8,  1853,  fourteen  thousand 
completed  products  of  his  skill  and  industry  had  been  scattered 
in  homes  and  halls  to  cheer  and  bless  mankind.  In  beauty  of 
exterior,  in  tone  and  finish,  the  Chickering  pianos  had  no  superior 
in  the  wide  world.  They  received  a  prize  medal  at  the  world's 
fair.  Mr.  Chickering  gave  a  thousand  dollars  to  the  academy 
in  his  native  town.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  legis- 
lature, highly  esteemed  among  all  lovers  of  music,  a  kind,  affable, 
unassuming  man.  He  had  talent  and  business  ability.  Circum- 
stances of  his  own  choosing  enabled  him  to  combine  the  two. 
Character  gained  him  credit  and  capital,  and  thus  he  amassed 
wealth  while  contributing  something  worth  while  to  the  pleasure 
and  education  of  many. 

George  Alfred  Pillsbury  was  born  in  Sutton,  August  29, 
1816.  He  was  educated  in  the  common  schools  of  his  native 
town.  At  the  age  of  eighteen  he  went  to  Boston  and  spent  a 
year  as  clerk  in  a  grocery  and  fruit  store.  Returning  to  Sutton 
he  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  stoves  and  sheet  iron  ware. 
In  1840  he  went  to  Warner  as  clerk  in  a  store,  and  the  following 
year  he  purchased  the  business  and  carried  it  on  eight  years. 
In  1848  he  went  into  a  wholesale  dry  goods  house  in  Boston  and 
spent  a  year.  Returning  to  Warner  he  entered  into  trade  there 
again  for  two  years.  In  1851  he  removed  to  Concord  and  until 
1875  was  purchasing  agent  of  the  Concord  Railroad.  He  was 


A    HISTORY  199 

one  of  the  organizers  and  directors  of  the  First  National  Bank 
of  Concord  in  1864  and  was  its  president  for  twelve  years  after 
1866.  He  also  was  one  of  the  organizers  of  the  National  Savings 
Bank.  In  Warner  he  had  served  as  selectman,  town  treasurer, 
post  master  and  representative  to  the  legislature.  In  Concord 
he  was  on  the  board  of  alderman,  representative  to  the  legisla- 
ture, appraiser  of  real  estate,  trustee  of  the  Centennial  Home  for 
the  Aged,  and  of  the  State  Orphans'  Home  on  the  Webster  farm 
in  Franklin.  He  and  his  son  gave  the  organ  of  the  First  Baptist 
church  in  Concord.  When  he  left  Concord  in  1878  to  reside  in 
Minneapolis,  his  fellow  citizens  gave  him  a  testimonial  of  respect 
with  three  hundred  signatures.  He  became  a  member  of  the 
firm  of  C.  A.  Pillsbury  and  Company  of  Minneapolis,  the  largest 
flouring  firm  in  the  world.  In  1884  he  was  elected  mayor  of 
Minneapolis.  He  served  as  president  of  the  City  Council,  the 
Board  of  Trade,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  the  Homeopathic 
Hospital,  the  Board  of  Water  Works,  the  St.  Paul  and  Minne- 
apolis Baptist  Union,  the  Northwestern  National  Bank,  and  the 
American  Baptist  Missionary  Society.  His  son,  Charles  A.  Pills- 
bury,  graduated  at  Dartmouth  in  1863  and  was  the  big  man  of 
the  flouring  firm  in  Minneapolis. 

Mr.  Pillsbury  contributed  liberally  to  Colby  Academy  at 
New  London  and  to  Pillsbury  Academy  at  Owatumna,  Minne- 
sota, giving  to  the  latter  two  buildings  at  a  cost  of  $75,000.  To 
Sutton,  his  native  town,  he  presented  a  fine  soldiers'  monument; 
to  the  town  of  Warner  he  gave  a  free  library  building  of  brick 
with  stone  trimmings ;  to  Concord  he  gave  a  general  hospital  in 
honor  of  his  wife,  Margaret  Sprague  Pillsbury,  on  the  fiftieth 
anniversary  of  their  wedding.  During  his  lifetime  he  gave  $500,- 
ooo  and  in  his  will  he  bequeathed  $300,000  more  to  various  edu- 
cational, charitable  and  religious  institutions,  among  them  being 
Pillsbury  Academy,  to  which  he  gave  $250,000.  He  died  in 
Minneapolis  July  17,  1898.  Business  ability  was  born  and 
nurtured  in  him ;  a  rare  opportunity  enabled  him  to  amass 
wealth ;  a  generous  heart  and  Christian  principle  prompted  him 
to  distribute  liberally  for  the  service  of  others. 

John  Sargent  Pillsbury,  brother  to  George  A.  Pillsbury,  was 
born  at  Sutton,  July  29,  1827.  He  was  clerk  for  his  brother 
in  a  store  in  Warner  and  later  formed  a  partnership  with  Walter 
Harriman  of  that  place,  who  afterward  was  governor  of  New 


200  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Hampshire.  Removing  to  Concord  he  did  business  there  for 
two  years  as  a  merchant  tailor  and  dealer  in  cloth.  In  1855  he 
settled  in  Minneapolis  and  engaged  in  hardware  business.  The 
firm  of  which  he  was  a  member  lost  $38,000  by  fire  in  1857,  yet 
the  business  was  continued  till  1875,  when  he  sold  out  and 
entered  into  the  business  of  milling  with  his  nephew,  Charles 
A.  Pillsbury,  and  his  brother  became  a  member  of  the  same  firm. 

Mr.  Pillsbury  was  active  in  raising  and  equipping  regiments 
for  the  Civil  War.  He  was  a  member  of  the  State  Senate  for 
thirteen  years.  Because  of  his  interest  and  assistance  given  to 
the  State  University,  he  having  built  for  it  a  Hall  of  Science  at 
a  cost  of  $150,000,  he  was  called  the  Father  of  the  University. 
As  a  Republican  he  was  elected  governor  of  Minnesota  in  1875 
and  was  twice  re-elected.  Lumbering  and  construction  of  rail- 
roads engaged  his  active  interest.  This  did  not  hinder  him  from 
being  director  of  several  banks,  president  of  the  Board  of 
Regents  of  the  University  of  Minnesota,  and  director  of  the 
Pillsbury-Washburn  Flour  Mills.  The  town  hall  at  Sutton  was 
his  gift. 

Cyrus  Wakefield  was  born  in  Marlborough,  that  part  which 
was  afterward  set  off  as  Roxbury,  February  14,  1811.  He  had 
little  schooling,  but  an  inquisitive  and  inventive  mind  kept  him 
prying  into  things  and  trying  to  put  his  fancies  into  visible  facts. 
The  successes  of  men  he  knew  and  read  about  aroused  in  him 
an  ambition  to  accomplish  something  in  the  world  and  to  acquire 
the  influence  and  power  that  wealth  brings.  Picking  cotton  in 
a  mill  at  Peterborough  did  not  quite  satisfy  him,  neither  did  he 
find  contentment  in  reading  a  controversy  between  Calvin  and 
Arminius,  which  a  minister  gave  him  to  read.  So  he  went  to 
Boston  as  soon  as  he  was  able,  to  seek  his  fortune.  Here  he 
became  clerk  in  a  grocery  store  and  utilized  his  spare  moments 
in  doing  a  little  business  for  himself  in  the  way  of  buying  and 
selling  empty  casks  and  barrels.  Thus  he  saved  a  thousand 
dollars  and  the  path  of  wealth  opened  before  him.  Not  going 
to  college  as  was  suggested  to  him,  he  never  knew  how  little  he 
lost  and  always  supposed  he  had  lost  a  great  deal,  not  realizing 
perhaps  how  much  he  gained  of  practical  wisdom  that  the 
average  college  student  fails  to  acquire.  He  made  up  his  loss 
in  part  by  attending  evening  schools,  visiting  various  debating 


A   HISTORY  201 

societies,  and  listening  to  courses  of  scientific  lectures.  Was  not 
this  as  good  a  curriculum  as  Latin,  Greek,  higher  Mathematics 
and  football?  Who  is  the  educated  man,  if  not  the  one  who 
has  learned  to  use  to  advantage  all  his  capacities? 

While  he  was  engaged  with  his  brother  in  independent 
grocery  business  in  Boston  he  purchased,  almost  by  accident, 
a  small  quantity  of  rattan,  that  had  been  thrown  out  of  a  ship 
as  refuse  matter,  and  sold  it  at  a  profit  to  some  chairmakers,  who 
used  the  outside  of  the  cane  in  seating  chairs  and  threw  away 
the  rest.  Mr.  Wakefield  conceived  the  ideas  of  utilizing  all  the 
rattan,  cane,  pith  and  shavings.  Having  a  brother-in-law  in 
Canton,  China,  he  ordered  split  rattan  from  there  and  prospered 
in  the  trade,  selling  his  importations  throughout  the  United 
States.  In  1856  he  went  to  New  York  for  a  short  time  and 
bought  up  all  the  rattan  in  the  market,  created  a  "corner"  as  they 
say,  and  had  a  monopoly  of  the  trade.  This  enabled  him  to  fix 
the  price  of  rattan  for  a  while,  and  so  he  became  suddenly  rich. 
One  does  not  have  to  go  to  college  to  learn  such  tricks  in 
trade,  yet  only  a  few  persons  have  the  foresight  and  ready  cash 
to  seize  the  flitting  opportunity. 

Soon  after  he  removed  his  business  to  South  Reading, 
Massachusetts,  where  water  power  and  steam  power  took  the 
place  of  hand  power.  His  business  kept  enlarging  till  he  used 
ten  acres  of  floor  space.  Building  after  building  was  erected. 
Every  bit  of  the  rattan  was  made  into  something  that  would 
sell.  He  saw  that  a  rapidly  growing  town  would  raise  the  price 
of  real  estate,  and  so  he  bought  all  the  land  he  could,  draining 
swamps  and  filling  in  lowlands,  thus  creating  building  lots.  Real 
estate  speculators  did  not  rob  him  of  the  unearned  increment. 
Thus  he  was  enabled  to  present  to  the  town  a  site  for  a  Town 
Hall  and  to  build  the  Hall  at  a  cost  of  $120,000.  There  was 
some  inducement  to  do  this  for  the  people  had  voted  to  change 
the  name  of  the  town  to  Wakefield  in  his  honor.  Of  course  such 
a  man  was  director  in  the  banks,  and  on  the  School  Board  and 
stockholder  in  Ice  and  Gas  Companies.  To  him  that  hath  shall 
be  given. 

Mr.  Wakefield  died  October  26,  1873.  Here  is  the  way  he 
has  been  sketched  as  to  general  character.  "He  was  a  man  of 
iron  will  and  resolute  purpose,  combined  with  great  physical 


202  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

endurance.  Energy,  perseverance,  and  an  indomitable  courage 
in  the  face  of  almost  insuperable  objects  were  his  prominent 
characteristics.  He  had  a  keen  perception,  and  results  that  other 
men  reached  by  hard  thought  seemed  to  intuitively  come  to  him. 
He  knew  human  nature  thoroughly  and  could  read  a  man  at  a 
glance.  To  those  who  knew  him  best  he  revealed  at  times  a 
warm,  genial  and  tender  nature,  though  to  a  stranger  he  might 
seem  distant.  He  was  charitable,  giving  not  only  in  large  sums 
to  public  enterprises,  but  cheering  the  hearts  of  the  poor  with 
his  generous  gifts.  Many  students  struggling  for  an  education 
remember  with  gratitude  his  timely  aid.  As  a  merchant  he 
was  shrewd,  industrious,  persistent,  and  careful  in  the  details 
of  his  business."  Why  should  he  be  esteemed  a  successful  man 
of  business?  Because  he  gained  riches?  He  had  business  fore- 
sight and  insight.  He  saw  the  latent  possibilities  in  things  others 
discarded.  He  had  original  ideas  and  worked  them  out  to  prac- 
tical results,  thus  contributing  to  the  advancement  of  civilization 
in  the  proper  use  of  nature's  products.  He  made  the  earth  a  little 
better  place  to  live  on  for  a  short  time.  He  did  not  succeed  by 
imitating  others  ;  he  just  acted  out  himself. 

From  Jefferson,  in  Coos  county,  came  Thaddeus  S.  C.  Lowe, 
born  there  August  20,  1832.  He  got  an  education  without  much 
schooling,  while  many  others  get  much  schooling  without  an 
education.  A  few  weeks  each  summer  and  blazing  pine  knots 
to  read  by  in  the  winter  evenings  made  up  his  college.  In  his 
fifteenth  year  he  walked  from  his  home  to  Portland,  Maine, 
and  there  took  the  boat  to  Boston,  where  he  apprenticed  himself 
for  three  years,  to  learn  the  trade  of  boot  and  shoe  cutting. 
Thus  he  got  money  enough  to  study  medicine.  By  compounding 
medicines  and  practice  as  a  physician  he  made  money  enough 
to  retire  from  a  disagreeable  occupation,  and  then  he  began  to 
give  public  lectures  on  scientific  subjects.  Before  this  he  had 
taught  a  class  in  chemistry.  His  chemical  experiments  pleased 
and  instructed  his  listeners. 

In  1857  he  began  the  study  of  navigating  the  air  in  balloons. 
In  1860  he  completed  a  mammoth  balloon,  six  times  larger  than 
any  previously  built.  Its  lifting  capacity  was  twenty-two  and 
one-half  tons.  The  balloon  itself  weighed  three  and  a  half  tons. 
Its  perpendicular  diameter  was  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  and 
its  transverse  diameter  was  one  hundred  and  four  feet.  Four 


A    HISTORY  203 

hundred  thousand  cubic  feet  of  gas  were  furnished  for  it  in  four 
hours.  On  the  trial  trip  five  passengers  were  taken  up  a  distance 
of  two  miles  and  a  half.  This  experiment  led  to  his  introduction 
to  Professor  Henry  of  the  Smithsonian  Institute,  with  whom  he 
co-operated  in  taking  meteorological  observations  at  different 
points  on  the  continent  and  at  high  altitudes  in  balloons.  The 
same  were  wired  to  Washington  and  thus  it  was  possible  to 
make  weather  predictions  and  the  United  States  signal  service 
grew  out  of  this  movement. 

In  1861  Mr.  Lowe  sailed  in  his  balloon  from  Cincinnati  to 
some  point  in  South  Carolina  and  had  some  diffculty  in  getting 
back,  being  suspected  as  a  spy.  It  took  him  five  days  or  more 
to  go  by  rail  the  distance  that  he  had  made  in  a  balloon  in  eight 
hours.  During  the  Civil  War  he  rendered  important  service  as 
chief  aeronaut  of  the  United  States  army,  which  position  he  held 
for  three  years.  During  this  time  he  made  over  three  thousand 
cable  ascensions  and  was  the  first  to  establish  telegraphic  com- 
munications between  a  balloon  and  various  portions  of  the  army 
and  Washington  at  the  same  time.  Many  were  the  inventions 
of  Mr.  Lowe  to  make  his  balloons  of  military  service,  among 
them  being  a  way  of  producing  water-gas  beside  any  stream  or 
pool  of  water.  Thus  in  three  hours  the  aeronaut  could  reinflate 
his  air-ship.  His  system  of  field  aeronautics  was  introduced  into 
the  British,  French  and  Brazilian  armies,  and  the  emperor  of 
Brazil  offered  to  Mr.  Lowe  a  commission  as  major-general  to 
serve  in  the  war  with  Paraguay,  which  he  declined. 

In  1867  Mr.  Lowe  invented  his  machine  for  the  manufacture 
of  ice,  which  came  into  general  use.  In  1872-3  he  brought  out 
his  water-gas  process  for  producing  light  and  heat,  which  was 
adopted  in  over  two  hundred  cities.  He  revolutionized  the  gas 
industry  in  the  United  States,  making  water-gas  by  the  addition 
of  crude  petroleum,  thus  lowering  the  cost  of  gas.  An  observa- 
tory at  Mount  Lowe,  near  Passadena,  California,  and  an  inclined 
railroad  leading  thereto  were  built  through  the  efforts  and  finan- 
cial aid  of  Mr.  Lowe. 

One  of  the  pioneers  in  the  field  of  electrical  discoveries  and 
inventions  in  this  country  was  Moses  Gerrish  Farmer,  born  in 
Boscawen,  February  9,  1820.  He  fitted  for  college  at  Phillips 
Exeter  Academy  and  spent  three  years  at  Dartmouth  College, 
leaving  before  graduation  because  of  ill  health.  He  was  preceptor 


204  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

at  Eliot  Academy,  Maine,  and  later  taught  in  the  Belknap  School 
at  Dover.  From  1847  on  his  attention  was  given  wholly  to 
scientific  pursuits.  His  recreation  was  the  study  of  music  and 
he  was  fond  of  mathematics.  His  experiments  in  electricity  were 
begun  in  1845,  when  he  invented  an  electro-magnetic  engine.  In 
1846  he  constructed  a  small  electro-magnetic  locomotive  and  a 
short  electric  railroad  and  lectured  upon  the  subject  in  many 
towns  and  cities.  He  showed  also  how  electricity  could  be 
applied  to  use  of  torpedoes  and  sub-marine  blasting.  Another 
invention  of  his  was  a  machine  for  striking  alarms  of  fire  on 
church  bells,  and  still  another  was  the  electro-magnetic  clock. 
His  fire-alarm  was  used  in  most  of  the  large  towns  of  the 
United  States  and  Canada.  He  made  important  discoveries  in 
electro-metallurgy,  making  copper  brittle  as  glass.  The  gyro- 
scope kept  continually  in  motion  by  electricity  may  lead  to 
a  railroad  of  one  rail.  Then  followed  an  instrument  for  sending 
four  messages  at  the  same  time  over  a  single  wire.  The  printing 
telegraph  was  another  invention.  His  house  at  Salem,  Massa- 
chusetts, was  the  first  one  ever  lighted  by  electricity,  in  1858. 
It  cost  too  much  then  for  general  use.  He  came  near  to  making 
gold  by  a  mixture  of  platinum  and  copper.  In  1868  he  con- 
structed the  largest  thermo-electric  battery  ever  built  up  to  that 
time,  and  made  a  new  copper  wire  encased  in  steel.  He  furnished 
thirty  thousand  insulators  to  one  telegraph  company.  In  1872 
he  accepted  a  professorship  in  the  United  States  Torpedo  Station 
at  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  for  giving  instruction  in  electricity 
and  chemistry  as  applied  to  the  art  of  war.  He  invented  a  flying 
machine  and  predicted  the  telephone  and  storage  battery.  He 
and  his  wife  were  among  the  originators  of  the  summer  school 
at  Green  Acre,  in  Eliot,  Maine,  and  she  was  the  builder  of  the 
Rosemary  Cottage  in  the  same  town.  He  died  at  Chicago, 
May  25,  1893. 

The  first  mowing  machines  used  in  New  England  were  manu- 
factured by  Walter  A.  Wood,  who  was  born  in  Mason,  October 
23,  1815.  His  father,  Aaron  Wood,  was  a  wagon-maker  and  the 
son  worked  in  his  father's  shop  till  1835,  when  he  obtained  a 
position  in  a  machine  shop.  Meanwhile  his  father  and  family 
had  removed  to  New  York  State.  The  study  of  Walter  A.  Wood 
was  particularly  directed  towards  farming  machines,  one  of  the 
first  results  being  an  improvement  of  the  Manny  reaper  then  in 


A    HISTORY  205 

use.  Two  hundred  of  such  improved  machines  were  sold  by 
Mr.  Wood.  His  business  increased  rapidly.  In  1853  ne  so^ 
five  hundred  of  his  machines  for  mowing,  reaping  and  self- 
binding.  Between  1853  and  1869  his  sales  multiplied  twelve 
times,  being  six  thousand  in  the  latter  year.  In  1884  he  sold 
more  than  eighty-four  thousand  of  his  farming  machines  and 
implements.  He  had  taken  out  thirty  patents  and  had  manufac- 
tured three-quarters  of  a  million  of  machines.  Of  the  agricul- 
tural implements  sent  abroad  ninety  per  cent,  were  made  by 
Mr.  Wood.  He  received  a  medal  from  Queen  Victoria  and  the 
decoration  of  the  Legion  of  Honor  from  Napoleon  III  of  France. 
Twice  he  was  elected  representative  to  the  United  States 
congress.  He  died  January  15,  1892.  He  enriched  many  others 
while  he  was  enriching  himself,  and  made  farm  work  lighter 
and  more  remunerative.  Walter  A.  Wood  made  the  swinger 
of  the  scythe  a  dim  memory  of  the  past. 

Nehemiah  S.  Bean,  born  in  Gilmanton  in  1818,  may  be  said 
to  have  gone  to  school  in  a  machine  shop  and  there  learned  some- 
thing better  than  algebra.  In  1854  he  took  charge  of  the  loco- 
motive work  of  the  Essex  Manufacturing  Company  of  Lawrence, 
Massachusetts.  In  1857-8  he  constructed  the  first  steam  fire- 
engine,  and  under  his  direction  six  hundred  such  engines  were 
built.  They  came  into  common  use  in  all  parts  of  the  civilized 
world. 

Robert  Parker  Parrott,  son  of  the  Hon.  John  F.  Parrott, 
was  born  in  Lee,  October  5,  1804.  He  was  appointed  a  cadet 
in  the  United  States  military  academy  in  1820  and  graduated  in 
1824  as  second  lieutenant  of  artillery.  He  served  in  various 
garrisons  in  the  West  and  at  Portsmouth,  studying  law  mean- 
while, and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  New  York  in  1830.  For 
a  time  he  was  in  the  ordinance  bureau  in  Washington.  His 
commission  as  captain  in  the  army  was  resigned,  in  order  that 
he  might  become  superintendent  of  an  iron  and  cannon  foundry 
at  Cold  Spring,  New  York.  After  years  of  study  of  rifled  cannon 
he  invented  the  famous  Parrott  gun,  of  cast  iron  girt  about  with 
hoops  of  wrought  iron.  One  of  these  was  fired  over  four 
thousand  times  before  bursting.  The  gun  was  first  used  at  the 
battle  of  Bull  Run  and  throughout  the  Civil  War  rendered  good 
service  to  the  northern  army. 

From  1844  to  1847  Mr.  Parrott  was  judge  of  the  court  of 


206  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

common  pleas  for  Putnam  county,  New  York.    He  died  at  Cold 
Spring,  December  24,  1877. 

Sylvester  H.  Roper  was  born  in  Francestown,  November  24, 
1823.  When  a  boy  ihe  manifested  remarkable  precocity  in 
mechanics.  At  the  age  of  twelve,  though  he  had  never  seen  a 
steam  engine,  he  constructed  a  small  stationary  engine,  which 
is  preserved  in  Francestown  Academy.  Two  years  later  he  made 
a  locomotive  engine  and  shortly  afterward  saw  one  for  the  first 
time  in  Nashua.  After  pursuing  his  trade  as  a  machinist  several 
years  in  Nashua,  Manchester,  New  York  and  Worcester  he  made 
his  residence  in  Boston,  in  1854.  About  this  time  he  invented  the 
Handstitch  Sewing  Machine,  an  improvement  on  anything  of  that 
sort  previously  made.  In  1861  the  hot-air  engine  was  one 
of  his  inventions,  superseded  by  the  gas  engine.  He  also  experi- 
mented with  steam  carriages  and  invented  breach  loading  guns 
of  different  patterns.  Among  his  later  inventions  was  a  machine 
for  manufacturing  screws,  a  furnace  of  superior  design  and  an 
automatic  fire-escape. 


Chapter  XIV 


Chapter  XIV 


PUBLIC  SCHOOL  SYSTEM  AND  INSTITUTIONS  OF 
HIGHER  EDUCATION. 

Division  of  Towns  into  School  Districts — The  Curriculum  of  the  Little  Red 
School-House — Wages  of  Teachers — School  Funds — Superintending 
School  Committee — Grading  Leads  to  High  Schools — State  Commis- 
sioner of  Common  Schools — Succeeded  by  a  Board  of  Education — 
Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction — District  System  Abandoned  and 
the  Town  System  Re-established  in  1885 — Recent  Enrollment — Teachers' 
Institutes — State  Teachers'  Association — Scope  of  Education  in  Sec- 
ondary Schools — Normal  Schools — Academies — Kimball  Union  Academy 
— Colby  Academy — Tilton  Seminary — New  Hampton  Academy — St. 
Paul's — School  at  Holderness — Proctor  Academy — Phillips  Exeter 
Academy — Pinkerton  Academy — Brewster  Free  Academy — Robinson 
Seminary — High  Schools — The  State  College  at  Durham — Dartmouth 
College,  Its  Recent  Rapid  Growth. 

ALREADY  the  history  of  education  in  New  Hampshire  has 
been  sketched  down  to  about  the  year  1800.  Since  then 
great  progress  has  been  made,  particularly  within  recent  years. 
The  old  system  of  town-schools,  received  from  Massachusetts, 
continued  in  vogue  till  the  year  1805,  when  a  law  was  made 
empowering  towns  to  divide  into  school  districts  and  giving  to 
each  district  the  right  to  raise  money  by  taxation  for  school 
purposes.  This  greatly  increased  the  number  of  schools  and 
led  to  the  building  of  school  houses  more  conveniently  situated. 
Before  that  time  the  town-school  was  often  an  itinerant  affair, 
sometimes  held  in  a  private  house,  and  pupils  had  to  go  long 
distances.  The  attendance  was  very  irregular,  and  even  down 
to  the  year  1850  or  later  the  yearly  complaint  of  school  officials 
was,  that  many  went  to  school  in  a  leisurely  sort  of  way,  when- 
ever it  was  convenient.  In  those  early  days  the  town-schools 
were  taught  by  "masters"  and  twenty  weeks  in  a  year  were 
quite  enough.  In  the  district  schools  that  followed  a  term  of 
nine  or  ten  weeks  in  the  winter  and  as  many  more  in  the 
summer  were  thought  to  be  sufficient  for  the  education  of  youth. 
A  "master"  taught  the  winter  term,  and  some  "schoolma'am" 

209 


210  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

taught  in  the  summer.  The  reason  of  this  was,  that  boys  twelve 
or  more  years  of  age  were  needed  on  the  farm  during  the  sum- 
mer, and  so  they  got  only  ten  weeks  of  school  in  the  winter. 
This  was  enough  to  give  them  opportunity  to  review  what  most 
of  them  already  knew  in  arithmetic,  to  learn  to  spell  some  more 
hard  words,  to  commit  to  memory  by  repetition  the  choice 
selections  in  Town's  Readers,  and  to  practice  penmanship  accord- 
ing to  varying  copies  set  by  the  teachers.  It  was  some  time  after 
the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  before  geography  and 
English  grammar  were  commonly  taught  in  the  district  schools. 
About  1850  it  was  first  recommended  that  physiology  and 
hygiene  be  taught,  and  in  1857  the  commissioners  advised  that 
vocal  music  and  drawing  be  taught,  yet  these  branches  of  study 
were  frequently  neglected,  many  teachers  being  incompetent  to 
instruct  in  such  higher  education. 

A  century  ago  the  boys  in  the  winter  term  were  frequently 
unruly,  and  even  within  fifty  years  it  was  considered  a  trium- 
phant feat  in  some  districts,  if  the  big  boys  could  put  the  "master" 
out  of  a  window  of  the  school  house  into  a  snow  drift.  Com- 
plaints of  insubordination  frequently  came  to  the  ears  of  school 
authorities.  It  was  learned  after  a  time  that  refined  and  well 
educated  ladies  could  keep  order  as  well  as  male  teachers,  and 
sometimes  better,  and  so  the  schoolma'am  was  employed  both 
summer  and  winter.  A  special  reason  for  this  was,  that  the 
wages  of  female  teachers  were  much  smaller  than  those  of  men. 
The  first  recognition  of  schoolmistresses  by  law  was  in  1826.  As 
late  as  1847  reports  show  that  male  teachers  were  receiving  an 
average  wage  of  $13.50  per  month,  exclusive  of  board,  and  they 
boarded  around,  while  female  teachers  received  only  an  average 
of  $5.65  per  month.  The  common  seamen  received  higher  wages 
than  the  male  teachers  and  the  girls  in  the  cotton  and  woolen 
mills  fared  sumptuously  as  compared  with  the  schoolma'am. 
Of  course  for  such  wages  competent  instructors  could  not  be 
obtained.  The  best  teachers  to  be  had  in  winter  were  college 
students,  who  thus  earned  something  to  help  them  through 
college.  If  they  happened  to  have  a  natural  gift  for  imparting 
knowledge  and  awakening  enthusiasm  for  study,  all  went  well, 
for  Nature  has  always  been  the  best  Normal  School.  Young 
misses  fifteen  years  of  age  and  upward  taught  a  dozen  or  so 
children  in  the  lonely  country  school  house  in  the  summer,  and 


A    HISTORY  211 

sometimes  they  needed  education  as  much  as  the  children  under 
their  care.  It  is  surprising  how  much  and  how  fast  children  and 
youths  learned  in  those  days.  Those  who  had  any  appreciation 
of  their  opportunities  studied  earnestly,  and  such  could  learn 
without  a  teacher.  The  weeks  of  schooling  simply  held  continu- 
ous attention  to  text  books,  and  pupils  learned  much  from  one 
another.  The  teacher  kept  order  and  heard  recitations,  and  the 
pupils  did  the  rest.  A  friendly  and  popular  teacher  could  produce 
excellent  results,  if  he  knew  very  little.  His  spirit  inspired  the 
boys  and  girls  to  learn  for  themselves. 

Before  1850  there  was  no  uniformity  of  text  books,  and  un- 
necessary classes  had  to  be  formed.  The  children  of  the  poor 
had  difficulty  in  providing  themselves  with  books,  and  so  the 
school  authorities  of  each  town  were  empowered  to  provide 
books  for  such  as  in  their  judgment  needed  help.  Doubtless 
some  towns  were  divided  into  too  many  districts  for  the  accom- 
modation of  a  few,  and  thus  the  schools  were  too  small  for 
highest  efficiency.  There  can  be  greater  interest  in  a  class  of 
forty  than  in  one  of  four  pupils.  In  1847  there  were  reported  two 
thousand  three  hundred  schools,  for  which  were  expended 
$120,000,  or  twenty  thousand  dollars  more  than  the  law  then 
required.  But  that  was  only  a  little  more  than  fifty  dollars  a 
year  for  the  average  school.  The  number  of  scholars  of  school 
age  was  75,000  and  the  average  attendance  was  55,000. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  mention  has  been  made  of  the  literary 
fund.  By  a  law  enacted  in  1821  banks  were  taxed  fifty  dollars 
for  every  one  thousand  dollars  they  had  in  circulation,  or  one 
per  cent,  on  their  capital  stock,  afterward  confined  to  the  tax 
on  the  capital  stock.  The  original  aim  was  to  collect  money 
for  the  establishment  of  a  State  College,  as  a  rival  to  Dartmouth 
College.  This  scheme  was  abandoned  in  1828,  when  the  fund 
accumulated  amounted  to  $64,000.  Then  the  fund  was  distribu- 
ted among  the  towns  according  to  the  apportionment  of  the 
public  taxes,  to  be  used  for  the  support  of  common  schools. 
Since  1848  the  fund  has  been  distributed  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  children  in  each  town  over  four  years  of  age,  who 
have  attended  the  common  schools  at  least  two  weeks  in  the 
preceding  year.  The  average  yearly  income  from  this  source  at 
that  time  was  about  $18,824.  In  1876  it  rose  to  $27,000,  or  forty- 
three  cents  for  each  scholar.  It  now  amounts  to  between  $30,000 


212  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

and  $40,000  annually.  It  was  increased  in  1866  by  a  tax  on 
deposits  of  non-residents  in  savings  banks  and  later  by  a  tax 
on  deposits  of  non-residents  in  other  similar  institutions.  In 
1868  the  proceeds  from  the  sale  of  public  lands  were  set  apart 
as  a  school  fund.  Later  a  tax  on  dogs  was  applied  to  the  same 
use,  amounting  in  one  year  to  $39,000. 

In  1827  a  law  was  enacted,  requiring  the  annual  appoint- 
ment of  a  superintending  school  committee  of  not  less  than 
three  or  more  than  five  in  each  town  to  examine  teachers,  visit 
and  inspect  all  the  schools  in  their  respective  towns  twice  a  year, 
use  their  influence  to  secure  attendance  of  pupils,  determine 
what  text  books  should  be  used,  and  make  a  written  report. 
They  had  the  legal  control  of  the  public  schools.  Since  their 
reports  were  not  sent  to  the  secretary  of  state  for  publication, 
the  towns  and  the  State  at  large  learned  little  from  their  efforts, 
and  not  much  improvement  in  the  public  schools  resulted.  Two 
years  later  the  office  of  prudential  committee  was  created.  They 
were  chosen  annually,  in  the  month  of  March,  in  each  school 
district,  except  in  the  town  of  Portsmouth,  which  had  a  special 
law,  and  their  duty  was  to  have  care  of  the  school  houses  and 
make  repairs,  to  hire  teachers  and  provide  board  for  the  same, 
to  furnish  fuel,  and  to  determine  when  the  terms  of  school  should 
begin  and  end,  giving  due  notice  to  the  superintending  school 
committee.  In  1872  a  law  was  passed  permitting  women  to  be 
chosen  as  members  of  the  prudential  committees. 

Annual  assessments  were  made  for  the  support  of  district 
schools.  The  rate  had  risen  in  1840  to  one  hundred  dollars  to 
every  dollar  of  the  public  tax  apportioned  to  the  town.  Since 
then  by  successive  enactments  the  rate  has  risen  to  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  dollars  to  every  dollar  of  the  public  tax.  For  instance, 
if  in  every  $1,000  of  the  general  State  tax  a  town  must  pay  $50, 
then  there  may  be  raised  seven  hundred  and  fifty  times  fifty 
dollars  for  school  purposes. 

In  1840  legal  permission  was  given  to  districts  to  grade  their 
schools,  whenever  the  number  of  pupils  was  fifty  or  more,  by 
making  two  or  more  divisions  according  to  age  and  acquirements. 
This  opened  the  way  five  years  later  for  High  Schools,  which 
might  be  formed  by  uniting  two  or  more  contiguous  districts 
of  any  town  or  towns,  for  the  instruction  of  the  older  and  more 
advanced  pupils.  Such  High  Schools  have  gradually  taken  the 


A   HISTORY  213 

places  of  the  old  academies,  of  which  there  were  about  eighty 
before  the  year  1850.  Some  academies  still  serve  as  the  High 
Schools  of  their  respective  towns,  with  free  tuition  to  inhabitants 
of  the  town  and  a  small  fee  paid  by  students  from  other  towns. 
According  to  the  law  of  1845  "the  teachers  of  every  High  School 
must  be  competent  to  teach  (in  addition  to  the  branches  pre- 
scribed for  the  common  schools)  history,  philosophy,  chemistry, 
bookkeeping,  surveying,  algebra,  rhetoric  and  logic,  all  which 
branches  and  the  ancient  and  modern  languages  may  be  taught 
in  such  high  schools."  By  philosophy  was  meant  what  is  now 
called  physics.  The  teaching  of  surveying  was  very  rare.  Lan- 
guages, mathematics,  history  and  a  term  in  each  of  the  natural 
sciences  made  up  the  usual  curriculum  of  the  high  school,  and 
special  attention  was  given  to  the  fitting  of  boys,  and  later  of 
girls,  for  college. 

In  1846  the  office  of  State  commissioner  of  common  schools 
was  created  by  law.  Said  commissioner  was  appointed  for  two 
years  by  the  governor  with  advice  of  council.  The  bill  was 
introduced  into  the  legislature  by  Professor  Charles  B.  Haddock 
of  Dartmouth  College,  and  he  was  the  first  person  appointed 
to  the  office.  The  commissioner  was  required,  at  a  salary  of 
$600,  to  spend  at  least  twenty  weeks  of  each  year  in  visiting  the 
schools  and  giving  public  lectures,  making  an  annual  written 
report  of  the  state  and  statistics  of  the  public  schools.  Since  that 
date  there  has  been  printed  a  school  report  every  year  or  bi- 
annually,  and  that  date  marks  the  beginning  of  decided  improve- 
ment in  school  houses,  teachers  and  general  efficiency.  Many 
of  the  school  houses  were  found  to  be  scarcely  fit  for  out- 
buildings, unattractive,  lonesomely  situated,  poorly  lighted  and 
heated,  and  unsanitary.  The  "knowledge-box,"  as  it  was  some- 
times called,  had  no  other  allurement  than  the  knowledge  to  be 
gained  therein.  Everything  about  the  district  school  in  those 
days  betokened  penuriousness.  The  endeavor  was  to  have  the 
education  of  children  cost  the  taxpayers  as  little  as  possible. 
Here  economy  and  retrenchment  had  their  proper  field  of  opera- 
tion. 

In  1850  the  office  of  State  Commissioner  of  Common  Schools 
was  discontinued  and  a  Board  of  Education  was  established, 
made  up  of  a  commissioner  for  each  county,  ten  in  all.  These 
were  appointed  by  the  governor  and  council  annually.  They 


214  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

were  required  to  spend  at  least  one  day  in  each  town  of  their 
respective  counties  every  year,  "for  the  purpose  of  promoting, 
by  addresses,  inquiries  and  other  means,  the  cause  of  common 
school  education."  They  were  also  to  take  charge  of  any 
teachers'  institute  held  in  their  respective  counties,  and  to  recom- 
mend such  text  books  as  they  judged  best  to  be  used  in  the 
common  schools,  as  well  as  to  give  attention  to  methods  of 
instruction,  modes  of  government  and  discipline.  For  all  this 
labor  they  received  from  sixty  to  one  hundred  and  eighty-five 
dollars  annually,  according  to  the  size  of  the  county,  making  the 
total  expenditure  for  supervision  of  the  ten  counties  about  $1,200, 
which  was  reduced  to  $800  in  a  time  of  financial  stringency. 
Something  extra  was  allowed  for  stationery,  printing  and  postage, 
but  nothing  for  traveling  expenses,  except  when  they  all  assem- 
bled at  Concord  to  make  out  their  annual  report.  The  superin- 
tending school  committees  of  the  various  towns  were  required 
to  report  to  the  Board  of  Education,  and  many  of  such  reports, 
or  extracts  from  them,  were  printed  in  the  annual  reports.  In 
1867  the  office  of  county  commissioners  was  abolished  and  instead 
was  created  by  legal  enactment  the  office  of  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction,  which  has  continued  down  to  the  present 
time  (1916). 

This  officer  is  appointed  biennially  by  the  governor  and 
council  and  has  general  supervision  and  control  of  the  educational 
interests  of  the  state.  A  part  of  his  duty  is  to  lecture  throughout 
the  state,  hold  teachers'  institutes,  and  visit  and  inspect  schools. 
Since  1913  two  deputies  assist  him  in  his  work.  A  printed  report 
is  issued  biennially.  The  office  of  Superintendent  of  Public 
Instruction  has  been  held  by  Amos  Hadley,  1867-69;  Anthony  C. 
Hardy,  1869-71 ;  John  W.  Simonds,  1871-73 ;  Daniel  G.  Beebe, 
1873-74;  John  W.  Simonds,  1874-76;  Charles  A.  Downs,  1876-80; 
James  W.  Patterson,  1881-92;  Fred  Cowing,  1893-98;  Channing 
Folsom,  1898-1904;  Henry  C.  Morrison,  1905 — to  the  present, 
1916. 

In  the  year  1885,  largely  through  the  influence  of  Super- 
intendent Patterson,  the  district  system,  that  had  lasted  eighty 
years,  was  abandoned,  and  the  old  town  system  of  schools  was 
re-established.  The  main  reason  for  this  change  was,  that  popu- 
lation had  increased  in  cities  and  villages,  and  decreased  in  rural 
districts,  so  that  of  the  2,684  schools  in  the  State  804,  or  nearly 


A    HISTORY  215 

one-third,  numbered  twelve  pupils  or  less  each,  and  307  schools 
averaged  six  or  less.  Thus  there  was  a  serious  waste  of  money 
and  effort.  One  school  house  fitted  for  fifty  pupils  had  three, 
and  school  districts  that  once  had  from  seventy  to  one  hundred 
pupils  had  none,  by  reason  of  abandoned  farms  and  removal  of 
the  population.  After  the  readoption  of  the  ancient  town  system 
some  towns  paid  the  expense  of  transporting  pupils  from  a 
distance  to  the  school  centrally  situated.  Thus  better  grading 
was  possible,  and  more  enthusiasm  was  kindled  among  the 
children  and  young  students.  The  same  amount  of  money  pro- 
vided for  longer  terms  of  school,  and  all  the  children  of  a  town 
had  equal  privileges.  A  school  board  of  three  persons  in  each 
town  has  charge  of  all  the  schools,  thus  taking  the  place  of 
the  superintending  and  prudential  committees  of  previous  times. 
The  effect  of  this  new  system  was  to  blot  out  within  ten  years 
four  hundred  and  fifty-eight  of  the  smaller  schools,  to  increase 
the  average  length  of  schools  throughout  the  State  by  more  than 
a  month,  and  to  add  to  the  average  pay  of  teachers,  thus  securing 
more  permanence  and  efficiency  in  the  profession.  Provision 
was  made  by  law  that  any  town  after  five  years  of  trial  of  the 
new  system  might  return  to  the  old  system  by  a  majority  vote 
of  all  the  voters  in  the  town.  The  opportunity  was  closed  by 
a  new  school  law  in  1892.  In  1890  the  value  of  school  property 
was  $2,578,257  and  the  entire  revenue  for  schools  was  $751,266. 
There  were  2,302  schools  and  nearly  60,000  pupils  enrolled. 

The  statistics  for  the  years  1913-14  may  be  useful  for  com- 
parison. Then  there  were  registered  63,991  pupils  in  the  public 
schools,  13,684  in  parochial  schools  and  1146  in  private  and 
institutional  schools,  making  a  total  of  78,821.  Thus  from  four 
thousand  to  six  thousand  were  unaccounted  for.  Over  ninety- 
two  per  cent,  of  the  children  in  school  were  in  attendance  every 
day.  At  the  same  time  evening  schools  in  eight  cities  and  towns 
enrolled  1,468  students,  with  an  average  attendance  of  over  four- 
teen weeks.  By  the  attendance  act  of  1913  children  are  required 
to  remain  in  school  till  they  have  finished  the  eighth  grade  or 
have  reached  the  age  of  sixteen.  From  the  eighth  grade  they 
pass  in  increasing  numbers  to  the  High  Schools.  Ninety-two  per 
cent,  of  those  who  enter  the  first  grade  graduate  from  the  eighth. 

Teachers'  Institutes  were  at  first  held  from  time  to  time  in 
convenient  localities  by  aid  of  voluntary  contributions.  In  1840 


216  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

a  law  provided  that  any  town  might  raise  by  taxation  for  such 
institutes  five  per  cent,  of  the  amount  assessed  for  the  support 
of  schools.  Subsequent  legislatures  cut  down  the  amount  for 
such  purpose  to  three  per  cent,  and  two  per  cent.,  and  in  1862 
teachers'  institutes  were  abolished  by  law,  perhaps  because  of 
retrenchments  due  to  the  expense  of  the  Civil  War.  In  1868 
institutes  were  revived  and  again  abolished  in  1874.  By  a  law 
of  1883  the  State  Superintendent  of  public  instruction  is  required 
to  hold  at  least  one  institute  each  year  in  each  county  of  the 
State.  For  the  maintenance  of  such  institutes  a  fund  has  been 
established  by  the  sale  of  state  lands,  the  income  of  which  is 
used  for  this  purpose.  During  the  year  1913-14  there  were  in 
attendance  1802  teachers  and  112  members  of  school  boards  of 
various  towns.  A  broad  range  of  educational  topics  is  discussed 
and  usually  some  notable  educator  from  another  State  con- 
tributes expert  knowledge.  The  cost  of  twenty-seven  institutes 
in  1913-14  was  only  $1,285,  and  now  could  that  amount  of  money 
be  better  expended?  Teachers  must  be  continually  taught  as 
well  as  pupils. 

In  the  year  1913  was  published  a  history  of  the  State 
Teachers'  Association,  prepared  by  Isaac  Walker,  for  forty 
years  the  honored  principal  of  Pembroke  Academy.  The  book 
reviews  the  work  of  sixty  years.  The  Association  was  the  result 
of  a  preliminary  meeting  called  at  Manchester,  April  3,  1854, 
and  the  organization  was  effected  at  Concord  June  I5th  of  the 
same  year,  when  one  hundred  teachers  were  in  attendance.  The 
writer  says  that  New  Hampshire  had  then  "a  Greek  chorus,  com- 
posed of  tried  and  true  politicians,  and  called  the  State  Board  of 
Education,"  who  heartily  approved  the  formation  of  the  State 
Teachers'  Association.  Clergymen  took  an  active  part  in  its  early 
meetings.  At  its  second  meeting  teachers  subscribed  over  twelve 
hundred  dollars  for  a  State  Normal  School  and  pledged  them- 
selves to  raise  $2,500  each  year  for  a  term  of  five  years  for  the 
support  of  such  an  institution.  At  this  time  the  State  was 
expending  six  thousand  dollars  annually  for  the  maintenance 
of  teachers'  institutes  as  the  only  means  for  the  professional 
instruction  of  teachers.  The  Association  led  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  New  Hampshire  Journal  of  Education  in  1857. 
It  was  issued  monthly  and  soon  had  four  hundred  and  fifty 


A    HISTORY  217 

subscribers.  In  1864  the  New  England  Journal  of  Education 
had  taken  its  place. 

Certain  resolutions  of  the  Association  are  of  interest,  as 
"That  as  Americans  we  should  pronounce  Greek  and  Latin 
according  to  the  principles  of  our  vernacular  tongue  and  not 
in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  any  foreign  nation."  This 
was  in  1865.  Educational  opinion  has  radically  changed  in 
this  particular.  In  1876  it  was  voted  to  admit  women  to  full 
membership  in  the  Association,  and  without  the  usual  initiatory 
fee.  In  1887  it  was  resolved  "That  the  teachers  of  New  Hamp- 
shire are  in  favor  of  scientific  temperance  education,"  and  in 
1895  they  further  resolved  "That  temperance  instruction  should 
be  pre-eminently  for  character  building,  and  moral  rather  than 
scientific."  A  noteworthy  statement  was  made  at  its  fifty-fourth 
session,  in  1908.  .  "We  note  with  satisfaction  the  millions  of 
dollars  yearly  bestowed  upon  our  colleges  and  other  private 
institutions  of  learning.  We  believe,  however,  that  it  is  too 
often  wealth  given  for  the  education  of  the  classes,  rather  than 
of  the  masses,  and  that  the  donors  forget  that  it  is  not  the 
colleges,  but  the  common  schools,  which  are  the  bulwarks  of 
National  power.  We,  therefore,  ask  the  wealthy  men  of  our 
state  to  consider  whether  their  money  may  not  be  more  justly 
bestowed  upon  the  schools  now  wholly  supported  by  taxation, — 
bestowed,  not  as  endowments,  but  as  comparatively  small,  out- 
right gifts  for  special  equipments,  which  shall  add  much  to 
the  practical  working  efficiency,  especially  of  our  high  schools." 
Will  the  time  ever  come  when  ambitious  and  far-seeing  men 
of  wealth  will  build,  name  and  endow  primary  schools,  fully 
equipped  to  give  boys  and  girls  the  best  possible  start  in  life? 
This  would  be  public  beneficence  indeed,  and  of  an  impartial 
character.  There  should  be  accompanying  "fellowships,"  to 
push  the  brightest  and  best  clear  through  the  University.  Presi- 
dent Cyrus  Hamlin,  Professor  Calvin  E.  Stowe  and  Speaker 
Thomas  B.  Reed  probably  never  would  have  been  heard  of,  if 
some  keen-sighted  business  men  of  Portland,  Maine,  had  not 
picked  them  out  of  a  Sunday  School  and  paid  their  expenses 
through  Bowdoin  College. 

The  State  Teachers'  Association  has  grown  to  have  twelve 
hundred  members,  and  its  annual  meetings  are  held  in  Concord 
or  Manchester.  It  has  been  a  means  of  education  for  the  teachers 


218  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

themselves  and  it  has  been  a  strong  factor  in  the  moulding  of 
public  opinion  in  favor  of  better  schools  and  higher  education 
of  the  masses.  The  high  schools  and  academies  have  more 
students  now  than  ever  before,  and  the  colleges  are  over-crowded 
and  keeping  many  on  the  waiting  lists. 

The  inaugural  report  of  the  present  State  Superintendent 
of  Public  Instruction,  Henry  C.  Morrison,  is  remarkably  thorough 
and  worthy  of  careful  study.  It  calls  attention  to  "supervisory 
districts,  authorized  by  the  legislature  in  1899.  Supervision  has 
now  been  extended  over  four-fifths  of  all  the  children  in  the 
State.  A  group  of  towns  unite  in  supporting  a  supervisor,  or 
District  Superintendent.  The  cities  have  their  own  superintend- 
ents, but  all  are  under  the  general  oversight  of  the  State  Super- 
intendent. The  grading  of  schools  has  advanced  till  more  than 
half  have  regular  courses  of  study.  Manual  training  has  been  in- 
troduced into  many  of  the  secondary  schools,  and  industrial,. or 
vocational,  education  in  commerce,  mechanic  arts,  household 
arts,  and  agriculture  is  found  in  fifty-nine  different  secondary 
schools.  Boys  are  taught  to  analyze  soils,  trim  and  spray  apple- 
trees,  make  farming  implements,  build  cement  walls,  and  become 
expert  gardeners.  Towns  furnish  free  text  books  and  school 
supplies  to  all,  and  there  are  eighty  approved  secondary  schools 
in  the  State  where  one  can  get  a  preparation  for  college  gratui- 
tously. Within  the  college  are  free  scholarships,  and  opportuni- 
ties to  earn  and  to  borrow  money,  so  that  any  aspiring  and 
energetic  youth  may  arrive  at  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts. 
The  eight  grades  of  the  elementary  schools  give  to  a  boy  or 
girl  fourteen  years  of  age  what  was  considered  almost  a  liberal 
education  in  the  days  of  our  grandfathers.  The  branches  of 
learning  there  taught  are  reading,  handwriting,  arithmetic,  spell- 
ing, composition,  English  grammar,  geography,  United  States 
history,  physiology  and  hygiene,  and  civil  government,  a  fair 
foundation  for  good  citizenship  and  business  prosperity.  Patrio- 
tism is  taught  by  the  stars  and  stripes  floating  over  every  school 
house. 

NORMAL  SCHOOLS. 

Some  of  the  early  teachers  learned  to  teach  by  teaching; 
the  rest  never  learned.  The  Teachers'  Institutes  served  a  useful 
purpose  and  revealed  a  deeper  need  of  technical  instruction. 


A    HISTORY  219 

Teaching  was  the  lifework  of  only  a  few,  and  those  who  intended 
to  quit  the  business  of  teaching  as  soon  as  they  could  find  some- 
thing that  paid  better  had  no  desire  to  spend  years  of  prepara- 
tion for  a  brief  task.  After  the  teachers  themselves  began  to 
clamor  for  a  normal  school  it  took  many  years  to  convince  the 
legislators  that  such  an  institution  was  needed.  Was  not  the 
education  which  they  had  received  good  enough  for  their 
children? 

In  1823  there  was  established  in  the  village  of  Franklin, 
which  was  then  a  part  of  Salisbury,  what  was  called  an  Instruct- 
ors' School.  It  was  founded  by  Mr.  Joseph  Noyes  of  that  place, 
and  the  principal  for  many  years  was  Captain  Benjamin  M. 
Tyler,  a  graduate  of  the  military  school  at  Norwich,  Vermont. 
This  was  an  embryo  normal  school,  without  the  name.  In  the 
spring  and  fall  terms  Mr.  Tyler  formed  a  teachers'  class  and 
taught  them  the  best  known  methods  of  instruction.  In  fact 
an  excellent  teacher  is  almost  a  normal  school  in  himself,  and 
his  spirit  and  method  will  be  unconsciously  imbibed  by  those 
under  his  instruction.  Every  recitation  is  an  object  lesson,  and 
practice  is  better  than  theory,  unless  the  theory  has  been  deduced 
from  large  practice.  The  Instructors'  School  at  Franklin  was 
discontinued  for  lack  of  endowment  and  financial  support. 

In  1837  the  Rev.  Samuel  Read  Hall,  then  a  teacher  in  Phillips 
Academy,  Andover,  was  invited  to  become  principal  of  Holmes 
Academy  at  Plymouth.  He  was  the  author  of  a  pioneer  book, 
Lectures  on  School  Keeping,  and  had  conducted  a  normal 
school,  the  first  on  this  continent,  at  Concord,  Vermont,  in  1823. 
He  accepted  the  call  to  Plymouth  on  condition  that  the  school 
should  be  called  a  teachers'  seminary  and  should  have  a  depart- 
ment specially  devoted  to  the  training  of  teachers.  The  expected 
endowment  failed  to  materialize,  and  the  school  was  closed  after 
two  years  of  good  work.  Out  of  an  enrollment  of  229  pupils 
28  belonged  to  the  teachers'  department.  Mr.  Hall  spent  the 
remainder  of  his  life  in  the  Christian  ministry. 

Neighboring  States  established  normal  schools  long  before 
New  Hampshire.  The  reliance  here  was  upon  teachers'  institutes 
and  academies.  Ignorance  never  feels  its  need.  The  common 
schools  were  in  a  deplorable  condition  up  to  1870,  but  the 
people  did  not  realize  it.  In  that  year,  after  sixteen  years  of 
effort,  the  legislature  voted  to  establish  a  normal  school  and 


220  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

authorized  governor  and  council  to  appoint  trustees.  Bids  were 
invited,  and  Plymouth  offered  $42,000  in  money  and  real  estate, 
impelled  perhaps  by  the  remembrance  of  their  teachers'  seminary. 
The  old  building  of  Holmes  Academy  proved  to  be  inadequate, 
and  the  legislature  was  asked  for  an  appropriation  of  $12,000 
for  a  building  and  $3,000  for  apparatus  and  library.  The  grant 
made  was  only  $5,000,  and  two  years  later  $8,000  were  added 
to  this  amount.  The  institution  attracted  students  from  the 
start,  as  well  as  the  schools  of  the  village,  which  were  placed 
under  the  control  of  the  Normal  School  for  practice.  The 
enrollment  of  the  Normal  School  the  second  year  was  184  pupils. 
It  was  hampered  by  legislative  requirements  and  penurious- 
ness.  The  educational  dollar  was  the  biggest  one  the  legislators 
knew,  bigger  than  the  "cartwheel,"  of  silver.  The  legislative  act 
declared  that  "the  said  normal  school  shall  be  established  without 
expense  to  the  State,  except  the  necessary  expenses  of  the 
trustees,  which  shall  not  exceed  $300."  The  school  was  sustained 
by  tuition  fees  and  contributions.  In  1875  the  State  made  its 
first  appropriation  and  the  school  was  declared  free.  That  is, 
no  tuition  is  required  of  those  who  will  obligate  themselves  to 
teach  in  New  Hampshire  as  long  as  they  have  been  in  attend- 
ance at  the  normal  school.  The  early  classes  were  graduated 
after  twenty  weeks  of  instruction  and  practice,  which  was  then 
the  length  of  the  school  year,  one-fourth  the  length  of  the  shortest 
course  in  other  New  England  normal  schools.  In  1878,  in  spite 
of  reduction  in  appropriation  to  $3,000,  the  time  necessary  to 
graduation  was  extended  to  two  years  of  forty  weeks  each,  and 
then  the  State  began  to  have  a  real  normal  school.  The  debt 
on  the  school  and  the  reduced  appropriations  of  the  State  per- 
mitted only  a  principal  and  one  assistant  for  a  year  and  a  half, 
who  taught  seven  or  eight  hours  a  day  and  nearly  worked  them- 
selves to  death.  Those  who  never  tried  it  have  no  idea  that 
eight  hours  of  teaching  is  nerve-racking  work.  Sage  legislators 
think  that  public  school  teachers  have  an  easy  time  and  deserve 
only  small  pay.  They  are  not  quite  ready  to  grant  pensions  to 
the  few  that  have  spent  their  entire  lives  in  the  public  service. 
It  has  been  a  prevalent  notion  that  teachers  and  ministers  ought 
to  be  kept  poor  and  dependent  on  the  dictum  of  the  powers  that 
be,  discharged  at  the  will  of  a  changing  and  fickle  committee. 


A    HISTORY  221 

In  old  age  let  them  shift  for  themselves,  while  military  and  naval 
superannuates  are  well  cared  for. 

But  there  has  been  steady  advancement  during  the  last 
forty  years.  The  legislators  have  grown  in  grace  and  knowledge, 
increasing  appropriations  and  erecting  new  buildings  as  they 
were  made  necessary  by  success.  The  Normal  School  at  Ply- 
mouth, when  its  new  building  is  completed,  will  have  ample 
accommodations  for  its  one  hundred  and  eight  students. 

In  1909  another  Normal  School  was  established  at  Keene, 
and  still  the  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  asks  for  two 
more.  Four  such  schools  are  needed  to  meet  the  annual  demand 
for  teachers  in  the  elementary  schools  of  the  State.  The  young 
ladies  who  have  graduated  at  Normal  School  soon  go  to  a 
higher  institution,  the  family,  through  the  gateway  of  marriage. 
It  is  a  pity  that  mothers  can  not  keep  right  on  teaching  in  the 
public  schools,  since  motherhood  fits  them  to  do  still  better  work. 
Perhaps  that  reform  and  expansion  will  come  some  day.  But 
so  long  as  it  costs  more  to  hire  a  housemaid  than  a  country 
school  teacher  receives  in  wages,  the  educated  mother  will  remain 
at  home  all  day  and  send  her  children  to  be  educated  by  some- 
body who  knows  less  than  she  does.  The  Normal  School  at 
Keene  has  a  dormitory  costing  $100,000,  which  is  a  three-story 
building  of  brick  and  concrete,  designed  to  accommodate  fifty- 
nine  students  and  teachers.  The  building  is  not  yet  completed. 
There  are  also  a  school  building,  a  heating  plant,  the  Hale  house 
for  administration  and  library,  a  laboratory  for  the  household 
arts  department,  a  principal's  residence  and  a  greenhouse. 

In  all  schools  some  attention  is  given  to  physical  culture. 
A  gymnasium  is  now  a  necessary  part  of  a  high  school  or 
academy.  There  are  playgrounds  for  the  children,  superintended 
during  the  time  of  summer  vacation,  in  the  larger  cities.  Inter- 
scholastic  sports  add  zest  to  school  life  and  seem  to  some 
persons  to  be  over-emphasized.  Evening  schools  are  teaching 
immigrants  the  English  language  and  the  duties  and  privileges 
of  American  citizens.  The  increasing  effort  of  all  the  States  is, 
to  make  out  of  all  its  inhabitants,  even  the  feeble-minded,  the 
blind,  and  the  deaf  mutes,  as  much  as  nature  will  allow  and 
patient  endeavor  will  produce.  While  the  soul  of  education  is 
the  education  of  the  soul  it  is  remembered  that  a  sound  mind 
can  manifest  its  powers  best  in  a  sound  body. 


222  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

ACADEMIES 

Comparatively  few  of  the  old  academies  remain.  The 
earliest  have  been  mentioned  in  the  preceding  volume.  The 
names  of  a  few  more  have  survived.  The  largest  and  most 
prosperous  are  the  institutions  that  have  been  fostered  by  some 
religious  denomination.  A  few  have  resulted  from  the  heavy 
endowment  of  some  man  of  wealth,  who  wished  to  benefit  his 
native  town.  These  are  located  in  villages  remote  from  the 
large  cities,  and  thither  resort  students  from  the  towns  that  have 
no  high  schools,  those  who  prefer  private  to  public  schools,  as 
well  as  a  considerable  number  of  students  from  other  States. 
Sometimes  an  attempt  is  made  to  use  them  as  "gilt-edged  peni- 
tentiaries" for  such  as  are  undesirable  in  other  schools  by  reason 
of  lack  of  scholarship  or  of  manners,  yet  all  schools  are  on  their 
guard  against  such  applicants,  and  a  pupil  expelled  from  one 
school  is  usually  black-listed  till  repentance.  Thus  educational 
institutions  protect  one  another.  The  early  academies  were 
established  by  ministers  and  pious  laymen  for  the  promotion  of 
science,  morality,  and  religion.  The  religious  element  in  educa- 
tion, even  in  denominational  schools,  is  not  so  much  emphasized 
now  as  formerly,  this  being  due  perhaps  to  a  changed  conception 
of  religion  as  inseparable  from  morality.  It  has  been  learned 
that  students  can  behave  and  study  just  as  well  without  chapel 
exercises  twice  a  day  and  the  memorizing  of  the  catechism.  The 
denominational  institutions  are  managed  as  non-sectarian,  and 
there  is  freedom  of  religious  belief  and  worship. 

One  of  the  oldest  and  most  flourishing  academies  for  a  full 
century  is  the  Kimball  Union  Academy  of  Meriden,  endowed 
by  Hon.  Daniel  Kimball  and  named  in  his  honor.  It  has  been 
a  noted  fitting  school  for  Dartmouth  College.  Until  the  year 
1839  it  was  for  young  men  only ;  since  then  it  has  been  coeduca- 
tional. Two  of  its  early  principals  were  Rev.  Israel  Newell  and 
Cyrus  S.  Richards.  The  former  served  thirteen  years  and  the 
latter  thirty-six.  For  a  long  time  it  had  between  two  hundred 
and  three  hundred  students  annually,  but  the  statistics  of  1913 
show  only  one  hundred  and  forty-four  in  attendance.  It  has  an 
agricultural  department.  Before  the  close  of  the  last  century 
it  had  graduated  1,750  students,  of  whom  333  became  clergymen, 
26  foreign  missionaries,  211  physicians,  313  lawyers,  36  editors, 


A    HISTORY  223 

431  teachers,  7  college  presidents,  34  professors,  4  members  of 
congress,  and  3  judges  of  the  higher  courts.  It  is  still  in  a 
flourishing  condition,  with  good  buildings  and  considerable 
endowment. 

Colby  Academy  is  the  leading  institution  of  the  Baptists 
in  New  Hampshire.  It  is  situated  in  New  London,  thirty  miles 
northwest  of  Concord,  among  the  lofty  hills  and  itself  on  a 
hilltop  1,350  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  First  it  was  called 
New  London  Academy,  then  New  London  Literary  and  Scien- 
tific Institution,  and  in  1878  it  took  the  name  of  Colby  Academy 
in  honor  of  a  benefactor,  Governor  Anthony  Colby.  The  school 
was  opened  in  1853,  with  120  pupils  the  first  term,  and  210  the 
second.  The  main  building,  erected  in  1870,  stands  in  a  campus 
of  twenty  acres.  The  Heidelberg  is  the  name  of  the  girls'  dormi- 
tory, having  accommodations  for  twenty-eight  boarding  pupils. 
Colby  Hall  is  the  corresponding  dormitory  for  boys  and  accom- 
modates fifty.  The  gymnasium  is  between  the  two  dormitories. 
A  new  three-story  Academy  Building  and  girls'  dormitory  has 
been  erected  since  1911,  two  hundred  feet  long.  This  provides 
recitation  rooms,  laboratories,  chapel,  administration  rooms,  a 
dining  hall  and  on  the  upper  floors  dormitory  rooms  for  more 
than  fifty  persons.  There  are  adequate  heating,  lighting  and 
water  plants.  One  hundred  and  seventy-three  students  were 
registered  in  1912-13.  The  endowment  amounts  to  more  than 
$200,000. 

Tilton  Seminary  is  under  the  special  patronage  of  the  Metho- 
dist Episcopal  Church.  It  was  first  known  as  the  New  Hamp- 
shire Conference  Seminary  and  was  located  at  Northfield  in 
1845.  The  building  there  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1862,  and 
directly  afterward  Tilton  was  made  the  location  of  the  institution 
and  three  buildings  were  erected  on  a  hill  a  short  distance  from 
the  railway  station.  One  of  the  buildings  was  burned  in  1887, 
and  the  present  main  building  was  then  erected.  It  is  constructed 
of  brick,  three  hundred  and  fifty  feet  long,  and  contains  recita- 
tion rooms,  offices,  parlors,  chapel,  halls  for  literary  societies, 
bath  rooms,  and  rooms  for  teachers  and  students.  The  gymna- 
sium is  a  brick  and  stone  structure,  sixty  by  ninety  feet,  with 
shower  baths,  swimming  pool  and  running  track.  The  Durrell 
Laboratory  contains  the  chemical  laboratory  and  the  manual 
training  department.  There  are  also  a  Music  Studio,  the  Prin- 


224  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

cipal's  House,  the  Boys'  Cottage  and  the  Chase  Cottage,  as  well 
as  a  new  Dining  Hall,  which  will  accommodate  two  hundred 
and  fifty  persons  and  is  fitted  with  every  convenience.  Alto- 
gether the  collection  of  buildings  is  all  that  could  be  desired  for 
school  purposes.  They  are  furnished  with  steam  heat  and  elec- 
tric lights.  The  necessary  expenses  of  a  student  may  be  about 
$350,  if  he  rooms  alone.  The  courses  of  study  are  classical, 
English  Scientific,  English  and  business.  The  attendance  during 
the  year  1913-14  was  three  hundred  and  fourteen,  representing 
twelve  States.  The  Faculty  has  nineteen  members. 

New  Hampton  Academy  dates  from  1821,  when  Mr.  George 
Richardson  opened  a  school  in  a  wooden  building,  24  by  32  feet, 
at  the  Center,  a  mile  or  two  from  the  present  village.  This 
institution  came  under  the  control  of  the  Baptists  in  1825  and 
was  known  as  the  Academical  and  Theological  Institution,  with 
Rev.  B.  F.  Farnsworth  as  principal.  Another  building  was 
erected  in  1826  and  still  another  in  1829.  The  latter  was  three- 
story  and  built  of  brick.  It  served  for  a  dormitory.  A  theologi- 
cal department  was  established,  which  for  twenty-three  years 
had  an  average  attendance  of  twenty-five.  A  female  department 
about  the  same  time  was  in  operation  at  the  village.  This 
department  is  said  to  have  had  three  hundred  pupils  annually. 
Students  came  to  this  institution  from  distant  States.  Forty- 
five  per  cent,  of  them  were  from  outside  of  New  Hampshire. 
While  the  Baptists  had  control  it  is  estimated  that  as  many  as 
7,500  students  were  enrolled  in  this  institution.  The  tuition 
was  low,  and  there  was  no  endowment.  Debts  accumulated  and 
for  the  sake  of  financial  support  elsewhere  the  school  was  re- 
moved to  Fairfax,  Vermont,  in  1853.  Empty  buildings  were  left, 
which  the  Free  Baptists  acquired.  A  new  charter  was  ob- 
tained under  the  name  of  New  Hampton  Literary  and  Biblical 
Institution,  and  the  entire  school  became  located  at  the  present 
village,  with  separate  dormitories  for  ladies  and  gentlemen  and 
common  recitation  rooms  and  chapel.  The  brick  building  at  the 
Center  was  taken  down  and  the  material  was  used  in  the  erection 
of  Randall  Hall.  Prof.  Benjamin  Stanton  was  the  first  principal. 
A  Biblical  or  Theological  School  was  established  in  1854,  with 
the  Rev.  Doctors  J.  J.  Butler  and  John  Fullonton  as  instructors. 
It  had  an  attendance  of  about  twenty  students  till  1870,  when 
it  was  removed  to  Lewiston,  Maine,  being  there  connected  with 


A    HISTORY  225 

Bates  College  and  known  later  as  Cobb  Divinity  School.  This 
has  now  been  discontinued. 

This  institution  has  had  a  useful  career  and  is  now  in  a 
flourishing  condition.  It  is  beautifully  situated  among  the  hills. 
The  buildings  are  commodious  and  attractive.  There  is  an  en- 
dowment of  $12,000  or  more.  The  library  and  apparatus  are 
sufficient  for  practical  purposes.  During  the  year  1913-14  one 
hundred  and  sixty-eight  students  were  enrolled,  and  there  are 
five  courses  of  study  and  nine  professors.  The  expenses  of  stu- 
dents are  kept  down  to  the  lowest  possible  figure,  since  many  go 
here  who  are  working  their  own  way  to  a  liberal  education. 

The  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  has  its  leading  school  in 
New  Hampshire  about  two  miles  west  of  the  State  House  in 
Concord  and  is  known  as  the  St.  Paul's  School.  It  was  incor- 
porated in  1855  and  opened  the  following  year  with  three  pupils 
under  the  care  and  instruction  of  the  Rev.  Henry  A.  Coit  as 
rector.  The  gift  of  land  and  original  endowment  were  made 
by  George  C.  Shattuck,  a  physician  of  Boston.  His  design  is 
thus  expressed :  "The  founder  is  desirous  of  endowing  a  school 
of  the  highest  class  for  boys,  in  which  they  may  obtain  an 
education  which  shall  fit  them  either  for  college  or  business, 
including  thorough  intellectual  training  in  the  various  branches 
of  learning;  gymnastic  and  manly  exercises  adapted  to  preserve 
health  and  strengthen  the  physical  condition;  such  aesthetic 
culture  and  accomplishments  as  shall  tend  to  refine  the  manners 
and  elevate  the  taste,  together  with  careful  moral  and  religious 
instruction." 

The  school  has  grown  to  be  a  village,  such  is  the  number 
of  halls,  dormitories,  residences  for  professors,  infirmary,  chapel, 
work  shops,  stables,  and  farm  buildings.  There  are  artificial 
ponds  for  boating  in  summer  and  games  of  hockey  in  winter. 
Tennis  courts  abound,  and  athletic  grounds  for  baseball  and 
football.  The  buildings  are  large,  commodious  and  costly.  No 
expense  is  spared  in  securing  the  best  of  instruction  and  the 
best  of  good  times  and  perfect  health.  The  course  of  study 
requires  six  years  to  prepare  for  college,  and  no  boy  is  received 
over  sixteen  years  of  age.  Boys  are  under  the  oversight  and 
care  of  tutors  continually  and  given  something  to  do  all  the 
time,  at  play  or  work.  The  growth  of  the  school  in  buildings, 
endowment  and  attendance  has  been  remarkable.  Hundreds  of 


226  NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

boys  come  from  all  parts  of  the  nation.  Indeed  it  is  a  denomi- 
national and  national  institution,  rather  than  a  part  of  the  educa- 
tional system  of  New  Hampshire.  The  price  of  tuition  and  resi- 
dence is  nine  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  annually,  and  other 
expenses,  such  as  for  clothing,  books,  travel  and  incidentals, 
make  the  yearly  expense  to  be  twelve  hundred  dollars  or  so, 
while  the  sons  of  millionaires  can  spend  more.  It  is  readily 
seen  that  this  institution  is  designed  to  be  for  the  rich,  while 
there  are  a  few  scholarships  to  aid  those  who  have  more  brains 
than  money.  The  school  has  a  good  reputation  for  turning  out 
young  men  of  character,  well  fitted  for  college.  Every  trustee 
of  the  school  must  be  an  Episcopalian,  and  the  services  of  that 
denomination  are  conducted  regularly,  yet  there  is  no  direct 
effort  at  proselyting.  Young  men  of  other  denominations  fre- 
quent the  school,  and  they  do  not  suffer  in  their  religious  train- 
ing. The  aim  is  to  make  the  school  a  large  family,  a  home  for 
all  who  reside  there  temporarily.  Such  institutions  seem  to  be 
needed,  but  they  are  on  a  different  plane  from  that  of  the  high 
schools  and  many  academies,  where  the  rich  and  the  poor  meet 
together,  and  sometimes  the  good  and  the  immoral.  The  private 
school  has  its  advantages,  and  so  has  the  free  public  school.  In 
either  those  who  want  education  and  character  can  obtain  them. 
St.  Paul's  reports  forty-eight  instructors  or  masters,  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  pupils  and  an  endowment  of  $357,000. 

The  Episcopalians  have  another  school  at  Holderness, 
founded  in  1879  on  what  was  the  estate  of  Chief  Justice  Samuel 
Livermore.  The  main  building  has  accommodations  for  seventy 
pupils,  besides  apartments  for  teachers,  recitation  rooms,  etc. 
There  is  a  beautiful  chapel  and  a  fine  gymnasium  with  play- 
grounds, or  an  athletic  field,  if  that  name  is  liked  better.  It  is 
a  family  school  and  fits  for  the  leading  colleges.  The  expense 
is  five  hundred  dollars  per  annum,  one  hundred  dollars  of  which 
are  deducted  for  students  coming  from  New  Hampshire.  Thus 
the  annual  expense  for  a  boy  is  about  half  what  it  is  at  St. 
Paul's  School,  and  the  fit  for  college  is  equally  good,  no  doubt. 
There  is  no  royal  way  to  scholarship. 

Proctor  Academy  is  under  the  management  of  the  Unitarian 
Educational  Society  of  New  Hampshire.  It  is  situated  at 
Andover  and  is  the  outgrowth  of  the  Andover  Academy,  which 
was  established  in  1848.  The  academy  then  had  two  hundred 


A    HISTORY  227 

and  fifty  pupils,  but  that  was  before  the  days  of  high  schools. 
The  expenses  are  very  moderate,  from  two  hundred  to  three 
hundred  dollars  a  year,  and  there  are  about  sixty  pupils. 

Old  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  of  which  something  was  said 
in  the  preceding  volume,  goes  on  its  way  rejoicing  in  increased 
endowment  and  number  of  students.  It  is  one  of  the  best  fitting 
schools  in  the  United  States.  The  campus  and  buildings  are 
about  all  that  could  be  desired;  the  democratic  spirit  prevails; 
emphasis  is  laid  on  character  and  scholarship ;  there  are  between 
five  hundred  and  six  hundred  in  attendance.  This  institution 
always  has  been  a  blessing  and  honor  to  the  State  and  to  very 
many  students  from  other  States.  There  is  a  group  of  about 
twenty-five  buildings,  and  the  endowment  funds  amount  to 
about  $350,000.  The  annual  expense  of  a  student  is  reckoned 
to  be  from  $377  to  $666,  and  there  are  scholarships  and  oppor- 
tunities for  self-help. 

Pinkerton  Academy  at  Derry  was  founded  by  two  brothers 
of  Scotch  ancestry,  John  and  James  Pinkerton,  in  1814.  It  has 
been  liberally  endowed  by  John  H.  Pinkerton  of  Boston,  son  of 
James.  Piety  and  learning  were  the  corner  stones.  A  constant 
stream  of  graduates  has  flowed  toward  Dartmouth  College.  It 
now  has  over  two  hundred  students,  about  an  equal  number  of 
boys  and  girls.  Instruction  is  given  in  agriculture  of  a  practical 
character;  also  in  dressmaking,  millinery  and  household  arts. 
The  expense  is  moderate,  and  self-help  is  encouraged.  This 
school  has  good  buildings,  modern  conveniences,  good  discipline 
and  instruction.  The  young  man  or  woman  in  pursuit  of  knowl- 
edge can  find  it  here,  and  incidentally  can  also  have  a  good  time. 

The  Brewster  Free  Academy  at  Wolfeborough  is  the  suc- 
cessor of  the  old  Wolfeborough  and  Tuftonborough  Academy, 
which  was  founded  in  1821.  In  1866  the  building  was  leased  to 
the  Christian  Society  and  was  called  the  Christian  Institute. 
In  1870  the  name  was  changed  to  the  Wolfeborough  Institute. 
The  charter  was  renewed  in  1877,  and  then  the  name  was  the 
Brewster  Free  Academy,  in  honor  of  John  Brewster  of  Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts,  a  native  of  Wolfeborough,  who  heavily 
endowed  the  school,  so  that  the  income  may  amount  to  $40,000 
annually.  All  expenses  are  paid  from  the  income.  It  is  free 
to  all  who  behave  and  study  well,  and  thus  it  is  a  real  addition 
to  the  public  school  system.  Text  books  also  are  free.  The 


228  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

campus  of  forty  acres  slopes  down  to  Lake  Winnipesaukee. 
There  are  the  large  main  building,  erected  in  1894,  a  dormitory 
for  girls,  and  a  chemical  laboratory.  A  dormitory  for  boys  is 
under  consideration.  Board  in  private  families  is  inexpensive. 
The  report  of  1916  shows  an  enrollment  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty-five  students.  There  are  several  courses  of  study  besides 
the  classical.  Here  is  a  chance  to  get  an  education,  amidst  beauti- 
ful and  helpful  surroundings,  on  terms  of  equality,  and  at  the 
least  possible  expense. 

Other  institutions  that  have  had  a  useful  career  are  Pem- 
broke Academy,  that  was  founded  in  1818  and  is  still  flourishing, 
Coe's  Academy  in  Northwood,  Dow  Academy  in  Franconia,  and 
Sanborn  Seminary  in  Kingston.  The  last  was  endowed  with 
$121,000  by  Edward  S.  Sanborn,  a  native  of  Kingston.  It  has 
eighty-five  pupils,  half  of  them  from  towns  other  than  Kingston. 

There  have  been  few  educational  institutions  for  girls  only. 
The  Adams'  Female  Academy  flourished  at  Londonderry  for 
more  than  half  a  century  after  1823  and  was  made  famous  by 
Miss  Mary  Lyon,  afterward  at  the  head  of  Mount  Holyoke 
Seminary,  now  Holyoke  College.  The  Tilden  Female  Seminary 
in  West  Lebanon  was  conducted  successfully  for  thirty-five 
years.  The  Robinson  Seminary  at  Exeter  was  founded  in  1867 
by  William  Robinson,  a  native  of  Exeter.  It  fits  young  ladies 
for  college  and  to  manage  a  household.  The  tuition  for  pupils 
who  reside  in  Exeter  is  free,  for  others  forty  dollars  a  year. 
Text  books  are  free  to  all.  Board  in  private  houses  can  be  had 
for  from  four  to  six  dollars  per  week.  New  Hampshire  has  no 
separate  college  for  young  ladies,  though  such  are  being  admit- 
ted to  the  State  College  at  Durham  every  year  in  increasing 
numbers.  St.  Mary's  Diocesan  School  for  girls  was  established 
at  Concord,  in  1885,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Protestant  Episco- 
pal Church.  It  has  thirty-six  house  pupils,  and  twenty-three 
day  pupils.  The  annual  expense  is  given  as  four  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars  for  board  and  tuition. 

Elegant  high  school  buildings  have  been  erected  in  the  cities 
and  larger  towns  of  New  Hampshire.  These  furnish  courses 
of  study  and  instruction  equal  to  any  of  the  private  institutions. 
The  long  established  and  well  endowed  academies,  like  the  old 
churches,  when  they  are  rich  and  increased  in  goods  and  have 
need  of  nothing,  are  monopolized  by  the  privileged  classes  to 


NK\V    HAMPSHIRE   COLLEGE   OF   AGRICULTURE   AND   MECHANIC    ARTS 


A    HISTORY  229 

a  large  extent.  The  cost  is  beyond  the  ability  of  the  toilers,  and 
some  of  them  the  middle  classes  can  not  afford.  The  high 
schools  have  more  of  the  democratic  spirit,  while  morals  and 
manners  are  not  so  safely  guarded  and  well  trained. 

The  parochial  schools  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  are 
found  in  most  of  the  populous  cities. 

THE   STATE  COLLEGE. 

The  crowning  institution  of  the  public  school  system  of 
New  Hampshire  is  the  New  Hampshire  College  of  Agriculture 
and  Mechanic  Arts,  at  Durham,  destined  to  become  a  State  Uni- 
versity and  almost  that  now  in  spite  of  its  name.  It. was  estab- 
lished at  Hanover,  in  connection  with  Dartmouth  College,  in 
1866  and  was  based  upon  a  land  grant  made  by  the  United  States 
government,  valued  at  $80,000.  Here  Culver  Hall  and  Conant 
Hall  were  erected,  which  afterward  came  into  the  possession 
of  the  college.  Congress  made  some  appropriations.  The  num- 
ber of  students  in  attendance  was  small  and  disappointing.  Some 
thought  that  the  institution  ought  to  be  separated  from  the 
college.  The  inducement  to  do  so  came  in  1891,  when  an  act 
of  the  legislature  required  the  trustees  to  terminate  its  connection 
with  Dartmouth  College  and  to  remove  from  Hanover  to  Dur- 
ham. This  was  because  Benjamin  Thompson  of  Durham  had 
bequeathed  property  to  the  institution  amounting  to  $800,000 
with  its  accumulation  of  interest  down  to  1910,  when  the  income 
of  $32,000  annually  became  available.  The  State  appropriated 
$100,000  for  building  purposes  in  1891  and  an  additional  appro- 
priation of  $35,000  was  made  in  1893,  when  the  college  entered 
upon  its  new  and  expanding  career.  New  buildings  have  been 
added  from  time  to  time,  made  necessary  by  the  rapidly  in- 
creasing number  of  students  and  by  new  courses  of  study.  Its 
campus  has  great  variety  of  landscape,  with  much  natural 
beauty.  The  college  owns  three  hundred  and  eighty  acres,  of 
which  seventy  are  forest  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  acres  are 
in  tillage.  There  are  hill  and  dale,  orchard  and  woodland, 
meadow  and  stream,  gardens  and  greenhouses,  race-track  and 
athletic  field.  Two  dormitories  house  the  young  women  and  a 
large  brick  dormitory  for  young  men  was  finished  in  1915. 

The  growth  of  the  college  has  been  phenomenal.  In  1893 
only  thirty  students  were  enrolled  and  there  were  seven  pro- 


230  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

fessors  in  the  Faculty.  Now,  in  1915,  there  are  five  hundred 
and  eighteen  students,  about  eighty  of  whom  are  young  ladies, 
and  the  Faculty  number  fifty,  besides  twenty-three  instructors 
and  assistants  that  belong  to  the  staff  of  the  Agricultural  Experi- 
ment Station.  Probably  three  thousand  students  have  already 
availed  themselves  of  the  advantages  of  this  institution,  induced 
in  many  cases  by  the  reasonableness  of  expense,  which  need  not 
exceed  three  hundred  dollars  yearly.  There  are  also  a  goodly 
number  of  scholarships  that  pay  the  regular  tuition  of  sixty 
dollars, — and  some  pay  more, — as  well  as  opportunities  for  par- 
tial self-support.  There  is  an  excellent  gymnasium  and  the 
athletic  field  adjoining  welcomes  often  enough  teams  and  ball 
clubs  from  other  New  England  colleges. 

The  college  has  a  dozen  large  brick  buildings,  besides  barns 
and  greenhouses,  and  the  number  has  to  be  increased  about 
every  year.  Dormitories  for  clubs  of  students  and  fraternities 
are  scattered  through  Durham  village.  The  lands  and  buildings 
alone  are  worth  half  a  million  dollars.  A  firm  basis  has  been 
laid,  and  the  future  growth  of  the  college  is  assured.  The  appli- 
cation of  science  to  agriculture  has  made  farming  in  New  Eng- 
land a  new  and  attractive  business,  demanding  educated  brains 
as  well  as  muscle.  The  trolley,  the  telephone  and  the  rural 
delivery  of  mail  no  longer  leave  the  farm  house  in  lonely  isola- 
tion. Good  roads  are  bringing  the  markets  nearer.  Will  women 
become  farmers,  and  is  this  the  reason  why  they  are  admitted 
to  New  Hampshire  College?  Why  not?  Indeed,  this  is  actually 
the  fact  and  one  of  growing  importance.  Women  are  now  com- 
peting with  men  in  every  activity  that  demands  educated  talent. 
With  a  little  capital  some  of  them  can  manage  a  farm  as  well 
as  men  and  make  and  save  more  money  thereby. 

If  we  look  at  the  list  of  subjects  taught,  some  of  us  wish 
ourselves  young  again  and  back  on  the  old  farm  with  our  heads 
full  of  scientific  knowledge,  able  to  toil  with  skill  and  imagina- 
tion. Here  they  study  soils,  seeds,  farming  machinery,  domestic 
animals  and  their  proper  care,  orcharding,  horticulture,  forestry, 
botany  and  chemistry.  If  one  does  not  like  country  life,  one  can 
here  become  fitted  to  be  a  chemist,  an  electrical  or  mechanical 
engineer,  a  surveyor,  a  teacher,  and  to  handle  a  great  variety 
of  tools.  The  student  learns  to  do  things  as  well  as  to  philoso- 
phize about  them. 


A    HISTORY  231 

The  military  drill,  optional  in  the  senior  year,  is  popular 
when  the  watchcry  is  "preparedness."  The  exercise  and  the 
knowledge  thus  acquired  is  of  value  and  may  be  utilized  by  the 
nation  in  time  of  peril.  Such  drill  will  be  discontinued  when  the 
nations  shall  learn  war  no  more,  or  when  an  international  army, 
under  the  direction  of  a  Peace  Commission,  shall  police  the 
peoples  of  the  earth,  or  when  the  federation  of  the  world  shall 
have  been  secured. 

New  Hampshire  College  recognizes  that  it  should  be  an 
educator  of  the  people  at  large  as  well  as  of  the  students  that 
flock  to  Durham.  Bulletins  of  very  valuable  information  go 
forth  from  the  Experiment  Station.  "A  College  on  Wheels"  is 
the  name  given  to  its  Extension  Service,  that  sends  lecturers 
throughout  the  State  to  teach  farmers  how  to  raise  fruit,  hay, 
stock,  etc.,  that  makes  exhibits  at  fairs,  and  enrolls  whosoever 
will  in  agricultural  reading  courses. 

The  college  has  prospered  under  the  successive  administra- 
tions of  Presidents  Charles  S.  Murkland,  William  D.  Gibbs, 
and  Edward  Thomson  Fairchild.  The  last  was  elected  president 
in  August,  1912,  coming  from  a  long  career  of  educational  work 
in  the  West.  One  does  not  have  to  strain  the  eyes  to  see  this 
institution  grow  under  his  tactful  and  wise  management.  For 
seventeen  years  Prof.  Charles  H.  Pettee,  LL.D.,  has  been  the 
dean  of  the  college,  going  with  it  from  Hanover  to  Durham,  and 
assisting  in  the  planning  of  its  buildings.  He  is  an  alumnus  of 
Dartmouth  College  and  of  the  Thayer  School  of  Civil  Engineer- 
ing, and  has  been  associated  with  the  New  Hampshire  College 
of  Agricultural  and  Mechanic  Arts  for  more  than  forty  years, 
the  friend  of  all  students  and  promoter  of  many  good  works. 

Higher  education  by  the  State  is  taking  the  place  of  educa- 
tion by  Christian  denominations,  without  any  perceptible  loss 
to  Christianity.  New  Hampshire  ought  to  have  at  least  one 
college  where  young  women  have  equal  privileges  with  young 
men.  New  courses  of  study  have  been  opened  recently  to 
young  women  at  Durham,  especially  in  domestic  science  and 
household  arts.  They  have  courses  also  in  language,  history, 
philosophy  and  mental  science.  Why  not  the  fine  arts,  music 
and  literature?  All  these  departments  will  be  added  in  due 
time,  and  the  name  will  be  changed  to  New  Hampshire  Uni- 
versity. Let  the  expenses  be  kept  as  low  as  good  health  and 


232  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

comfort  will  allow,  and  the  sons  and  daughters  of  farmers  and 
mechanics  will  gather  here  for  life's  inspirations  and  guidance. 
Such  material  will  produce  during  the  next  fifty  years  the 
leaders  of  the  State. 

DARTMOUTH  COLLEGE. 

In  the  preceding  volume  the  history  of  Dartmouth  College 
was  sketched  down  to  the  conclusion  of  the  great  "case,"  wherein 
Daniel  Webster  and  others  saved  it  from  the  clutches  of  Gov- 
ernor Plumer  and  the  legislators,  who  wanted  to  make  it  a  State 
University.  Francis  Brown  was  then  president  of  the  college, 
and  he  worked  himself  to  death  in  its  behalf,  dying  of  consump- 
tion in  1820  at  the  age  of  twenty-six.  He  was  a  native  of 
Chester,  a  graduate  of  Atkinson  Academy  and  of  Dartmouth 
College,  and  pastor  of  the  church  at  North  Yarmouth,  Maine. 
His  successor  in  the  presidency  was  the  Rev.  Dr.  Daniel  Dana 
of  Newburyport,  who  by  reason  of  ill  health  resigned  after  six 
months.  The  Rev.  Bennet  Tyler  succeeded  him  and  held  the 
office  eight  years.  At  this  time  the  college  had  a  military  drill 
and  the  students  contrived  a  showy  uniform,  a  fad  which  was 
short-lived.  The  college  buildings  comprised  the  chapel  and 
Dartmouth  Hall,  where  were  twenty-five  rooms  for  students, 
the  greater  number  preferring  to  room  in  private  houses.  Nearly 
all  were  poor  and  taught  school  during  the  winter  vacation  to 
pay  college  expenses.  The  college  was  in  debt  and  had  little 
endowment,  but  all  this  time  it  was  turning  out  the  great  men 
of  its  history.  The  pursuit  of  knowledge  under  difficulties  has 
its  rewards.  If  man  can  not  live  by  bread  alone,  neither  can  a 
college  thrive  on  so  much  money  that  it  feels  its  need  of  nothing 
else.  Such  were  the  limitations  that  recitations  were  held  in 
students'  rooms  and  there  was  no  clock  in  the  college.  The 
discipline  was  very  strict.  The  "Freshman's  Bible"  laid  down 
rules  and  regulations  that  were  generally  disobeyed.  Cards, 
dancing  and  theatres  were  thought  to  be  very  sinful,  and  each 
day  began  and  ended  with  chapel  exercises.  Athletic  sports 
were  almost  unknown,  except  that  a  football  was  kicked  here 
and  there  about  the  campus. 

In  1828  the  Rev.  Nathan  Lord  became  president  of  the 
college  and  remained  in  office  till  1863.  He  was  born  at  South 
Berwick,  Maine,  November  28,  1792,  and  graduated  at  Bowdoin 


A    HISTORY  233 

College  in  1809,  thereafter  serving  as  pastor  of  the  church  at 
Amherst.  He  was  a  man  of  strong  character,  wise,  tactful,  firm, 
courteous.  His  word  was  truth  and  law ;  a  college  rebellion 
could  not  swerve  him  from  his  purpose.  His  wisdom  was 
shown  in  the  choice  of  his  colleagues  in  the  Faculty.  Students 
poured  in  to  the  number  of  about  three  hundred  and  fifty,  and 
the  college  rivaled  Harvard,  Yale  and  Princeton.  An  observa- 
tory was  built  and  quickly  followed  two  brick  dormitories, 
Thornton  and  Wentworth  Halls.  Then  came  Reed  Hall,  to 
contain  the  library,  mineralogical  museum  and  philosophical 
apparatus.  In  1851  the  Chandler  School  of  Science  and  the 
Arts  was  founded  by  Abiel  Chandler  by  a  bequest  of  $50,000. 
The  Chandler  Scientific  course  of  study  has  developed  from  this 
benefaction,  leading  to  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Science.  In 
this  course  the  modern  languages  have  taken  the  place  of  Greek 
and  Latin.  Morning  prayers  were  transferred  from  before 
breakfast  to  half  past  eight  and  the  chapel  service  at  the  close 
of  the  day  was  abolished  in  1860. 

About  the  year  1847  President  Lord  was  converted  from 
being  an  abolitionist  to  an  advocate  of  slavery  as  a  divine  insti- 
tution, a  necessary  evil,  like  war  and  pestilence.  This  position 
he  endeavored  to  fortify  by  argument  in  print.  His  theory  was 
tolerated  till  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  and  then  came  such 
disapproval  from  the  public  press  and  resolutions  of  conventions 
that  President  Lord  felt  forced  to  resign.  The  abolitionists  could 
not  bear  his  accusation  that  they  were  attempting  to  subvert 
the  moral  government  of  God.  They  interpreted  differently  the 
text,  "Cursed  be  Canaan."  The  trustees  of  the  college  voted  a 
resolution  opposed  to  the  declared  views  of  President  Lord  on 
slavery  and  the  war,  and  he  at  once  sent  in  his  resignation. 
The  remaining  seven  years  of  his  life  were  spent  in  Hanover, 
in  retirement.  To  his  credit  it  was  remembered  that  he  had 
built  up  the  college  and  sent  forth  into  active  service  2,675 
graduates.  Let  his  many  virtues  and  good  deeds  counterbal- 
ance his  one  serious  defect  of  judgment. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Asa  Dodge  Smith  of  New  York  was  elected 
president  in  1863  and  held  office  till  1877.  During  his  administra- 
tion the  Thayer  School  of  Civil  Engineering  was  founded  by 
Sylvanus  Thayer,  who  was  a  graduate  of  the  college  and  an 
early  superintendent  of  West  Point  Military  School.  The  en- 


234  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

dowment  amounted  to  $73,000.  The  gifts  to  the  college  during 
the  period  of  his  presidency  were  nearly  a  million  dollars,  of 
which  Tappan  Wentworth  gave  one-quarter  with  instructions 
that  none  of  it  should  be  used  till  it  had  increased  to  half  a 
million.  Those  were  the  days  when  the  president  had  the  mag- 
nificent salary  of  $1,800  and  the  full  professors  had  $1,100  per 
annum.  The  tuition  fee  was  raised  to  sixty  dollars  in  1867. 
In  1869  the  college  celebrated  its  centennial  under  a  big  tent 
raised  upon  the  campus,  amid  great  enthusiasm  and  mirth.  The 
Bissell  gymnasium  was  built  in  1866,  then  thought  to  be  a 
wonder,  for  it  was  ninety  feet  long  and  had  bowling  alleys.  The 
Dartmouth  Cadets  had  real  guns  and  uniforms,  and  militarism 
revived  for  a  time.  The  Agricultural  Department  was  inaugura- 
ted and  Culver  Hall  was  built  to  house  it  a  little  later.  Presi- 
dent Smith  resigned,  December  22,  1877,  by  reason  of  poor 
health,  and  died  on  the  first  day  of  the  following  March.  The 
college  was  growing  rapidly  during  his  term  of  service. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  C.  Bartlett  succeeded  him  in  the 
presidency,  coming  from  a  professorship  in  Chicago  Theological 
Seminary.  He  was  quite  a  different  sort  of  man  from  his  pre- 
decessor, called  by  one  writer  a  "live  wire."  There  were  dissen- 
sions in  the  Faculty,  and  some  sought  his  removal,  but  he  held 
on  till  1892,  and  oppositions  subsided  to  a  large  extent.  He 
secured  the  gift  of  a  new  chapel  from  Edward  A.  Rollins  of 
Philadelphia.  Six  fully  endowed  professorships  were  added. 
Wilson  Hall,  a  fire-proof  library  building,  was  erected  by  the 
gift  of  $65,000  from  George  F.  Wilson.  Other  buildings  were 
Bartlett  Hall,  for  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association, 
Wheelock  Hall,  Culver  Hall  and  Conant  Hall,  the  last  two  for 
the  Agricultural  Department.  During  this  period  the  alumni 
came  to  have  a  representation  among  the  college  trustees.  Over 
$700,000  in  buildings  and  endowment  were  added  to  the  posses- 
sion of  the  college.  The  Mary  Hitchcock  Hospital  was  erected, 
having  close  relations  to  the  Medical  School.  Intellectual  abil- 
ity, stubborn  independence  and  an  iron  will  seem  to  have  marked 
the  successful  reign  of  President  Bartlett. 

Then  came  the  sagacious,  courteous,  broad-minded  and 
kind-hearted  William  Jewett  Tucker,  admired  and  beloved  by 
hosts  of  friends.  He  had  graduated  from  the  college  in  1861 
and  had  been  a  leader  in  the  liberal  ranks  at  Andover  Theologi- 


A   HISTORY  235 

cal  Seminary  as  professor  of  sacred  rhetoric.  For  fourteen  years 
he  had  served  as  one  of  the  trustees  of  the  college  and  so  knew 
well  its  condition  and  needs.  At  once  there  began  a  flow  of 
students  toward  Dartmouth.  New  dormitories  had  to  be  erected, 
fourteen  of  them  in  fourteen  years,  of  handsome  brick  construc- 
tion, capable  of  lodging  seven  hundred  students.  Enormous 
plants  furnish  steam  heat  and  electric  light  to  all  the  college 
buildings.  The  water  supply  system  has  been  made  complete. 
When  old  Dartmouth  Hall  was  burned,  straightway  the  alumni 
contributed  $250,000  to  build  a  better  and  larger  hall,  in  1904. 
A  larger  gymnasium,  at  the  time  the  finest  in  the  world,  took 
the  place  of  the  Bissell.  Dr.  Ralph  Butterfield  of  Kansas  City 
left  $141,000  to  the  college,  most  of  which  was  spent  in  erecting 
Butterfield  Hall  as  a  museum  of  natural  history,  archaeology 
and  ethnology.  Mr.  C.  T.  Wilder  of  Olcott,  Vermont,  built  the 
physical  laboratory  named  Wilder  Hall  at  a  cost  of  $109,000,  and 
later  gave  $75,000  more.  The  Fayerweather  bequest,  after  long 
litigation,  yielded  $223,381  to  the  college.  Edward  Tuck,  of  the 
class  of  1862,  increased  the  endowment  to  the  value  of  half  a 
million  dollars,  as  a  memorial  to  his  father,  Hon.  Amos  Tuck 
of  the  class  of  '35.  The  Amos  Tuck  School  of  Administration 
and  Finance  was  established  as  a  department  of  the  college, 
calling  forth  an  additional  $135,000  from  Mr.  Edward  Tuck  for 
a  suitable  building.  Other  gifts  have  made  up  his  benefactions 
to  the  amount  of  $1,200,000.  Lewis  Parkhurst  of  the  class  of 
'78  and  Mrs.  Parkhurst  gave  the  beautiful  administration  build- 
ing, known  as  Parkhurst  Hall,  in  memory  of  their  son,  Wilder 
Lewis  Parkhurst,  who  died  at  the  beginning  of  his  sophomore 
year  in  Dartmouth.  The  corner  stone  of  Webster  Hall  was  laid 
in  1901,  one  hundred  years  after  the  graduation  of  Daniel 
Webster,  when  there  was  a  great  celebration,  only  excelled  by 
the  dedication  of  the  new  Dartmouth  Hall  in  1904,  when  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth,  great-great  grandson  of  the  one  for  whom 
the  college  was  named,  was  present  with  the  Countess  and  their 
daughter,  Lady  Dorothy  Legge. 

President  Tucker  felt  constrained  by  ill  health  induced  by 
long  care  and  labor  to  resign  in  1907,  yet  lingered  two  years 
longer,  till  his  successor  could  be  found.  This  was  Dr.  Ernest 
Fox  Nichols,  a  former  professor  of  physics  in  the  college,  who 
had  made  himself  distinguished  as  an  investigator  in  his  beloved 


236  NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

field  of  study.  Toward  the  end  of  the  year  1915  he  felt  con- 
strained to  resign  the  presidency  in  order  to  return  to  alluring 
experimental  work  in  physics  at  Yale.  The  college  grew  in 
number  of  students,  new  buildings  and  endowment  during  his 
years  of  administration.  In  1913  its  total  assets  were  valued 
at  $5,450,281.  It  keeps  its  "Dartmouth  Grant"  of  twenty-six 
thousand  acres  in  the  northeast  corner  of  the  State.  The  year- 
book of  1914-15  reports  1,391  students  and  ninety-seven  pro- 
fessors and  instructors.  There  are  eighteen  Greek  letter  socie- 
ties. The  name  of  Dartmouth  is  respected  on  the  athletic  field 
of  old  universities.  Dartmouth  College,  not  yet  ambitious  to 
be  called  a  University,  is  more  than  an  educational  institution 
of  New  Hampshire.  It  is  one  of  the  great  national  assets.  Its 
graduates  and  its  influence  are  scattered  all  over  the  country 
for  good.  It  has  outstripped  the  far-seeing  hopes  of  its  founders. 
Indians  and  negroes  are  still  welcome,  for  nobody  has  ever  been 
excluded  because  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servi- 
tude. The  necessary  expenses  are  moderate,  and  self-helping 
students  are  encouraged. 

In  1916  Dr.  Ernest  Martin  Hopkins  was  elected  President  of 
Dartmouth  College,  an  alumnus  of  the  college  and  its  secretary 
for  several  years.  He  has  made  for  himself  a  reputation  as  a 
doctor  of  human  brotherhood  and  good  comradeship  in  industrial 
occupations,  a  leader  and  inspirer  of  young  men. 


Chapter  XV 

HONORED   SONS  AS   EDUCATORS 
ABROAD 


Chapter  XV 


HONORED  SONS  AS  EDUCATORS  ABROAD. 

An  Innumerable  Company — Alonzo  A.  Miner — Thomas  Sherwin — Gov. 
Augustus  C.  French — Elisha  B.  Andrews — John  S.  French  of  Sandwich 
Islands — Bishop  Philander  Chase — Col.  Carroll  D.  Wright — Jeremiah  E. 
Rankin— Cecil  F.  P.  Bancroft— Prof.  John  P.  Marshall— Horace  M. 
Hale — Laura  D.  Bridgman — John  Eaton — James  A.  B.  Stone — Henry  T. 
Durant,  Founder  of  Wellesley  College — Eben  C.  Sprague,  Chancellor  of 
the  University  of  Buffalo— Prof.  Bradbury  L.  Cilley— Prof.  Samuel 
Graves — Oren  B.  Cheney,  President  of  Bates  College — Carrol  Cutler, 
President  of  Western  Reserve  College — Prof.  Alpheus  Crosby. 

A  B  RAH  AM  could  count  the  stars  as  easily  as  one  could  num- 
-**•  her  up  the  teachers  who  have  gone  forth  from  New  Hamp- 
shire. Here  only  a  few  of  the  more  prominent  can  be  mentioned. 
Already  it  has  been  stated  incidentally  that  Bowdoin  College  got 
its  first  two  presidents,  McKeen  and  Appleton,  from  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  it  may  be  added  that  President  Allen  went  from  Dart- 
mouth to  Bowdoin. 

Alonzo  A.  Miner  was  born  in  Lempster  August  17,  1814.  He 
studied  in  town  schools  and  academies  till  he  was  sixteen  years 
of  age  and  then  taught  four  years  before  becoming  principal  of 
an  academy  in  Cavendish,  Vermont.  Later  he  had  in  charge  a 
school  at  Unity,  N.  H.  He  was  ordained  a  Universalist  clergy- 
man in  1839  and  after  serving  as  pastor  of  churches  in  Methuen 
and  Lowell,  Mass.,  he  was  called  to  a  church  in  Boston,  where 
he  spent  many  years  of  great  usefulness.  For  a  score  of  years 
he  was  on  the  board  of  overseers  of  Harvard  College  and  on  the 
Massachusetts  State  Board  of  Education.  He  was  president  of 
Tufts  College  from  1862  to  1875.  As  a  temperance  worker  and 
reformer  and  as  an  opponent  of  slavery  his  voice  was  often 
heard  in  the  pulpit  and  on  the  public  platform.  The  Prohibition 
Party  of  Massachusetts  made  him  their  candidate  for  governor. 
One  of  his  opponents  declared  that  "Dr.  Miner  was  all  right,  if 
he  would  let  rum  alone."  Harvard  gave  him  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Sacred  Theology  and  Tufts  made  him  a  Doctor  of 

239 


240  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Laws.  He  was  author  of  several  books  and  pamphlets  and  was 
the  prime  mover  in  the  establishment  of  the  Universalist  Pub- 
lishing House  in  Boston.  At  one  time  he  was  editor  of  the 
"Star  of  Bethlehem."  He  presented  $40,000  to  Tufts  College 
to  found  Divinity  Hall.  As  an  advocate  of  temperance  and  legal 
prohibition  of  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating  beverages 
he  was  in  the  front  rank  and  was  president  of  the  Massachusetts 
Temperance  Alliance,  1870-86.  He  is  said  to  have  preached 
6000  times  and  to  have  married  2974  couples.  After  more  than 
forty  years  of  service  in  one  church  he  died  in  Boston  June  14, 

1895. 

Thomas  Sherwin  was  born  in  Westmoreland  March  26,  1799. 
and  died  in  Dedham,  Mass.,  July  23,  1869.  His  father  removed 
to  Temple,  where  Thomas  worked  on  a  farm  and  attended  a 
country  school  as  he  had  opportunity.  Then  he  served  an 
apprenticeship  to  a  clothier  in  Groton,  Mass.,  having  a  vacation 
which  he  spent  in  Groton  Academy.  Struggling  against  poverty 
he  worked  and  borrowed  his  way  through  Harvard  College, 
graduating  in  1828.  Then  he  taught  an  academy  in  Lexington 
one  year.  In  1826-7  he  was  tutor  in  mathematics  at  Harvard 
College.  Then  he  became  a  civil  engineer  and  worked  on  the 
construction  of  dry  docks  in  Charlestown  and  Kittery  navy  yards. 
For  a  short  time  he  had  a  private  school  for  boys  in  Boston, 
whence  he  was  called  to  be  submaster  in  the  Boston  English 
High  School,  and  after  ten  years  was  promoted  to  be  head  mas- 
ter of  the  same,  continuing  in  this  work  for  the  rest  of  his  life. 
He  made  his  school  famous  for  its  efficiency.  He  was  the  author 
of  two  books  on  Algebra,  that  were  in  use  as  text-books.  Under 
his  instruction  in  Boston  were  3937  boys,  and  the  impression  of 
his  character  was  lasting  with  many.  He  was  the  originator  of 
the  American  Institute  of  Instruction  and  president  of  the  same. 
Also  he  was  a  member  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciences.  The  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology  owes 
much  to  his  helpful  activity.  Another  of  his  honors  was  the 
presidency  of  the  Massachusetts  Teachers'  Association,  in  1845. 
He  deserves  to  be  remembered  as  one  of  the  leading  educators 
of  the  United  States. 

Gov.  Augustus  C.  French  was  born  in  Hill,  August  2,  1808. 
After  teaching  a  district  school  irregularly  he  entered  Dartmouth 
College,  but  had  not  means  to  finish  the  course  of  study.  He 


A    HISTORY  241 

returned  home,  took  up  the  study  of  law  and  was  admitted  to 
practise  in  1823.  Soon  he  went  West,  lived  for  a  short  time  in 
Albion,  Illinois,  and  in  1825  settled  in  Paris,  in  the  same  State. 
That  place  sent  him  to  the  legislature  in  1837,  and  thereafter  he 
was  a  political  leader.  He  was  elected  governor  of  the  State  and 
re-elected  in  1848.  Thereafter  he  was  Professor  of  Law  in  Mc- 
Kendree  College,  holding  that  position  many  years.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  State  Constitutional  Convention  in  1862.  He 
died  in  Lebanon,  Illinois,  in  1868. 

Elisha  Benjamin  Andrews  was  born  in  Hinsdale,  January 
IO,  1844.  He  attended  the  common  school  and  did  farm  work 
till  the  age  of  seventeen.  Then  he  enlisted  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
Civil  War  and  served  till  October,  1864,  when  he  was  discharged 
on  account  of  the  loss  of  one  eye  by  a  wound.  He  had  been 
commissioned  second  lieutenant.  He  fitted  for  college  at  Powers 
Institute  and  Wesleyan  Academy  and  graduated  at  Brown  Uni- 
versity in  1870.  He  was  principal  of  Connecticut  Literary  Insti- 
tute at  Sufifield  two  years  and  graduated  at  Newton  Theological 
Institution  in  1874.  Then  he  was  called  to  the  presidency  of 
Dennison  College,  at  Granville,  Ohio,  where  he  remained  four 
years  and  added  to  its  buildings  and  endowment.  Then  he 
became  a  professor  at  Newton,  1879-82.  After  a  year  of  study  in 
Germany  he  accepted  a  professorship  of  history  and  political 
economy  in  Brown  University.  In  1888  he  was  professor  of 
political  economy  and  public  finance  in  Cornell  University.  In 
1889  he  was  elected  president  of  Brown  University  and  professor 
of  moral  and  intellectual  philosophy.  He  was  United  States 
commissioner  to  the  international  monetary  conference  at  Brus- 
sels in  1892.  On  account  of  some  divergence  of  views  he  resigned 
the  presidency  of  Brown  University  to  become  for  one  year 
superintendent  of  the  schools  of  Chicago,  and  then  he  was  elected 
chancellor  of  the  University  of  Nebraska.  He  is  the  author  of  a 
History  of  the  United  States  and  other  works  of  great  educative 
value  and  is  known  as  a  student  and  man  of  independent  thought 
— a  leader  among  the  educators  of  the  nation. 

John  Smith  French,  D.  D.,  was  born  at  Chester,  December 
28,  1800,  and  died  at  Waialua,  Sandwich  Islands,  March  28,  1867. 
He  graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1826  and  at  Andover 
Theological  Seminary  in  1830.  The  next  year  he  sailed  for 
Honolulu,  where  he  was  pastor  of  a  church  at  Waialua  for 


242  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

thirty-two  years,  except  four  years  in  which  he  was  a  professor 
in  a  seminary.  He  visited  the  United  States  in  1860  and  received 
the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Medicine.  In  his  long  pastorate  in  the 
Sandwich  Island  he  baptized  about  1200  persons.  He  published 
five  volumes  of  elementary  text-books  and  was  joint  author  of 
an  English-Hawaiian  dictionary.  He  saw  a  group  of  populous 
islands  converted  from  cannabalism  to  Christianity  and  a  system 
of  schools  established  among  them,  where  the  English  language 
and  literature  were  taught.  Thus  the  Sandwich  Islands  were 
fitted  to  become  a  part  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Every 
foreign  missionary  is  first  of  all  a  teacher  of  truth  and  righteous- 
ness. 

Bishop  Philander  Chase  was  born  at  Cornish,  December  14, 
1775,  and  was  graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1796.  There 
he  became  by  reading  a  convert  to  the  faith  of  the  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church.  After  graduation  he  served  as  rector  at 
Poughkeepsie,  New  York,  New  Orleans,  La.,  and  Hartford, 
Conn.,  remaining  six  years  in  the  last  place.  Animated  by  the 
missionary  spirit  he  went  to  Ohio  when  that  was  the  western 
frontier,  in  1818,  and  there  organized  many  churches.  He  was 
consecrated  bishop  of  Ohio  in  1819.  Feeling  the  need  of  schools 
wherein  to  train  men  for  the  Christian  ministry  he  went  to  Eng- 
land and  collected  gifts  amounting  to  $30,000,  with  which  he 
founded  Kenyon  College  and  Gambier  Theological  School  in 
connection  therewith.  Both  were  located  at  Gambier,  Ohio,  and 
were  named  for  English  contributors  to  the  above-mentioned 
collection.  Eight  thousand  acres  of  land  were  purchased,  and 
Bishop  Chase  found  himself  not  only  president  of  a  college,  but 
also  farmer  and  lord  of  a  manor,  on  a  salary  of  $800  per  annum. 
Revenues  came  from  cultivation  of  the  soil,  wheat-growing  and 
sheep-raising.  Needing  more  funds  he  solicited  contributions  of 
one  dollar  and  thus  raised  about  $25,000.  Mills,  a  store  and  a 
hotel  were  run  for  the  benefit  of  the  college.  In  1831  dissensions 
between  the  bishop  and  some  of  the  clergy  led  him  to  resign  his 
offices  of  bishop  and  president,  and  he  took  up  a  large  tract  of 
land  in  Michigan.  Again  he  went  to  England  and  secured  $10,000 
with  which  he  began  a  new  college.  This  was  at  Robin's  Nest, 
Illinois,  and  was  called  Jubilee  College,  begun  in  1838.  In  1835 
he  had  been  elected  bishop  of  Illinois.  He  was  by  far  the  most 
prominent  and  energetic  of  the  missionaries  of  the  Protestant 


A    HISTORY  243 

Episcopal  Church  in  the  West.  He  published  several  works, 
including  an  autobiography,  in  two  volumes,  1848.  He  died  at 
Jubilee  College  September  20,  1852,  worthy  of  honor  for  his 
missionary  spirit  and  consecrated  activity. 

Col.  Carroll  D.  Wright,  son  of  Rev.  Nathan  R.  and  Eliza 
(Clark)  Wright,  was  born  in  Dunbarton,  July  25,  1840.  He 
received  his  early  education  in  the  academies  at  Washington, 
Alstead  and  Swanzey  and  the  high  school  of  Reading,  Mass.,  and 
was  fitted  for  the  junior  class  in  college,  but  was  prevented  by 
frail  health  from  taking  the  full  college  course  of  study.  He 
began  the  study  of  law  at  Keene  in  1860.  In  the  autumn  of  1862 
he  enlisted  in  the  I4th  regiment  of  New  Hampshire  volunteers. 
He  was  promoted  from  private  to  second  lieutenant  and  then 
to  be  adjutant.  He  was  on  staff  duty  as  colonel  of  his  regiment 
under  Gen.  Sheridan  in  1864.  An  attack  of  typhoid  fever  caused 
his  resignation  before  the  close  of  the  war.  Returning  to 
Keene  he  resumed  the  practice  of  law  and  in  1867  removed  to 
Boston  and  made  a  specialty  of  patent  law.  He  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  Massachusetts  Senate,  1872-3,  and  was  made 
chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  in  1873.  Then  began  his 
remarkable  career  as  a  statistician  and  student  of  social  labor 
reforms.  In  this  capacity  he  served  till  1888,  during  which  time 
he  was  appointed  United  States  commissioner  to  Europe  to  study 
the  factory  sysem  for  the  census  of  1880.  He  was  United  States 
Commissioner  of  Labor  from  1885  to  1905,  and  was  in  charge 
of  the  eleventh  United  States  census. 

Colonel  Wright  was  University  lecturer  at  Harvard  on  the 
factory  system,  1881,  and  held  appointments  to  lecture  upon 
statistics  and  labor  at  Johns  Hopkins,  University  of  Michigan, 
Northwestern  University,  and  Harvard.  He  was  honorary  pro- 
fessor of  social  economics  at  the  Catholic  University  of  America, 
1895  ^0  1904;  professor  of  statistics  and  social  economics  at 
Columbian  (now  George  Washington)  University,  since  1900; 
president  of  Clark  College,  Worcester,  Mass.,  since  1902,  and 
professor  of  statistics  and  economic  science  in  Clark  University 
since  1904.  He  was  a  member  of  many  learned  societies,  among 
others  the  American  Statistical  Association,  from  1876;  fellow 
of  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science, 
from  1892 ;  American  Antiquarian  Society,  from  1893,  and  the 
Washington  Academy  of  Science.  He  was  trustee  of  the  Car- 


244  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

negie  Institution  from  its  foundation  in  1902.  He  was  a  member 
and  recorder  of  the  Anthracite  Coal  Strike  Commission  of  1902. 
He  had  been  a  member  of  the  British  Economic  Association,  from 
1891 ;  of  the  Royal  Statistical  Society  of  England,  from  1893 >  °f 
the  Society  of  the  Friends  of  Natural  Sciences,  Anthropology  and 
Ethnography  at  the  Imperial  University  of  Moscow,  from  1904; 
of  the  International  Association  for  Comparative  Jurisprudence 
and  Political  Economy,  Berlin,  from  1897;  Corresponding  Mem- 
ber of  the  Institute  of  France,  since  1898;  and  honorary  member 
of  the  Imperial  Academy  of  Sciences,  Russia,  since  1898.  He 
was  honored  with  all  the  scholastic  degrees  from  various  colleges. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Military  Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion, 
received  the  Cross  of  the  French  Legion  of  Honor  and  was  a 
Chevalier  of  the  Order  of  Saints  Lazzaro  and  Mauritz,  Italy.  He 
was  president  of  the  National  Unitarian  Association  1896  to  1899. 
He  was  the  author  of  many  volumes  on  subjects  related  to 
Political  Economy,  Sociology,  etc.  He  died  at  Worcester,  Mass., 
February  20,  lo/X).1 

The  Rev.  Jeremiah  Eames  Rankin,  born  in  Thornton,  Jan- 
uary 2,  1828,  was  son  of  the  Rev.  Andrew  and  Lois  (Eames) 
Rankin,  of  Scottish  descent.  He  was  educated  at  Middlebury, 
Vermont,  and  Andover  Theological  Seminary.  He  had  pas- 
torates at  Potsdam,  N.  Y.,  St.  Albans,  Vt.,  Lowell  and  Boston, 
Mass.,  and  Washington,  D.  C.  In  his  last  church  at  the  national 
capital  he  remained  fifteen  years  and  exerted  all  his  influence  in 
favor  of  the  education  of  the  freedmen  of  the  South.  Fred 
Douglass  said  of  him,  "He  has  done  more  to  secure  the  rights  of 
my  race  than  all  the  legislation  of  congress."  He  was  for  some 
years  a  professor  in  Howard  University  and  served  as  its  presi- 
dent from  1890  to  1902.  He  was  twice  delegate  to  the  Methodist 
General  Conference  and  once  to  the  Congregational  Union  of 
England  and  Wales.  Many  sermons  were  published  by  him,  as 
well  as  popular  hymns,  among  the  latter,  "God  be  with  you  till 
we  meet  again."  He  was  a  frequent  contributor  to  reviews  and 
newspapers.  His  name  was  known  and  honored  throughout  the 
United  States  and  in  Great  Britain.  He  died  November  28,  1904. 

Prof.  Cecil  P.  P.  Bancroft  was  born  in  New  Ipswich,  Novem- 
ber 25,  1839.  He  was  fitted  for  college  at  Appleton  Academy, 

1  See  Granite  Monthly,  XLI.  142. 


A    HISTORY  245 

graduated  at  Dartmouth  in  1860  and  at  Andover  Theological 
Seminary  1867.  Meanwhile  he  had  been  principal  of  an  academy 
at  Mt.  Vernon,  Vermont,  for  four  years.  For  five  years  more  he 
was  at  the  head  of  Lookout  Mountain  Institute,  near  Chatta- 
nooga, Tenn.  Then  he  studied  at  the  University  of  Halle  and 
traveled  in  Europe.  While  at  Rome  he  was  elected  principal  of 
Phillips  Academy,  Andover,  Mass.,  where  he  had  been  previously 
teacher  of  the  classics  four  months.  Here  he  found  his  life  work 
and  the  institution  prospered  greatly  under  his  direction.  Six 
thousand  students  were  under  his  care,  and  he  had  the  respect 
and  affection  of  his  pupils.  He  was  a  trustee  of  Dartmouth 
College  and  president  of  its  alumni  association.  Yale  honored 
him  with  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws,  and  the  University  of 
the  State  of  New  York  made  him  a  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  while 
nature  and  his  own  acquirements  made  him  a  doctor  (teacher) 
of  manliness,  high  ideals,  studious  habits  and  noble  character. 
He  died  in  Andover,  Mass.,  October  4,  1901. 

Prof.  John  Potter  Marshall  was  born  at  Kingston,  August 
n,  1823.  He  fitted  for  college  at  Kingston  and  Atkinson  Acad- 
emies and  graduated  at  Yale  in  1844.  For  some  years  he  was 
principal  of  Chelsea  High  School,  while  serving  at  the  same  time 
as  a  professor  in  Tufts  College.  For  forty-five  years  he  served 
that  college,  mainly  in  the  chair  of  geology  and  mineralogy. 
During  the  Civil  War  he  spent  two  years  in  hospital  service  in 
the  South.  He  traveled  extensively  in  England,  Germany  and 
Italy.  His  death  occurred  at  College  Hill,  February  4,  1901. 

Horace  Morrison  Hale  was  born  at  Hollis,  March  6,  1833, 
great  grandson  of  Colonel  John  Hale,  who  fought  at  Bunker 
Hill.  He  was  educated  at  Genesee  College,  Lima,  N.  Y.,  and 
Union  College,  Schenectady,  where  he  graduated  in  1856.  He 
worked  his  way  through  college  without  any  financial  aid  what- 
ever. Then  he  taught  at  West  Bloomfield,  N.  Y.,  and  Nash- 
ville, Tenn.  In  1861  he  went  to  Detroit  and  studied  law.  Then 
he  went  West  for  health  and  taught  in  Colorado.  In  1873  he 
was  made  superintendent  of  public  instruction  in  Colorado.  For 
some  years  he  was  principal  of  the  school  at  Central  City  and 
served  as  mayor  of  that  city.  Later  he  was  president  of  the 
University  of  Colorado.  Altogether  he  spent  forty  years  in  school 
work  and  stamped  his  character  upon  a  host  of  growing  minds. 

Who  has  not  heard  of  Laura  Dewey  Bridgman,  the  blind 


246  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

and  deaf  mute?  She  was  born  in  Hanover,  December  21,  1829, 
and  died  in  Boston,  May  24,  1889.  A  fever,  when  she  was  two 
years  of  age,  deprived  her  of  sight,  hearing,  sense  of  smell  and 
partially  of  taste.  She  was  sent  to  Perkins'  Institute  for  the 
Blind,  at  Boston,  and  there  became  well  educated  and  a  teacher 
of  others.  Loss  of  speech  followed  loss  of  hearing.  She  learned 
to  read  by  touch,  and  this  sense  became  wonderfully  developed, 
so  that  she  could  readily  tell  persons  as  well  as  objects  by  this 
sense.  Her  mind  became  so  active  that  she  would  talk  with  the 
sign  language  while  asleep.  Her  life  shows  how  an  imprisoned 
soul  may  burst  its  bars.  Boundless  capacities  may  be  in  those 
persons  who  by  reason  of  physical  limitations  have  no  means  of 
expression. 

John  Eaton  was  born  in  Sutton,  December  5,  1829.  He 
worked  on  a  farm  and  taught  school  at  the  age  of  sixteen.  Thet- 
ford  Academy,  Vermont,  was  the  place  where  he  fitted  for  col- 
lege and  he  graduated  at  Dartmouth  in  1854.  After  a  year  as 
principal  of  a  school  in  Cleveland,  Ohio,  he  became  superin- 
tendent of  schools  at  Toledo  and  remained  there  three  years. 
Then  he  studied  at  Andover  Theological  Seminary.  In  1861  he 
entered  the  Union  Army  as  chaplain  of  the  24th  Ohio  Infantry. 
General  Grant  said  of  him,  "Under  him  the  freedmen's  bureau 
had  its  origin  in  the  Mississippi  valley."  He  gathered  the 
negroes  in  camps  and  organized  many  thousands  of  them  into 
regiments.  He  became  colonel  of  the  63rd  regiment  of  United 
States  colored  infantry  and  later  was  made  a  brigadier-general. 
At  the  close  of  the  war  he  founded  a  paper  called  the  Memphis 
Post  and  edited  it  two  years.  From  1867  to  1869  he  was  State 
Superintendent  of  public  instruction  in  Tennessee  and  organized 
its  first  school  system.  In  1870  he  was  appointed  commissioner 
of  the  bureau  of  education  and  held  that  office  sixteen  years. 
Many  difficulties  and  oppositions  of  the  unbelieving  encountered 
him  at  the  beginning  of  this  work,  but  when  he  resigned  he  had 
thirty-eight  assistants,  an  educational  library  of  18,000  volumes, 
besides  many  pamphlets,  and  the  most  influential  educational 
office  in  the  world.  This  department  was  consulted  by  several 
foreign  nations  to  aid  them  in  the  establishment  of  school  sys- 
tems. He  gathered  information  from  all  parts  of  the  world  and 
published  it  in  his  annual  reports.  In  1886  he  became  president 
of  Marietta  College  and  after  a  successful  period  of  twelve  years 


A    HISTORY  247 

became  president  of  still  another  institution  in  Salt  Lake  City, 
known  as  the  Sheldon  Jackson  College.  In  1899  he  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  United  States  government  superintendent  of 
instruction  in  Porto  Rico  and  organized  the  educational  system 
of  that  island.  He  was  author  of  many  educational  pamphlets 
and  addresses.  Rutgers  College  gave  him  the  degree  of  Doctor 
of  Philosophy  and  Dartmouth  made  him  a  Doctor  of  Laws.  He 
died  in  Washington,  D.  C,  February  9,  1906,  having  done  a 
lifework  of  great  educational  value. 

James  A.  B.  Stone  was  born  at  Piermont,  October  28,  1810. 
He  was  educated  at  Middlebury  College  and  Andover  Theolog- 
ical Seminary.  Teaching  occupied  his  time  for  a  few  years  at 
Hinesburg  College  and  Middlebury  College.  Then  he  substi- 
tuted for  a  year  for  Professor  Hackett  at  Newton  Theological 
Institution.  From  1843  to  J^49  he  was  pastor  of  a  Baptist  church 
at  Kalamazoo,  Michigan,  and  from  1843  to  1863  he  was  presi- 
dent of  the  college  there  and  professor  of  intellectual  philosophy. 
His  wife  was  a  teacher  for  some  time.  Their  home  was  a 
resort  for  lecturers  on  abolition  and  equal  suffrage,  in  which 
both  were  firm  believers.  Colgate  University  honored  him  with 
the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity.  He  died  at  Detroit,  May  19, 
1888. 

Henry  Towle  Durant  was  born  in  Hanover,  February  20, 
1822.  Graduating  at  Harvard  in  1841  he  studied  with  Gen. 
Benjamin  F.  Butler.  It  was  then  that  he  changed  his  name, 
which  previously  had  been  Henry  Welles  Smith.  His  legal 
practice  was  lucrative  and  he  added  to  his  wealth  by  engaging 
in  business  enterprises,  being  among  other  things  interested  in 
iron  mines  in  northern  New  York.  The  death  of  his  only  son 
turned  him  to  religious  work  and  he  was  active  as  an  evangelist 
and  lay  preacher.  Holyoke  Seminary  elected  him  a  trustee.  Un- 
der his  direction  and  by  means  of  his  gifts  the  cornerstone  of 
Wellesley  College  was  laid  in  1871,  on  an  estate  of  three  hundred 
acres  that  had  been  his  summer  home.  The  main  building  with 
equipment  cost  $1,000,000.  He  endowed  the  college  so  that  the 
annual  income  was  $50,000.  His  aim  was  not  to  glorify  himself, 
and  he  would  not  allow  his  name  to  be  given  to  the  college;  he 
simply  wanted  to  found  an  educational  institution  that  would 
uphold  and  inculcate  the  Christian  religion.  He  was  a  man  of 
fine  personal  appearance,  and  an  impressive  speaker.  He  gave 


248  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

himself  and  his  all  for  the  welfare  of  others.  His  death  occurred 
October  3,  1881. 

Eben  Carlton  Sprague  was  born  in  Bath,  November  26, 
1822.  Four  years  later  he  removed  with  his  father  to  Buffalo, 
N.  Y.  He  was  educated  at  Phillips  Academy,  Andover,  and 
Harvard  College.  He  studied  law  and  practiced  fifty  years  in 
Buffalo.  For  several  years  he  was  chancellor  of  the  university 
in  that  city.  He  was  prominent  as  a  lawyer  and  educator,  and  a 
man  of  such  character  and  ability  as  won  the  respect  and  admira- 
tion of  a  large  circle  of  acquaintances.  Harvard  gave  him  the 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws.  He  died  February  14,  1895. 

Bradbury  L.  Cilley  was  born  at  Nottingham,  September  6, 
1838,  great  grandson  of  General  Joseph  Cilley  and  General  Enoch 
Poor  of  the  Revolution.  He  prepared  for  college  at  Phillips 
Exeter  Academy  and  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1858.  After  teach- 
ing a  short  time  in  Albany  Academy  he  was  called  to  a  professor- 
ship of  ancient  languages  in  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  where 
after  1871  he  taught  Greek  alone.  Thus  his  whole  life  was  identi- 
fied with  that  institution  and  he  did  much  to  increase  its  power 
and  usefulness.  He  died  March  31,  1899. 

Samuel  Graves,  D.D.,  was  born  at  Acworth,  March  25,  1830. 
He  graduated  at  Madison  University,  N.  Y.,  in  1844,  and  at 
Hamilton  Theological  Seminary  two  years  later.  Then  he  be- 
came tutor  of  mathematics  and  Greek  in  his  Aimer  Mater  for 
three  years.  He  was  ordained  to  the  ministry  at  Ann  Arbor  and 
served  there,  1849-52.  Then  he  was  professor  of  Greek  at  Kala- 
mazoo  College  and  of  ecclesiastical  history  in  the  theological 
seminary,  1851-9.  He  was  pastor  of  the  Central  Church,  Nor- 
wich, Conn.,  1859-69,  and  at  Grand  Rapids,  Mich.,  1870-85.  He 
was  president  of  Atlanta  Seminary  1885-95.  He  wrote  many 
articles  for  the  religious  press  and  published  "Outlines  of  The- 
ology." He  died  at  Grand  Rapids,  January  20,  1895. 

Oren  Burbank  Cheney  was  born  in  Ashland,  December  10, 
1816,  and  as  a  boy  worked  in  his  father's  mill.  He  prepared  for 
college  at  Parsonsfield  Seminary  and  New  Hampton  Institute 
and  was  graduated  at  Dartmouth  in  1830.  He  taught  in  acad- 
emies at  Farmington,  Maine,  Parsonsfield,  Maine,  Greenland 
and  Strafford.  He  studied  for  the  ministry  at  Whitestown  Sem- 
inary and  was  licensed  to  preach  in  1843.  His  first  pastorate  was 
at  West  Lebanon,  Maine,  where  he  founded  an  Academy.  Then 


A   HISTORY  249 

he  was  for  five  years  pastor  of  a  church  in  Augusta,  Maine.  He 
was  the  principal  agent  in  establishing  the  Maine  State  Seminary 
in  Lewiston,  Maine,  and  was  its  president  from  1857  to  1863, 
when  it  became  Bates  College,  and  he  continued  at  its  head  till 
1894.  Its  growth  has  been  rapid  from  the  beginning,  and  it  is 
now  one  of  the  largest  "small  colleges"  in  New  England,  having 
about  five  hundred  students.  Dr.  Cheney  received  his  degree 
from  Wesleyan  University  in  1865.  He  was  instrumental  in 
endowing  Storer  College,  at  Harper's  Ferry,  Virginia,  by  secur- 
ing $10,000  from  John  Storer  of  Sanford,  Me.  Twelve  times  he 
was  delegate  to  the  general  conference  of  Free  Baptist  churches 
and  three  times  moderator.  He  died  at  Lewiston,  Maine,  Decem- 
ber 22,  1903. 

Carrol  Cutler,  D.D.,  was  born  in  Windham,  January  31,  1829, 
and  was  educated  at  Phillips  Academy,  Andover,  and  Yale  Col- 
lege, where  he  was  graduated  in  1854.  After  teaching  a  year  at 
Bloomfield,  N.  J.,  he  studied  for  the  ministry  at  Union  Theo- 
logical Seminary  and  at  Princeton.  He  was  a  tutor  in  Yale  Col- 
lege, 1856-8,  traveled  one  year  in  Europe,  was  lieutenant  in  an 
Ohio  regiment  in  1862  and  colonel  in  the  State  militia,  1863-4. 
He  was  professor  of  Rhetoric  and  Mental  Philosophy  in  West- 
ern Reserve  College,  now  Adelbert  College,  at  Hudson,  Ohio, 
1860-89,  and  its  president,  1873-89,  preaching  regularly  in  the 
college  church.  He  was  professor  of  Ethics  and  Theology  in 
Riddle  University,  Charlotte,  N.  C,  1889-91,  and  in  Talladega 
College,  1891-4.  Among  his  eight  book  publications  are  "De- 
fence and  Confirmation ;  Ellicott  Lectures  on  the  Philosophy  of 
Religion,"  "The  Beginnings  of  Ethics,"  and  "Joint  Education  of 
Men  and  Women  in  Adelbert  College." 

Alpheus  Crosby  was  born  in  Sandwich,  October  13,  1810. 
His  preparatory  studies  were  at  Gilmanton  and  Phillips  Exeter 
Academies,  and  he  was  graduated  at  Dartmouth  in  1827.  At 
once  he  began  teaching  in  Moor's  Charity  School  and  then  served 
three  years  as  tutor  in  Dartmouth  College.  After  studying  for 
the  ministry  in  Andover  Theological  Seminary  he  became  pro- 
fessor of  Greek  and  Latin  Languages  and  Literature  at  Dart- 
mouth, where  he  remained  many  years.  He  became  agent  of  the 
Massachusetts  Board  of  Education  and  lecturer  in  Teachers' 
Institutes,  1854-6,  and  principal  of  the  Massachusetts  State  Nor- 
mal School  at  Salem,  1857-65.  He  died  at  Salem,  April  17,  1874. 


250  NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

Among  his  publications  was  a  Greek  Grammar,  Greek  Tables, 
Greek  Lessons,  Xenophon's  Anabasis,  Eclogae  Latinae  and  First 
Lessons  in  Geometry. 


Chapter  XVI 
FRANKLIN    PIERCE— PRESIDENT 


Chapter  XVI 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE— PRESIDENT. 

Political  Situation  in  1852 — A  Divided  Democracy  Once  More  United — 
Democratic  National  Convention  at  Baltimore — Franklin  Pierce  the 
Nominee — Ancestry  and  Public  Career — Strict  Constructionist  of 
the  Constitution — His  Pro-Slavery  Views — His  Election  and  Inaugural 
— A  Remakable  Cabinet — Kansas-Nebraska  Act  Overshadows  a  Notably 
Successful  Administration — Renomination  Denied — Retirement — Gen- 
uine Patriot,  and  Lover  of  Country — Though  Villified  and  Maligned, 
State  Does  His  Memory  Justice  and  So  Honors  Itself. 

WHEN  the  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  Balti- 
more, June  i,  1852,  the  administration  of  national  affairs 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Whigs.  Questions  connected  with  slavery 
had  in  the  campaign  of  1848  split  the  Democratic  party  into  fac- 
tions, and  the  support  given  by  more  than  one-fourth  of  the 
Democrats  at  the  north  to  Martin  Van  Buren  as  an  independent 
candidate,  had  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  Lewis  Cass,  the  regular 
Democratic  nominee,  and  the  consequent  election  of  the  Whig 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President,  Zachary  Taylor  and 
Millard  Fillmore. 

The  Whig  administration  had  been  confronted  with  a  serious 
task.  The  organization  of  the  vast  territory  acquired  as  a  result 
of  the  war  with  Mexico,  had  not  only  made  the  subject  of  slavery 
in  the  Territories  a  leading  political  issue,  but  had  precipitated 
agitation  and  contest  recognized  as  fraught  with  danger. 

The  result  of  this  agitation  was  what  were  known  as  the 
"Compromise"  Measures  of  1850,  which  were  at  first  included  in 
a  single  measure  known  as  the  "omnibus  bill,"  but  later  separated, 
when  each  feature  of  the  bill  was  passed  on  by  itself.  California 
was  to  be  admitted  as  a  State  without  restriction  as  to  slavery; 
slavery  was  not  to  be  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia; 
Texas  was  to  receive  ten  million  dollars  for  yielding  her  claim  to 
New  Mexico;  Utah  and  New  Mexico  were  to  be  organized  as 
new  Territories ;  and  last  and  most  fateful  of  all,  as  subsequent 

1  Contributed  by  William  F.  Whitcher.    See  Vol.  II.,  p.  151. 

253 


254  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

events  proved,  a  new  and  more  stringent  fugitive  slave  law  was 
to  be  enacted.  Party  lines  were  not  drawn  on  the  passage  of 
these  measures  which  were  supported  alike  by  leading  Whigs 
and  Democrats,  and  were  opposed  alike  by  leading  pro-slavery 
Southern  extremists  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  radical  anti-slavery 
extremists  of  the  North  on  the  other.  President  Taylor  died 
while  the  measures  were  pending,  but  the  bills  were  promptly 
signed  by  President  Fillmore  who  as  Vice-President  became  his 
constitutional  successor. 

The  supporters  of  these  measures  believed  that  by  their  enact- 
ment, the  slavery  issue,  which  had  become  a  troublesome  one, 
was  finally  settled,  and  that  any  reopening  of  the  question  would 
be  regarded  by  the  people  of  the  country  as  unpatriotic  and  med- 
dlesome. In  the  Democratic  party  acquiescence  in  the  settlement 
was  general.  The  division  which  had  lost  it  the  election  in  1848 
was  apparently  closed  up  and  healed.  The  Democrats  in  1851 
had  carried  the  elections  in  most  of  the  States  as  against  the 
Whigs  who  had  lost  the  support  of  the  anti-slavery  wing  of  the 
party,  who  had  become  known  as  "Conscience  Whigs."  It  was 
evident  that  for  the  presidential  campaign  of  1852  anything  like 
a  hearty  union  among  the  Whigs  was  out  of  the  question,  but 
could  the  Democrats  find  a  candidate  unobjectionable  to  both 
wings  of  a  formerly  divided  party,  and  so  go  into  the  contest  a 
united  party,  their  success  was  reasonably  assured. 

It  was  under  these  conditions  and  with  such  prospects  that 
the  National  Democratic  Convention  met  in  Baltimore  on  the 
ist  of  June.  There  had  been  much  discussion  and  more  or  less 
of  intrigue  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  for  months  preceding  the 
convention.  Naturally  the  leading  candidate  for  the  presidential 
nomination  was  Gen.  Lewis  Cass  of  Michigan  who  had  been 
defeated  by  the  Van  Buren  or  Barnburner  defection  of  1848.  The 
candidacy  of  James  Buchanan  of  Pennsylvania  was  being  urged 
by  his  friends,  as  was  also  that  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  of  Illinois 
and  William  L.  Marcy  of  New  York,  but  if  the  two-thirds  rule 
was  to  continue  in  force,  the  nomination  of  either  of  these  candi- 
dates was  hardly  expected  either  by  their  friends  or  by  the 
public.  The  "dark  horse"  experience  of  1844  loomed  up  threaten- 
ingly. As  was  expected  the  two-thirds  rule  was  adopted  by  an 
overwhelming  majority.  The  struggle  over  the  nomination  was 
a  protracted  one,  no  less  than  forty-nine  ballots  being  had  before 


A   HISTORY  255 

a  choice  was  made.  On  the  first  ballot  General  Cass  had  116; 
James  Buchanan  95 ;  William  L.  Marcy  27 ;  Stephen  A.  Douglas 
20;  Joseph  Lane  13 ;  Samuel  Houston  8,  and  there  were  4  scatter- 
ing. The  number  necessary  to  a  choice  was  188.  In  the  succeed- 
ing ballots  up  to  the  twenty-ninth,  the  vote  for  Gen.  Cass  fell  off 
while  that  for  Mr.  Douglas  steadily  increased,  the  29th  trial  re- 
sulting: Cass  27;  Buchanan  93;  Douglas  91;  no  other  candidate 
receiving  more  than  26.  Cass  then  began  to  gain,  until  on  the 
35th  ballot  he  received  his  largest  number  of  votes,  131.  It  was 
on  this  the  35th  trial  that  Virginia  gave  her  15  votes  for  Franklin 
Pierce  of  New  Hampshire,  whose  name  then  appeared  for  the 
first  time  in  the  list  of  candidates.  On  the  36th  ballot  he  received 
30  votes,  and  the  subsequent  increase  in  his  vote  was  small,  his 
vote  on  the  48th  ballot  being  55;  Cass  73;  Buchanan  28;  Douglas 
33 ;  Marcy  90 ;  all  others  8.  The  break  or  stampede  came  on  the 
next,  the  49th  ballot,  when  282  votes  were  cast  for  Pierce  to  six 
for  all  others. 

Franklin  Pierce  was  born  in  Hillsborough,  Nov.  23,  1804,  the 
fourth  son  of  Benjamin  and  Anna  (Kendrick)  Pierce.  Benjamin 
Pierce  was  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  a  soldier  in  the  War  of 
the  Revolution,  holding  the  rank  of  captain  and  brevet  major. 
After  the  declaration  of  peace  he  removed  to  New  Hampshire, 
locating  near  what  is  now  Hillsborough.  He  was  twice  married. 
His  second  wife,  mother  of  his  son  Franklin,  was  Anna  Kendrick 
of  Amherst.  Benjamin  Pierce  was  an  active  public  spirited  citizen 
of  his  adopted  state.  He  became  sheriff  of  Hillsborough  County, 
a  member  of  the  state  legislature,  of  the  Governor's  Council,  and 
was  twice  elected  governor,  as  a  Democrat,  first  in  1827,  and 
again  in  1829.  He  was  a  Democrat  of  the  Jeffersonian  school, 
a  strict  constructionist  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Constitution, 
a  partisan  of  the  rights  of  the  states  as  against  a  tendency  to 
centralization  of  power  in  the  Federal  Government.  Governor 
Pierce  was  for  years  recognized  as  one  of  the  most  influential,  if 
not  indeed  the  most  influential  citizen  of  his  state.  He  died  in 
1839.  His  son  Franklin  received  his  academic  education  in  the 
Hancock,  Francestown  and  Exeter  institutions,  and  in  1820  be- 
fore he  had  completed  his  sixteenth  year  entered  Bowdoin  Col- 
lege, from  which  he  graduated  in  1824,  the  third  in  his  class. 
Among  the  students  at  Bowdoin  during  his  course  were  Nathaniel 
Hawthorne,  his  classmate,  biographer  and  life-long  friend,  Henry 


256  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

W.  Longfellow,  Sergeant  S.  Prentiss,  orator  and  legislator,  Prof. 
Calvin  E.  Stowe,  and  John  P.  Hale,  his  future  political  rival. 
After  graduation  he  began  the  study  of  law  in  the  office  of  Levi 
Woodbury  of  Portsmouth,  remaining  there  about  a  year.  He 
then  spent  two  years  in  a  law  school  in  Northampton,  Mass., 
and  in  the  office  of  Judge  Edmund  Parker  at  Amherst,  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar  in  1827,  at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  and  began 
practice  in  Hillsborough.  He  became  interested  in  politics  and 
ardently  espoused  the  cause  of  Andrew  Jackson,  and  in  1829  was 
elected  to  represent  Hillsborough  in  the  legislature,  was  re- 
elected  in  1830,  1831  and  1832,  the  last  two  years  serving  as 
Speaker  of  the  House.  In  1833  he  was  elected  to  the  National 
House  of  Representatives,  was  re-elected  in  1835,  and  in  his 
four  year's  service  was  a  member  of  the  judiciary  and  other  im- 
portant committees.  In  1834  he  married  Miss  Jane  Means  Apple- 
ton,  daughter  of  President  Appleton  of  Bowdoin.  In  1837  he  was 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  took  his  seat  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Van  Buren  administration,  the  youngest  mem- 
ber of  that  body.  On  account  of  the  ill  health  of  his  wife  he 
resigned  his  seat  in  June,  1842,  and  returned  to  New  Hampshire 
to  resume  the  practice  of  his  profession.  Four  years  previously 
he  had  changed  his  residence  from  Hillsborough  to  Concord.  In 
1845  he  declined  the  offer  of  an  appointment  by  Governor  Steele 
to  fill  a  vacancy  in  the  Senate.  He  had  previously  declined  a 
nomination  by  the  Democratic  State  Convention  for  governor. 
He  was  offered  by  President  Polk  the  position  of  Attorney- 
General,  a  position  which  undoubtedly  was  greatly  in  harmony 
with  his  professional  aspirations.  His  letter  of  declination  was 
characteristic  of  the  man.  In  it  he  wrote : 

Although  the  early  years  of  my  manhood  were  devoted  to  public  life, 
I  was  never  really  suited  to  my  task.  I  longed,  as  I  am  sure  you  must  often 
have  done,  for  the  quiet  and  independence  that  belong  only  to  the  private 
citizen ;  and  now  at  forty,  I  feel  that  desire  stronger  than  ever. 
When  I  resigned  my  seat  in  the  Senate  in  1842,  I  did  it  with  the  fixed  pur- 
pose never  again  to  be  voluntarily  separated  from  my  family  for  any  con- 
siderable length  of  time,  except  at  the  call  of  my  country  in  time  of  war. 
.  You  will,  I  am  sure,  appreciate  my  motives.  You  will  not  believe 
that  I  have  weighed  my  personal  convenience  and  ease  against  the  public 
interest,  especially  as  the  office  is  one  which,  if  not  sought,  would  be  readily 
accepted  by  gentlemen  who  could  bring  to  your  aid  attainments  and  quali- 
fications vastly  superior  to  mine." 


A    HISTORY  257 

There  is  no  doubt  that  at  this  time  it  was  his  purpose  to 
spend  his  life  in  private  and  professional  toil,  except  as  he 
had  written  "at  the  call  of  my  country  in  time  of  war."  That 
time  was  nearer  at  hand  than  he  then  anticipated.  In  1846,  when 
war  was  declared  with  Mexico,  he  enlisted  as  a  private  in  a 
volunteer  company  organized  at  Concord ;  was  soon  after  com- 
missioned colonel  of  the  Ninth  Infantry,  on  March  3,  1847  was 
commissioned  brigadier-general  in  the  Volunteer  Army,  and  on 
March  27  embarked  for  Mexico,  arriving  at  Vera  Cruz  June  28. 
He  joined  General  Scott  with  his  brigade,  Aug.  6,  1847,  and 
soon  after  set  out  for  the  capture  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  He 
took  part  in  the  battle  of  Contreras,  Sept.  19,  1847,  in  which 
engagement  he  was  severely  injured  by  being  thrown  from  his 
horse.  In  spite  of  injuries  of  a  most  serious  character,  he  per- 
sisted in  remaining  on  duty  in  the  subsequent  operations  of  the 
army.  His  conduct  and  services  were  spoken  of  in  the  highest 
terms  by  his  superior  officers,  Generals  Scott,  Worth  and  Pillow. 
Previous  to  the  battle  of  Molino  del  Rey  he  was  appointed  one 
of  the  American  Commissioners  in  an  effort  for  peace,  a  truce 
having  been  declared  for  that  purpose.  This  failing,  fighting  was 
renewed.  He  participated  in  the  decisive  battle  of  Molino  del 
Rey,  and  continued  on  duty  until  the  declaration  of  peace.  He 
resigned  his  commission  in  March,  1848,  and  returned  to  Con- 
cord. In  that  same  month  the  legislature  of  his  state  voted  him 
a  sword-of-honor  in  appreciation  of  his  military  service.  He 
resumed  his  practice,  a  highly  successful  one.  In  1850  he  was 
a  member  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  which  met  at  Con- 
cord to  amend  the  Constitution  of  the  State  and  was  chosen  its 
presiding  officer.  He  favored  the  removal  of  the  religious  test 
clause  by  which  Roman  Catholics  were  disqualified  from  holding 
office,  and  also  the  abolition  of  any  "property  qualification"  what- 
ever. It  was  largely  by  his  personal  influence  that  these  two 
amendments  were  carried  in  the  convention,  but  were  later  de- 
feated by  the  people  at  the  polls. 

At  the  Democratic  State  Convention  in  January,  1852,  a 
declaration  in  favor  of  his  nomination  for  President  was  made, 
but  in  a  letter  dated  January  12,  he  positively  refused  to  permit 
the  state  delegation  to  present  his  name.  He  wrote  to  his  friend 
Charles  G.  Atherton,  a  member  of  the  New  Hampshire  delega- 
tion to  the  convention : 


258  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

I  am  far  from  being  insensible  to  the  generous  confidence,  so  often 
manifested  towards  me  by  the  people  of  this  state;  and  although  the  object 
indicated  in  the  resolution,  having  particular  reference  to  myself,  be  not 
one  of  desire  on  my  part,  the  expression  is  not  on  that  account  less  grati- 
fying. 

Doubtless,  the  spontaneous  and  just  appreciation  of  an  intelligent  peo- 
ple is  the  best  earthly  reward  for  earnest  and  cheerful  service  to  ones 
state  and  country;  and  while  it  is  a  matter  of  unfeigned  regret  that  my  life 
has  been  so  barren  of  usefulness,  I  shall  ever  hold  this  and  similar  tributes 
among  my  cherished  recollections. 

To  these,  my  sincere  and  grateful  acknowledgments,  I  desire  to  add,  that 
the  same  motives  which  induced  me  several  years  ago,  to  retire  from  pub- 
lic life,  and  which  since  that  time,  controlled  my  judgment  in  this  respect, 
now  impel  me  to  say  that  the  use  of  my  name,  in  any  event,  before  the 
Democratic  national  convention  at  Baltimore,  to  which  you  are  a  delegate 
would  be  utterly  repugnant  to  my  tastes  and  wishes. 

With  this  letter,  so  far  as  the  personal  attitude  of  Gen.  Pierce 
was  concerned,  the  incident  was  closed.  New  Hampshire  in 
deference  to  his  wish  did  not  present  his  name.  Virginia  contrary 
to  his  wish  did  present  it,  after  it  became  evident  that  no  one  of 
the  candidates  before  the  convention  could  win,  and  he  was 
nominated.  The  nomination  was  made  deliberately.  There  was 
no  stampede.  Franklin  Pierce  was  no  dark  horse.  His  position 
on  the  vital  issues  of  the  day  was  well  known.  He  was  a  Demo- 
crat, an  unswerving  adherent  of  the  doctrines  of  the  party  enun- 
ciated by  Jefferson  and  Madison.  While  a  member  of  the  House 
he  had  enthusiastically  supported  President  Jackson's  veto  of 
the  Maysville  Road  bill,  a  measure  which  was  part  of  a  system 
of  vast  public  works,  chiefly  railroads  and  canals,  which  it  was 
proposed  to  undertake  at  the  expense  of  the  national  treasury, 
a  policy  which  had  been  fostered  by  President  John  Quincy 
Adams,  and  which  had  gained  large  favor  at  the  close  of  his 
administration.  The  cost  of  works  undertaken  or  projected  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Jackson  administration  amounted  to  more 
than  a  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  an  enormous  sum  for  that 
time.  The  ground  of  the  support  of  the  veto  by  the  young 
Congressman  was  that  the  expenditure  of  this  sum,  and  of  other 
incalculable  amounts,  in  progressive  increase,  by  agents  and 
officers  of  the  government,  and  for  purposes  of  unascertained 
utility,  would  be  not  only  a  means  of  political  corruption,  but 
from  its  tendency  to  consolidate  the  powers  of  government 
towards  a  common  centre,  a  peril  to  the  individuality  of  states. 


A    HISTORY  259 

When  Jackson  declared  war  against  this  system  in  his  famous 
Maysville  veto,  one  of  his  staunchest  supporters  was  the  youthful 
Congressman  from  New  Hampshire.  He  doubted  the  constitu- 
tional power  of  Congress  to  undertake  by  building  roads  through 
the  wilderness,  or  opening  up  unfrequented  rivers,  to  create 
commerce  where  it  did  not  yet  exist.  At  the  same  time  he  never 
questioned  both  the  right  and  duty  of  the  general  government  to 
remove  obstructions  in  the  way  of  inland  trade  and  to  afford  it 
every  facility  when  the  nature  and  necessity  of  things  had 
brought  such  trade  into  existence.  In  1836  he  spoke  against  a 
bill  making  appropriations  for  the  military  academy  at  West 
Point,  contending  that  the  institution  was  aristocratic  in  its  ten- 
dencies, that  a  professional  soldiery  and  standing  armies  are 
always  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  that  in  war 
the  best  reliance  of  a  republic  is  upon  her  citizen  militia.  When, 
however,  years  afterwards,  he  was  baptized  into  the  soldier  life 
in  the  battle  smoke  of  Mexico,  he  frankly  acknowledged  himself 
to  have  been  in  the  wrong,  and  West  Point,  as  an  institution, 
found  no  warmer  defender  than  himself.  In  December,  1835,  he 
spoke  and  voted  against  receiving  petitions  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  This  was  not  because  he 
loved  or  defended  slavery  for  slavery's  sake.  He  loved  the 
Union,  the  Union  of  the  States  as  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution, 
and  from  the  stand  he  took  on  the  slavery  question  at  that  time 
he  never  subsequently  swerved.  The  situation  has  been  ad- 
mirably and  tersely  described  by  the  late  Oliver  E.  Branch,  a 
constitutional  lawyer  of  acknowledged  ability,  in  his  oration  at 
the  dedication  of  the  Pierce  statue  in  Concord  in  November,  1914: 

"When  the  Federal  Constitution  was  framed  and  adopted,  slavery  was 
of  necessity  recognized  as  an  ineluctable  part  of  the  social  and  political 
system,  which  must  be  so  regarded,  and  consequently  allowed  and  pro- 
tected. The  Federal  Union  could  not  be  created  without  the  concurrence 
of  the  southern  states,  nor  the  Federal  Constitution  adopted  without  their 
votes,  and  to  have  proposed  and  insisted  at  that  critical  time,  even  had 
there  been  any  great  sentiment  in  favor  of  it,  that  slavery  could  be  abolished, 
would  have  been  equivalent  to  saying  that  there  should  be  no  Federal  Union 
and  Constitution. 

"And  so  upon  the  quicksands  of  slavery  was  built  the  majestic  temple 
of  liberty.  Such  a  condition  of  things  was  of  course  an  anomaly.  Here 
was  a  people  that  proposed  a  new  era  in  government.  They  announced 
as  the  foundation  principle  of  that  government,  the  largest  freedom  to 


26o  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

all  consistent  with  the  rights  of  all,  and  that  'all  men  are  endowed  by 
their  Creator  with  the  inalienable  rights  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.'  And  yet  that  people  actuated  by  the  purest  motives  and  the 
highest  patriotism,  and  proclaiming  a  code  of  political  principles,  as  luminous 
as  a  star,  were  by  an  overmastering  necessity,  compelled  at  the  very  outset 
of  their  career  to  violate  and  affront  those  principles  when  put  into  practical 
operation,  by  preserving  and  fostering  under  their  organic  law  an  institution 
as  dark  as  'Erebus  and  old  Night.'  .  .  .  There  was  one  capital  defect 
in  the  Federal  Constitution.  It  left  the  question  in  dispute  whether  the 
states  constituted  a  nation,  an  indissoluble  union  of  indestructible  states, 
or  a  mere  confederation  of  absolutely  independent  states,  which  had  re- 
served to  themselves  the  same  choice  and  power  to  withdraw  from  the 
Union,  when  in  their  judgment  they  saw  fit,  as  they  had  to  join  it  in  the 
beginning.  The  former  is  the  true  theory,  said  the  North ;  the  latter  is 
the  true  theory,  said  the  South.  Nor  was  the  South  alone  in  her  inter- 
pretation of  the  nature  of  Union.  It  prevailed  to  a  large  extent  in  the 
North  among  Democrats,  Whigs,  Republicans  and  Abolitionists.  It  was 
a  question  of  constitutional  law,  which  neither  Webster  nor  Calhoun 
could  decide,  but  so  long  as  an  honest  difference  of  opinion  was  possible, 
so  long  the  stability  of  the  government  and  the  permanence  of  the  Union 
were  imperiled.  .  .  .  Naturally  Mr.  Pierce's  point  of  view  in  re- 
gard to  these  great  questions  was  that  of  the  trained  constitutional  lawyer, 
who  believed  that  the  safety  and  perpetuity  of  the  Union  absolutely  de- 
pended upon  a  strict  adherence  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  the 
decisions  of  the  supreme  court  in  cases  where  those  laws  were  involved, 
and  that  if  the  restraints  of  the  Constitution  and  of  the  courts  upon  the 
powers  of  Congress  were  destroyed,  the  destruction  of  the  Union  would 
be  the  unescapable  consequence  and  result." 

Franklin  Pierce  never  defended  the  institution  of  slavery  for 
slavery's  sake.  He  was  confronted  by  slavery  firmly  intrenched 
in  half  the  states  of  the  Union,  protected  and  buttressed  by  the 
Federal  Constitution,  the  Federal  Statutes,  the  decisions  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  representing  millions  of  money  invested  in 
slaves,  and  threatened  secession  and  disruption  of  the  Union  if 
the  right  to  hold  slaves  was  assailed.  With*  him  the  Union,  its 
integrity,  its  perpetuity  was  first.  After  his  retirement  from 
official  public  life  on  his  resignation  from  the  Senate,  there  was 
nothing  equivocal  in  his  position  on  political  questions.  He 
advocated  the  annexation  of  Texas,  declaring  that  while  he  pre- 
ferred it  free  he  would  take  it  with  slavery  rather  than  not  have 
it  at  all.  When  John  P.  Hale  accepted  a  Democratic  nomination 
to  Congress  in  a  letter  denouncing  annexation,  Pierce  was  prime 
mover  in  calling  another  convention  which  repudiated  Hale  and 
nominated  another  candidate.  In  October,  1850,  after  the  enact- 


A    HISTORY  261 

ment  by  Congress  of  the  famous  Compromise  measures  of  that 
year,  the  Democratic  State  Convention  of  New  Hampshire  nom- 
inated for  governor  Rev.  John  Atwood  on  a  platform  fully  and 
unreservedly  endorsing  the  Compromise  measures.  Mr.  Atwood 
accepted  the  nomination,  but  it  was  subsequently  learned  that 
he  had  been  cajoled  into  writing  a  letter  in  which  he  denounced 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Act — one  of  the  Compromise  measures — as 
unjust,  oppressive  and  unconstitutional.  The  publication  of  this 
letter  was  being  held  back  by  the  opponents  of  the  Democratic 
party  till  the  eve  of  the  election.  This  letter  he  repudiated,  and 
then  repudiated  his  repudiation.  Gen.  Pierce,  the  acknowledged 
leader  of  his  party  in  his  state,  secured  the  call  of  another  con- 
vention and  at  the  risk  of  party  success,  the  repudiation  of  Mr. 
Atwood  and  the  nomination  of  another  candidate,  who  though 
failing  of  an  election  by  the  people  was  elected  by  the  legislature. 
Gen.  Pierce  championed  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850,  and 
zealously  defended  Webster  from  the  attacks  made  on  him  for 
his  famous  Seventh  of  March  speech.  By  degrees  the  excite- 
ment over  the  Compromise  measures  had  subsided  and  at  the 
beginning  of  1852  there  had  come  to  be  a  general  acquiescence 
in  them,  sullen  and  half  hearted  in  some  quarters — as  a  final  settle- 
ment of  the  slavery  question. 

The  platform  adopted  by  the  convention  was  made  up  of  the 
previous  platforms  of  the  party  with  some  additions.  The  first, 
second,  fourth,  fifth  and  seventh  planks  of  the  platform  of  1840 
covered  the  questions  of  internal  improvements,  tariff,  revenue 
and  slavery,  and  were  as  follows : 

"i.  Resolved,  that  the  federal  government  is  one  of  limited  powers 
derived  solely  from  the  Constitution,  and  the  grants  of  power  shown 
therein  ought  to  be  strictly  construed  by  all  the  departments  and  agents 
of  the  government,  and  that  it  is  inexpedient  and  dangerous  to  exercise 
doubtful  constitutional  powers. 

"2.  Resolved,  that  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  upon  the  general 
government  the  power  to  commence  or  carry  on  a  general  system  of  in- 
ternal improvement. 

"4.  Resolved,  that  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  federal  govern- 
ment to  foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  to 
cherish  the  interest  of  one  portion  to  the  injury  of  another  portion  of 
our  country ;  that  every  citizen  and  every  section  of  the  country  has  a 
right  to  demand  and  insist  upon  an  equality  of  rights  and  privileges,  and 
to  complete  an  ample  protection  of  person  and  property  from  domestic 
violence  or  foreign  aggression. 


262  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

"5.  Resolved,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  government 
to  enforce  and  practice  the  most  rigid  economy  in  conducting  our  public 
affairs,  and  that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised  than  is  required  to 
defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  government. 

"7.  Resolved,  that  Congress  has  no  power,  under  the  Constitution, 
to  interfere  with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  States, 
and  that  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything  per- 
taining to  their  own  affairs  not  prohibited  by  the  Constitution ;  that  all 
efforts  of  the  Abolitionists,  or  others,  made  to  induce  Congress  to  inter- 
fere with  questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto, 
are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dangerous  results,  and  that  all 
such  efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the 
people,  and  endanger  the  permanence  and  stability  of  the  Union,  and 
ought  not  to  be  countenanced  by  any  friend  to  our  political  institutions." 

The  Democratic  platform  of  1844  and  1848  contained  these 
same  planks  as  did  the  platform  of  1852  upon  which  Gen.  Pierce 
was  nominated,  but  the  seventh  resolution  of  1840  above  quoted 
was  in  1852  supplemented  by  two  others  on  the  same  subject,  viz. : 

"Resolved,  that  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  is  intended  to 
embrace,  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitated  in  Congress;  and  therefore 
the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  national  platform, 
will  abide  by,  and  adher.e  to,  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts  known  as 
the  'compromise'  measures  settled  by  the  last  Congress, — the  act  for  re- 
claiming 'fugitives  from  service  or  labor  included ;  which  act  being  designed 
to  carry  out  an  express  provision  of  the  Constitution,  cannot  with  fidelity 
thereto  be  repealed,  nor  so  changed  as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency. 

"Resolved,  that  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at  re- 
newing in  Congress,  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question, 
under  whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  be  made." 

All  this  was  certainly  explicit,  but  not  more  so  than  were 
the  resolutions  intended  to  state  the  attitude  of  the  party  on  the 
much  discussed  question  of  state  sovereignty  or  state  rights. 
These  were: 

"Resolved,  that  the  Democratic  party  will  faithfully  abide  by  and 
uphold  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions 
of  1792  and  1798,  and  in  the  report  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Virginia 
legislature  in  1799;  that  it  adopted  those  principles  as  constituting  one  of 
the  main  foundations  of  its  political  creed,  and  is  resolved  to  carry  them 
out  in  their  obvious  meaning  and  import. 

"Resolved,  that  in  view  of  the  condition  of  popular  institutions  in  the 
Old  World,  a  high  and  sacred  duty  is  devolved,  with  increased  responsi- 
bility upon  the  Democracy  of  this  Country,  as  the  party  of  the  people,  to 
uphold  and  maintain  the  rights  of  every  State,  and  thereby  the  union  of 


A    HISTORY  263 

States,  and  to  sustain  and  advance  among  them  constitutional  liberty,  by 
continuing  to  resist  all  monopolies  and  exclusive  legislation  for  the  benefit 
of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many,  and  by  a  vigilant  and  constant 
adherence  of  those  principles  and  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  which 
are  sacred  enough  and  strong  enough  to  embrace  and  uphold  the  Union 
as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it  should  be,  in  the  full  expansion  of  the  energies 
and  capacity  of  this  great  and  progressive  people." 

This  was  the  attitude  of  the  party  in  1852  toward  the  ques- 
tions of  vital  interest,  and  it  had  been  the  attitude  of  Franklin 
Pierce  for  years.  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  in  prominence 
before  the  country  because  of  length  or  amount  of  public  service 
he  did  not  rank  with  several  of  the  leading  candidates  for  the 
nomination,  but  in  the  letter  of  notification  of  his  nomination 
which  the  committee  appointed  by  the  convention  subsequently 
presented  him,  the  situation  was  frankly  stated : 

"You  come  before  the  people  without  the  impulse  of  personal  wishes, 
and  free  from  selfish  expectations.  You  are  identified  with  none  of  the 
distractions  which  have  recently  disturbed  our  country,  whilst  you  are 
known  to  be  faithful  to  the  Constitution — to  all  its  guarantees  and  com- 
promises. You  will  be  free  to  exercise  your  tried  abilities,  within  the 
path  of  duty  in  protecting  that  repose  we  happily  enjoy,  and  in  giving 
efficiency  and  control  to  those  cardinal  principles  that  have  already  illus- 
trated the  party  which  has  selected  you  as  its  leader — principles  that 
regard  the  security  and  prosperity  of  the  whole  country,  and  the  paramount 
power  of  its  laws,  as  indissolubly  associated  with  the  perpetuity  of  our 
civil  and  religious  liberties.  .  .  .  It  is  firmly  believed  that  to  your 
talents  and  patriotism  the  security  of  our  holy  Union,  with  its  expanded 
and  expanding  interests,  may  be  wisely  trusted,  and  that,  amid  all  the 
perils  which  may  assail  the  constitution,  you  will  have  the  heart  to  love, 
and  the  arm  to  defend  it." 

To  this  letter  Gen.  Pierce  made  the  following  reply,  a  reply 
that  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events  should  be  borne  in  mind 
in  passing  judgment  on  those  events: 

"I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  your  personal  kindness  in  presenting 
me,  this  day,  your  letter  officially  informing  me  of  my  nomination  by  the 
Democratic  National  Convention,  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  of  the 
United  States.  The  surprise  with  which  I  received  the  intelligence  of  my 
nomination  was  not  unmingled  with  painful  solicitude;  and  yet  it  is  proper 
for  me  to  say  that  the  manner  in  which  it  was  conferred  was  peculiarly 
gratifying. 

"The  delegation  from  New  Hampshire,  with  all  the  glow  of  state 
pride,  and  with  all  the  warmth  of  personal  regard,  would  not  have  sub- 


264  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

mitted  my  name  to  the  Convention,  nor  would  they  have  cast  a  vote  for 
me,  under  circumstances  other  than  those  which  occurred. 

"I  shall  always  cherish  with  pride  and  gratitude  the  recollection  of 
the  fact,  that  the  voice  which  first  pronounced,  and  pronounced  alone, 
came  from  the  Mother  of  States, — a  pride  and  gratitude  rising  above  any 
consequences  that  can  betide  me  personally.  May  I  not  regard  it  as  a 
fact  pointing  to  the  overthrow  of  sectional  jealousies,  and  looking  to  the 
permanent  life  and  vigor  of  the  Union,  cemented  by  the  blood  of  those 
who  have  passed  to  their  reward? — a  Union  wonderful  in  its  formation, 
boundless  in  its  hopes,  amazing  in  its  destiny. 

"I  accept  the  nomination,  relying  upon  an  abiding  devotion  to  the 
interests,  honor,  and  glory  of  the  whole  country,  but,  above  and  beyond 
all,  upon  a  Power  superior  to  all  human  might — a  Power,  which,  from 
the  first  gun  of  the  revolution,  in  every  crisis,  through  which  we  have 
passed,  in  every  hour  of  acknowledged  peril,  when  the  dark  clouds  had 
shut  down  over  us,  has  interposed  as  if  to  baffle  human  wisdom,  outmarch 
human  forecast,  and  bring  out  of  darkness  the  rainbow  of  promise;  weak 
myself,  faith  and  hope  repose  there  in  security. 

"I  accept  the  nomination  upon  the  platform  adopted  by  the  conven- 
tion, not  because  this  is  expected  of  me  as  a  candidate,  but  because  the 
principles  it  embraces  command  the  approbation  of  my  judgment;  and 
with  them,  I  believe  I  can  safely  say,  there  has  been  no  word  or  act  of 
my  life  in  conflict." 

This  letter  of  acceptance  was  recognized  at  once  as  frank, 
sincere  and  free  from  evasions  and  reservations,  and  it  inspired 
the  enthusiasm  of  a  united  party. 

The  Whigs  as  a  party  were  embarrassed  at  the  outset.  The 
nomination  of  Daniel  Webster,  admittedly  their  greatest  states- 
men, was  out  of  the  question.  His  speech  in  the  Senate  on  the 
7th  of  March  in  1850  in  favor  of  the  Compromise  measures,  in- 
cluding the  Fugitive  Slave  Act,  had  made  him  impossible  to  that 
wing  of  the  party  which  regarded  that  act  with  abhorrence.  On 
the  other  hand  Southern  Whigs  would  accept  no  candidate  who 
was  not  in  favor  of  these  measures  as  a  whole.  Mr.  Fillmore  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  presidency  on  the  death  of  Gen.  Taylor  had 
approved  them  and  he  had  the  Southern  support.  The  North, 
however,  looked  at  him  askance  on  this  very  account.  In  1848 
Gen.  Taylor  as  a  colorless  and  non-committal  candidate  had 
carried  off  both  nomination  and  election,  and  there  was  a  strong 
movement  in  favor  of  Gen.  Winfield  Scott  as  another  such  can- 
didate. No  one  knew  what  was  his  position  on  the  subject  of 
the  compromises,  and  the  advocates  of  his  nomination  were  suc- 
cessful in  their  efforts  to  keep  the  Whig  public  in  this  state  of 


A    HISTORY  265 

ignorance.  The  most  strenuous  efforts  in  his  favor  were  from 
states  where  he  could  not  well  expect  a  single  electoral  vote,  but 
these  states  had  the  delegates  and  he  was  finally  on  the  53d  ballot 
nominated.  Although  his  nomination  met  with  a  chilly  reception 
in  many  parts  of  the  North,  and  roused  no  enthusiasm  anywhere, 
it  was,  perhaps,  as  strong  as  any  which  could  have  been  made. 
Had  a  candidate  been  named  who  was  identified  with  the  Com- 
promise measures,  as  were  Mr.  Webster  and  Mr.  Fillmore  he 
would  have  been  slaughtered  remorselessly  by  the  "Conscience 
Whigs"  of  the  North,  and  had  an  opponent  of  these  measures 
been  selected,  he  would  have  failed  to  secure  an  electoral  vote 
in  the  South.  Gen.  Scott  was  esteemed  as  a  gallant  soldier,  but 
he  was  not  recognized  as  a  statesman  and  his  views  were  too  little 
known  to  inspire  any  section  of  the  country  with  confidence.  On 
the  other  hand,  though  Gen.  Pierce  had  been  for  several  years  in 
voluntary  and  self-chosen  political  retirement  his  views  were 
known  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  Democratic  platform,  a  plat- 
form on  which  the  party  was  substantially  united.  The  Whig 
platform,  however,  was  anything  but  non-committal  on  the  chief 
issues  of  the  day,  states  rights  and  the  slavery  question,  though 
it  maintained  the  traditional  Whig  attitude  in  favor  of  internal 
improvements.  Three  of  the  declaration  of  principles  may  be 
quoted : 

"First,  the  government  of  the  United  States  is  of  a  limited  character, 
and  it  is  confined  to  the  exercise  of  powers  expressly  granted  by  the 
Constitution,  and  such  as  may  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  the 
granted  powers  into  full  execution,  and  that  powers  not  granted  or  neces- 
sarily implied  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively  and  to  the  people. 

"Second,  the  state  governments  should  be  held  secure  to  their  reserved 
rights  and  the  general  government  sustained  in  its  constitutional  powers, 
and  that  the  Union  should  be  revered  and  watched  over  as  the  palladium 
of  our  liberties. 

"Eighth,  that  the  series  of  acts  of  the  Thirty-second  Congress,  the 
act  known  as  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  included,  are  received  and  acquiesced 
in  by  the  Whig  party  of  the  United  States  as  a  settlement  in  principle 
and  substance  of  the  dangerous  and  exciting  questions  which  they  embrace; 
and,  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  we  will  maintain  them,  and  insist  upon 
their  strict  enforcement,  until  time  and  experience  shall  demonstrate  the 
necessity  of  further  legislation  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of  laws  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  abuse  of  their  powers  on  the  other,  not  impairing 
their  present  efficiency;  and  we  deprecate  all  further  agitation  of  the 
question  thus  settled,  as  dangerous  to  our  peace,  and  will  discountenance 


266  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

all  efforts  to  continue  or  renew  such  agitation,  whenever,  wherever,  or 
however  the  attempt  may  be  made ;  and  we  will  maintain  this  system  as 
essential  to  the  nationality  of  the  Whig  party  and  the  integrity  of  the 
Union." 

Their  last  declaration  was  vigorously  opposed  in  the  conven- 
tion, but  was  finally  adopted.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  plat- 
form was  distasteful  to  a  large  section  of  the  party.  On  vital 
issues  there  was  but  little  to  chose  between  platforms.  The 
measures  advocated  by  one  party  and  resisted  by  the  other 
through  a  long  series  of  years  had  ceased  to  become  the  pivots 
on  which  the  election  would  turn.  The  question  became  largely 
one  of  the  personality  of  candidates.  The  issue  was  tersely 
stated  by  Hawthorne  in  the  closing  paragraph  of  his  campaign 
life  of  his  college  friend  and  classmate,  Franklin  Pierce : 

"It  remains  for  the  citizens  of  this  great  country  to  decide,  within 
the  next  few  weeks,  whether  they  will  retravel  the  steps  of  human  progress 
by  placing  at  its  head  an  illustrious  soldier,  indeed,  a  patriot,  and  one 
indelibly  stamped  into  the  history  of  the  past,  but  one  who  has  already 
done  his  work,  and  has  not  in  him  the  spirit  of  the  present  or  of  the 
coming  time, — or  whether  they  will  put  their  trust  in  a  new  man,  whom 
a  life  of  energy  and  various  activity  has  listed,  but  not  worn  out,  and 
advance  with  him  into  the  auspicious  epoch  upon  which  we  are  about 
to  enter." 

The  result  was  evident  from  the  beginning  of  the  cam- 
paign. A  few  Whigs  hoped,  but  it  was  hoping  against  hope. 
Thirty-one  states  participated  in  the  election.  The  popular  vote 
in  thirty  states — South  Carolina  choosing  her  electors  by  her 
legislature — was:  Pierce,  1,601,274;  Scott,  1,386,580;  John  P. 
Hale  of  New  Hampshire,  Free  Soil,  155,825.  Gen.  Pierce  re- 
ceived the  electoral  vote  of  27  states,  254,  and  Gen.  Scott  42  from 
the  four  states  of  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee.  On  the  score  of  electoral  unanimity  there  had  been 
nothing  like  it  since  the  almost  unanimous  vote  by  which  James 
Monroe  was  re-elected  in  1820,  a  unanimity  broken  only  by  the 
vote  of  a  single  New  Hampshire  elector,  William  Plumer. 

The  election  over,  the  question  of  cabinet  selections  came 
immediately  to  the  front,  and  this  question  was  an  all  important 
one.  Gen.  Pierce  was  the  youngest  man  ever  elected  to  the 
presidency  up  to  that  time.  Buchanan,  Marcy,  Cass  and  the 
veterans  of  the  party  had  been  passed  by,  but  they  gave  the 


A    HISTORY  267 

successful  candidate  cordial  and  hearty  support.  He  was  sup- 
posed to  have  come  to  his  high  office  without  trammels  or 
pledges,  and  he  doubtless  believed  this  to  be  the  case.  He  cer- 
tainly had  theories  of  his  own  in  the  matter  of  selecting  his 
immediate  official  family,  as  is  evident  from  a  letter  he  addressed 
to  James  Buchanan,  asking  the  advice  of  the  latter,  under  date 
of  December  7,  1852.  He  wrote : 

"My  thoughts  for  the  last  four  weeks  have  been  earnestly  turned  to 
the  formation  of  a  cabinet.  And  although  I  must  in  the  end  be  responsible 
for  the  appointments,  and  consequently  should  follow  my  own  well  considered 
convictions,  I  cannot  help  saying  often  to  myself  how  agreeable  it  would 
be  to  compare  conclusions  upon  this  or  that  point  with  Mr.  Buchanan.  I 
do  not  mean  to  trouble  you  with  the  many  matters  of  difficulty  that  evi- 
dently lie  in  my  path.  So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  form  an  opinion 
as  to  public  sentiment  and  reasonable  public  expectation,  I  think  I  am 
expected  to  call  around  me  gentlemen  who  have  not  hitherto  occupied 
cabinet  position,  and  in  view  of  the  jealousies  and  the  embarrassments 
which  environ  any  other  course,  this  expectation  is  in  accordance  with 
my  own  judgment,  a  judgment  strengthened  by  the  impression  that  it 
is  sanctioned  by  the  views  expressed  by  you.  .  .  .  You  will  confer 
a  great  favor  by  writing  me  as  fully  as  you  may  deem  proper  as  to  the 
launching  (if  I  may  so  express  myself)  of  the  incoming  administration, 
and  more  especially  in  regard  to  men  and  things  in  Pennsylvania.  In 
relation  to  appointments  requiring  prompt  action  after  the  inauguration, 
I  shall  as  far  as  practicable  leave  Concord  with  purposes  definitely  formed, 
and  not  likely  to  be  changed.' 

In  his  reply  Mr.  Buchanan  expressed  his  gratification  and 
belief  that  he  had  not  been  asked  to  accept  a  portfolio,  and  then 
proceeded  to  give  the  advice  asked  for  freely  and  frankly.  He 
wrote : 

"I  cannot  assent  to  the  correctness  of  the  general  principle  you  have 
adopted  to  proscribe  in  advance  the  members  of  former  cabinets ;  nor  do 
I  concur  with  you  in  opinion  that  either  public  sentiment  or  public  expecta- 
tion requires  such  a  sweeping  ostracism.  I  need  scarcely,  therefore,  say 
that  the  impression  which  you  have  derived  of  my  opinion  in  favor  of 
the  measure  from  I  know  not  whom,  is  without  foundation.  I  should 
be  most  unjust  towards  my  able,  enlightened  and  patriotic  associates  in 
the  cabinet  of  Mr.  Polk,  could  I  have  entertained  such  an  idea.  So 
far  from  it  that,  were  I  the  president-elect,  I  should  deem  it  almost  in- 
dispensable to  avail  myself  of  the  sound  wisdom  and  the  experienced 
judgment  of  one  or  more  members  of  that  cabinet  to  assist  me  in  conducting 
the  vast  and  complicated  machinery  of  the  federal  government.  Neither 
should  I  be  diverted  from  this  purpose  by  the  senseless  cry  of  'Old  Fogyism' 
raised  by  Young  America. 


268  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

"I  think  the  members  of  Mr.  Folk's  cabinet  should  be  placed  upon 
the  same  level  with  the  mass  of  their  fellow  citizens,  and  neither  in  a 
better  nor  a  worse  condition.  I  am  not  aware  that  any  of  them,  unless 
it  may  be  Governor  Morey  either  expects  or  desires  a  cabinet  appointment; 
and  certainly  all  of  them  will  most  cheerfully  accord  to  you  the  perfect 
right  of  selecting  the  members  of  your  own  cabinet.  Still  to  be  excluded 
from  your  consideration,  merely  because  they  had  happened  to  belong  to 
Mr.  Folk's  cabinet  could  not  be  very  gratifying  to  any  of  them. 

"To  apply  your  own  metaphor,  'the  launching  of  the  incoming  ad- 
ministration,' will,  perhaps  be  a  more  important  and  responsible  duty  than 
has  ever  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  of  your  predecessors.  On  the  selection 
of  the  navigators  to  assist  you  in  conducting  the  vessel  of  state  will  mainly 
depend  the  success  of  the  voyage.  No  matter  how  able  and  skillful  the 
commander  may  be,  and,  without  flattery,  I  cheerfully  accord  to  you  both 
ability  and  skill,  he  can  do  but  little  without  the  aid  of  able  and  skillful 
subordinates.  So  firmly  am  I  convinced  of  this  truth,  that  I  should  not 
fear  to  predict  the  result  of  your  administration  as  soon  as  I  shall  learn 
who  are  the  members  of  your  cabinet.  .  .  .  You  occupy  a  proud  and 
independent  position  and  enjoy  a  popularity  which  will  render  any  able 
and  honest  Democrat  popular  who  may  be  honored  by  your  choice  for 
a  cabinet  position,  provided  they  are  properly  distributed  over  the  Union. 
In  this  respect  you  are  placed  in  a  more  enviable  position  than  almost 
any  of  your  predecessors.  It  was  a  maxim  of  old  Simon  Snyder,  the 
shrewd  and  popular  governor  of  our  state,  that  the  very  best  man  ought 
to  be  selected  for  the  office,  and  if  not  popular  at  the  moment,  he  would 
soon  render  himself  so.  In  view  of  these  important  considerations,  I 
would  earnestly  recommend  to  you  the  practice  of  General  Washington, 
never  finally  to  decide  an  important  question,  until  the  moment  which 
required  its  decision  had  nearly  approached.  I  know  that  a  state  of  sus- 
pense is  annoying  to  the  human  mind,  but  it  is  better  to  submit  to  this 
annoyance  for  a  season  than  to  incur  the  risk  of  a  more  permanent  and 
greater  evil.  You  say  you  will  leave  Concord  'with  purposes  definitely 
formed  and  not  likely  to  be  changed.'  But  is  Concord  the  best  locality 
in  the  world  for  acquiring  reliable  information  and  taking  extended  views 
of  our  whole  great  country?  To  Boston,  I  should  never  resort  for  this 
purpose." 

This  advice  of  Mr.  Buchanan  was  for  the  most  part  wise, 
and  there  was  evidently  need  of  caution  against  over  precipitancy 
on  the  part  of  the  president-elect  in  the  choice  of  cabinet  officers. 
At  the  very  time  he  wrote  Buchanan  asking  his  advice  he  had 
already  taken  what  he  himself  supposed  to  be  decisive  action 
relative  to  at  least  one  member  of  his  cabinet.  Almost  imme- 
diately after  the  result  of  the  election  was  known  he  had  invited 
Gen.  John  A.  Dix  of  New  York  to  visit  him  at  Concord.  Gen. 
Dix  had  been  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Free  Soil  Democracy  of 


A    HISTORY  269 

New  York,  a  supporter  of  Van  Buren  in  1848,  and  had  been 
foremost  in  promoting  a  union  of  the  rival  factions  of  "Hards" 
and  "Softs,"  "Hunkers"  and  "Barnburners"  in  support  of  the 
successful  ticket  of  1852.  Visiting  Concord,  he  was  informed  by 
the  president  that  he  had  been  selected  for  the  position  of  secre- 
tary of  state,  and  this  information  was  coupled  with  the  further 
statement  that  of  all  the  men  in  the  country  there  was  none 
whom  he  more  earnestly  desired  to  have  connected  with  his 
administration.  When  Gen.  Dix  left  Concord  for  home  it  was 
with  the  clear  and  definite  understanding  that  he  was  to  be  the 
premier  of  the  new  cabinet. 

No  sooner  was  this  purpose  relative  to  the  appointment  of 
Gen.  Dix  known,  than  there  was  developed  the  strongest  and 
most  bitter  opposition.  This  opposition  naturally  came  from 
the  South  and  from  the  wing  of  the  Northern  Democracy  with 
which  Gen.  Pierce  had  been  identified.  He  was  told  that  the 
appointment  of  Dix  would  handicap  his  administration  from  the 
very  outset;  that  on  the  questions  of  the  day,  especially  where 
the  question  of  slavery  was  involved,  the  cabinet  should  be  a 
unit;  that  the  hearty  support  of  administration  measures  by 
Southern  Senators  and  Congressmen  could  not  be  expected  if  a 
prominent  Free  Soiler  was  to  be  at  the  presidents  right  hand. 
The  result  was  that  the  purpose  of  appointing  Gen.  Dix  was 
abandoned,  the  latter  relieving  the  president-elect  as  much  as 
possible  from  his  embarrassment.  The  affair  was  unfortunate. 
Matters  were  not  helped.  The  factional  contest  in  New  York 
was  only  made  more  bitter  than  ever,  and  pressure  brought  to 
bear  on  the  president-elect  by  extremists  both  North  and  South 
was  redoubled,  when  once  the  impression  gained  ground  that 
pressure  could  be  made  effective.  He  was  thenceforth  given 
neither  peace  nor  rest.  When  he  went  to  Washington  in  Feb- 
ruary, so  almost  unendurable  had  become  the  attentions  and 
importunities  of  the  office-seekers,  that,  to  escape  them,  he  rode 
from  Baltimore  to  Washington  in  a  baggage  car,  half  disguised, 
thus  escaping  the  notice  of  the  crowd  and  the  recognition  of 
even  his  personal  friends  when  he  arrived  in  Washington.  On  a 
plea  of  indisposition  he  saw  only  such  of  the  party  leaders  as 
he  summoned  to  meet  him  in  the  privacy  of  his  hotel.  It  is  true 
that  the  newspapers  published  a  cabinet  list  a  week  before  the 
inauguration,  which  subsequently  proved  to  be  the  correct  one, 


270  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

but  it  is  also  true  that  the  day  after  the  inauguration  it  had  not 
been  definitely  determined  who  should  be  secretary  of  state, 
and  the  portfolio  had  not  then  been  tendered  to  Gov.  Marcy.  In 
fact,  it  was  not  till  March  7,  that  the  cabinet  list  was  sent  to  the 
Senate. 

The  list  showed  that  all  attempts  to  secure  recognition  for 
the  Free  Soil  element  of  the  party  had  been  abandoned,  and 
that  the  cabinet  had  been  selected  to  harmonize  with  the  utter- 
ances of  the  inaugural  address  of  three  days  before. 

The  tone  of  the  inaugural  was  clear  and  unmistakable  on 
such  questions  as  might  be  regarded  at  issue.  There  was  a  brief 
reference  in  the  opening  sentences  of  the  president's  address  to 
the  deep  personal  sorrow  which  pressed  heavily  upon  him 
caused  by  the  tragic  death  of  his  only  son,  a  few  weeks  before 
in  a  railroad  accident,  and  then  a  declaration  of  the  principles 
which  would  govern  his  administration.  Regarding  the  civil 
service  he  said :  "Good  citizens  may  well  claim  the  protection 
of  good  laws  and  the  benign  influence  of  good  government,  but 
a  claim  for  office  is  what  the  people  of  a  republic  should  never 
recognize.  No  reasonable  man  of  any  party  will  expect  the 
Administration  to  be  so  regardless  of  its  responsibility  and  of 
the  obvious  elements  of  success  as  to  retain  persons  known  to 
be  under  the  influence  of  political  hostility  and  partisan  preju- 
dice which  will  require  not  only  some  labor,  but  cordial  co- 
operation. Having  no  implied  engagements  to  ratify,  no  rewards 
to  bestow,  no  resentments  to  remember,  and  no  personal  wishes 
to  consult  in  selections  for  official  station,  I  shall  fulfill  this  diffi- 
cult and  delicate  trust,  admitting  no  motive  as  worthy  either  of 
my  character  or  position,  which  does  not  contemplate  an  efficient 
discharge  of  duty  and  the  best  interests  of  my  country.  I 
acknowledge  my  obligations  to  the  masses  of  my  countrymen  and 
to  them  alone."  This  was  no  reiteration  of  the  dictum  an- 
nounced some  years  before  by  the  man  who  was  to  become 
premier  of  the  new  administration,  "to  the  victors  belong  the 
spoils  of  the  enemy,"  but  if  any  Whig  official  counted  on  the 
utterance  as  guaranteeing  his  continuance  in  office,  he  was 
doomed  to  disappointment. 

On  the  question  of  state  rights,  the  inaugural  was  in  har- 
mony with  the  views  which  Gen.  Pierce  had  been  known  to 
hold  for  years,  and  to  which  he  had  given  utterance  in  his  letter 


A   HISTORY  271 

of  acceptance.  He  said :  "The  great  scheme  of  our  constitutional 
liberty  rests  upon  a  proper  distribution  of  power  between  the 
state  and  federal  authorities,  and  experience  has  shown  that 
the  harmony  and  happiness  of  our  people  must  depend  upon  a 
just  discrimination  between  the  separate  rights  and  responsi- 
bilities of  the  states  and  of  our  common  rights  and  obligations 
under  the  General  Government ;  and  here,  in  my  opinion,  are 
the  considerations  which  should  form  the  true  basis  of  future 
concord  in  regard  to  questions  which  have  most  seriously  dis- 
turbed public  tranquility.  If  the  Federal  Government  will  con- 
fine itself  to  the  exercise  of  powers  clearly  granted  by  the  Con- 
stitution, it  can  hardly  happen  that  its  action  upon  any  question 
should  endanger  the  institutions  of  the  states  or  interfere  with 
their  right  to  manage  matters  strictly  domestic  according  to  the 
will  of  their  own  people." 

On  the  question  of  slavery  he  called  attention  to  the  fact 
that  his  sentiments  were  well  known  before  his  nomination  and 
election : 

"My  own  position  upon  this  subject  was  clear  and  unequivocal,  upon 
the  record  of  my  words  and  my  acts,  and  it  is  only  recurred  to  at  this 
time  because  silence  might  perhaps  be  misconstrued.  *  *  *  The  field 
of  calm  and  free  discussion  in  our  country  is  open,  and  will  always  be  so, 
but  never  has  been  and  never  can  be  traversed  for  good  in  a  spirit  of 
sectionalism  and  uncharitableness.  The,  founders  of  the  Republic  dealt  with 
things  as  they  were  presented  to  them,  in  a  spirit  of  self-sacrificing  patriot- 
ism, and  as  time  has  proved,  with  a  comprehensive  wisdom  which  it  will 
always  be  safe  for  us  to  consult.  Every  measure  tending  to  strengthen  the 
fraternal  feeling  of  all  the  members  of  our  Union  has  had  my  heartfelt 
approbation.  To  every  theory  of  society  or  government,  whether  the  off- 
spring of  feverish  ambition  or  of  morbid  enthusiasm,  calculated  to  dissolve 
the  bonds  of  law  and  affection  which  unite  us,  I  shall  interpose  a  steady 
and  stern  resistance.  I  believe  that  involuntary  servitude,  as  it  exists  in 
different  states  of  this  Confederacy  is  recognized  by  the  Constitution.  I 
believe  that  it  stands  like  any  other  admitted  right,  and  that  the  states 
where  it  exists  are  entitled  to  efficient  remedies  to  enforce  the  constitutional 
provisions.  I  hold  that  the  laws  of  1850,  commonly  called  the  compromise 
measures  are  strictly  constitutional  and  to  be  unhesitatingly  carried  into 
effect.  I  believe  that  the  constituted  authorities  of  this  Republic  are  bound 
to  regard  the  rights  of  the  South  in  this  respect  as  they  would  view  any 
other  legal  and  constitutional  right,  and  that  the  laws  to  enforce  them 
should  be  respected  and  obeyed,  not  with  a  reluctance  encouraged  by  ab- 
stract opinions  as  to  their  propriety  in  a  different  state  of  society,  but  cheer- 
fully and  according  to  the  decisions  of  the  tribunal  to  which  their  exposition 


272  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

belongs.  Such  have  been,  and  are,  my  convictions,  and  on  them  I  shall 
act.  I  fervently  hope  that  the  question  is  at  rest,  and  that  no  sectional 
or  ambitious  or  fanatical  excitement  may  again  threaten  the  durability  of 
our  institutions,  or  obscure  the  light  of  our  prosperity.  *  *  *  We  have 
been  carried  in  safety  through  a  perilous  crisis.  Wise  counsels  like  those 
which  gave  us  the  Constitution,  prevailed  to  uphold  it.  Let  the  period  be 
remembered  as  an  admonition,  and  not  as  an  encouragement,  in  any  section 
of  the  Union,  to  make  experiments  where  experiments  are  fraught  with 
such  fearful  hazard.  Let  it  be  impressed  upon  all  hearts  that,  beautiful 
as  our  fabric  is,  no  earthly  power  or  wisdom  could  ever  reunite  its  broken 
fragments.  Standing,  as  I  do,  almost  within  view  of  the  green  slopes  of 
Monticello,  and,  as  it  were  within  reach  of  the  tomb  of  Washington,  with 
all  the  cherished  memories  of  the  past  gathering  around  me  like  so  many 
eloquent  voices  of  exhortation  from  heaven,  I  can  express  no  better  hope 
for  my  country  than  that  the  kind  Providence  which  smiled  upon  our 
fathers  may  enable  their  children  to  preserve  the  blessings  they  have 
inherited." 

The  cabinet  list  sent  to  the  Senate  three  days  after  the 
inaugural  was  a  notable  one,  and  was  in  harmony  with  the  spirit 
of  that  address,  showing  clearly  and  unmistakably  the  bias  of 
the  new  administration  for  the  South  and  its  peculiar  institution, 
which  in  spite  of  compromises  had  by  no  means  ceased  to  be 
threatened.  The  list  was :  Secretary  of  State,  William  L.  Marcy, 
of  New  York ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  James  Guthrie,  of  Ken- 
tucky ;  Secretary  of  War,  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi ;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  James  C.  Dobbin,  of  North  Carolina ;  Secretary 
of  the  Interior,  Robert  McClelland,  of  Michigan;  Postmaster- 
General,  James  Campbell,  of  Pennsylvania;  Attorney-General, 
Caleb  Cushing,  of  Massachusetts.  This  cabinet  was  one  which 
at  first  sight  would  seem  to  be  satisfactory  to  the  free  state 
section  of  the  country.  Four  members,  Marcy,  Campbell,  Mc- 
Clelland and  Cushing,  were  Northern  men,  while  the  Slave  States 
had  but  three  representatives.  The  war,  navy  and  treasury 
portfolios,  however,  were  in  the  hands  of  Southern  men.  McClel- 
land and  Campbell  were  inoffensive  men  in  inoffensive  positions. 

Robert  McClelland,  who  had  been  elected  governor  of  Michi- 
gan in  1852  for  a  term  of  four  years,  and  who  resigned  the  office 
to  accept  the  Interior  portfolio,  was  regarded  as  the  representa- 
tive of  Lewis  Cass,  at  whose  request  he  was  appointed.  He  was 
a  strong  Cass  partisan  and  had  championed  his  cause  in  the 
National  Conventions  of  1848  and  1852.  What  his  political 
future  might  have  been  had  he  remained  true  to  the  convictions 


A    HISTORY  273 

which  made  him  one  of  the  eighteen  Democratic  members  of 
the  National  House,  who  joined  with  David  Wilmot  of  Penn- 
sylvania in  passing  the  'historic  Wilmot  Proviso,  may  only  be 
conjectured,  but  all  his  Free  Soil  tendencies  and  inclinations  had 
disappeared  before  he  entered  the  cabinet  of  Pierce,  and  at  the 
close  of  the  administration  he  retired  to  private  life,  and  there- 
after dropped  out  of  the  public  mind. 

The  appointment  of  James  Campbell  of  Pennsylvania  to  the 
Post  Office  Department  was  strongly  urged  upon  the  president- 
elect by  the  Buchanan  element  of  the  party  and  as  strongly 
opposed  by  prominent  Pennsylvania  Democrats.  Campbell, 
though  only  forty  years  of  age,  had  been  on  the  bench  for  eight 
years,  and  at  the  time  of  his  appointment  was  attorney-general 
of  his  state.  Col.  John  W.  Forney  was  sent  to  Concord  to  protest 
against  Campbell's  appointment.  "When  we  got  to  Boston," 
writes  Col.  Forney,  "I  had  a  dispatch  from  the  president-elect, 
telling  me  he  would  meet  me  in  the  railroad  station  in  Concord ; 
and  at  the  station  we  found  him  on  our  arrival,  handsome,  bright, 
cordial  and  most  receptive.  His  first  greeting  was:  'Well,  I 
have  appointed  James  Campbell,  of  Pennsylvania,  Postmaster- 
General  of  the  United  States,  so  that  part  of  your  mission  is 
disposed  of.  But  in  the  next  place  you  are  to  be  retained  as  one 
of  the  editors  of  the  Washington  Union,  which  with  your  salary 
as  Clerk  of  the  House  ought  to  be  sufficient.'  And  that  was  all. 
Nothing  was  said  afterwards,  and  when  General  Pierce's  Admin- 
istration was  organized,  I  had  no  sincerer  or  more  unselfish 
friend  during  his  career  of  four  years  in  the  postal  department 
than  James  Campbell  of  Pennsylvania."  Twenty-one  years  later, 
Forney,  then  a  thorough-going  Republican,  wrote  of  Campbell 
who  had  dropped  entirely  out  of  public  life,  as  in  appearance 
"cool  and  quiet  as  when  everybody  honored  him  for  his  honest 
administration  of  a  difficult  office." 

The  two  leading  Northern  men  in  the  Cabinet  were,  of 
course,  Marcy  and  Gushing.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
Caleb  Gushing  was  vastly  more  satisfactory  to  the  South  than 
to  the  North,  especially  to  his  own  section  of  New  England; 
and  Marcy  was  likewise  acceptable  to  the  Southern  leaders  who 
had  at  least  prevented  the  choice  of  General  Dix.  Alone,  of 
the  seven  men  selected,  William  L.  Marcy,  had  previous  cabinet 
service.  He  had  not  held  public  office  during  the  four  years 


274  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

subsequent  to  his  retirement  from  the  Cabinet  of  Polk,  but  had 
stood  among  the  foremost  of  the  leaders  of  his  party.  When  he 
accepted  the  state  portfolio  at  the  hands  of  Pierce  he  was  in  his 
sixty-seventh  year.  At  the  National  Convention  of  1852,  he  had 
been  a  candidate  for  the  presidential  nomination,  and  on  the 
forty-eighth  ballot  as  well  as  on  the  three  preceding  ones,  the 
leading  candidate,  the  vote  standing,  Marcy  90,  Cass  73,  Pierce 
55,  Douglas  33,  Buchanan  28.  Marcy  was  strongly  urged  for 
the  Cabinet  by  the  element  which  had  been  successful  in  eliminat- 
ing Dix,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  state  portfolio 
was  tendered  him  only  as  a  result  of  pressure.  The  president 
had  reasons  for  not  wishing  Marcy  in  his  cabinet.  He  knew 
his  ability  and  his  national  reputation,  and  no  man  likes  to  be 
overshadowed  by  his  official  subordinates.  In  his  letter  of 
acceptance,  Gen.  Pierce  had  made  no  professions  of  belief  in  the 
desirability  of  a  single  term,  and  there  were  doubtless  already 
visions  of  a  renomination  and  re-election.  Marcy  had  also  presi- 
dential aspirations.  His  vote  in  the  Convention  of  1852  had 
placed  him  on  a  level  with  Buchanan  and  Douglas  as  an  aspirant. 
Douglas  could  afford  to  wait,  but  with  Buchanan  and  himself,  it 
was  1856  or  never.  Cass,  by  reason  of  his  age,  was  already  out 
of  the  question.  It  must  have  occurred  to  Pierce  and  his  friends 
that  Marcy  might  make  the  state  department  a  stepping  stone 
to  the  White  House,  and  the  same  thought  must  have  been  enter- 
tained by  Marcy  and  his  friends.  The  appointment  was  a 
political  mistake.  His  appointment  as  Secretary  of  War  under 
Polk  had  much  to  do  with  the  loss  of  New  York  to  his  party  in 
1846  and  1848,  and  his  appointment  by  Pierce  opened  up  the 
old  breach  between  the  party  factions  in  New  York,  and  was  not 
the  least  of  the  factors  which  threw  New  York  out  of  the  Demo- 
cratic column  of  states  before  the  close  of  the  Pierce  Admin- 
istration. If  Marcy  hoped  to  promote  the  realization  of  his  presi- 
dential aspirations  by  the  acceptance  of  the  state  portfolio  he 
met  with  disappointment.  It  was  made  evident  at  the  very  start 
that  the  administration  was  to  be  conducted  in  the  interest  of  a 
second  term  for  Pierce.  Marcy  had  been  urged  upon  the  presi- 
dent by  the  Southern  leaders,  but  he  was  hardly  satisfactory  to 
them.  A  man  of  iron  will,  of  incorruptible  integrity,  of  plain 
unceremonial  manners,  yet  who  in  his  person  bore  the  unmistake- 
able  stamp  of  great  intellectual  force,  he  was  the  one  restraining 


A    HISTORY  275 

influence  in  an  administration  which,  from  a  purely  political 
standpoint,  went  wrong  almost  from  the  very  outset.  He  found 
the  affairs  of  his  department  in  a  most  confused  condition.  Mr. 
Webster  had  been  grossly  careless,  and  Mr.  Everett  had  not  time 
to  bring  order  out  of  chaos.  The  new  Secretary  had  no  ex- 
perience whatever  in  foreign  affairs,  but  he  soon  mastered  the 
routine  of  foreign  relations,  and  his  state  papers  entitle  him  to  a 
high  and  honorable  rank  among  American  Secretaries  of  State. 
What  is  known  as  the  Koszter  case  was  one  of  the  creditable 
features  of  the  Pierce  Administration,  and  credit  in  this  case 
largely  belongs  to  Marcy.  One  Martin  Koszter,  an  escaped 
Hungarian,  who  had  taken  part  in  the  unsuccessful  revolution 
of  1848,  had  come  to  the  United  States,  and  taken  the  first 
steps  towards  naturalization  by  declaring  his  intention  to  become 
a  citizen.  Two  years  later  he  went  to  Smyrna  on  business  and 
was  arrested  and  confined  in  an  Austrian  brig  of  war  to  be  carried 
away,  when  his  release  was  demanded  by  the  United  States 
Consul,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  taken  the  preliminary  steps 
to  become  an  American  citizen.  This  demand  was  enforced  by 
Capt.  Ingraham  of  the  American  sloop  of  war  St.  Louis,  who 
brought  his  guns  to  bear  upon  the  Austrian  brig.  It  was  finally 
arranged  that  Koszter  should  be  placed  in  charge  of  the  French 
Consul  until  the  claim  of  American  protection  be  settled.  The 
Austrian  government  addressed  to  the  various  European  courts 
a  note  of  protest  against  the  action  of  Captain  Ingraham,  and 
called  upon  the  United  States  to  interpose  no  obstacle  to  the 
extradition  of  Koszter  to  Austria,  "to  disavow  the  conduct  of 
its  agents,"  and  "to  call  them  to  a  severe  account  and  to  tender 
to  Austria  a  satisfaction  proportionate  to  the  magnitude  of  the 
outrage."  This  was  Secretary  Marcy 's  opportunity  and  he  so 
used  it  that  during  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1853,  there  is  little 
doubt  he  was  the  most  popular  man  in  the  United  States. 

Marcy  took  the  broad  ground  that  Koszter,  by  establishing 
his  domicile  in  the  United  States,  became  clothed  with  the  na- 
tional character,  a  character  he  retained  when  he  was  seized  at 
Smyrna,  thus  giving  him  the  right  to  claim  protection  from  the 
United  States,  and  making  it  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to 
grant  him  such  protection.  The  satisfaction  asked  for  by  Austria 
was  denied.  "Whenever,"  wrote  Marcy,  "by  the  operation  of 
the  law  of  nations,  an  individual  becomes  clothed  with  our 


276  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

national  character,  be  he  a  native  born  or  anturalized  citizen,  an 
exile  driven  from  his  early  home  by  political  oppression,  or  an 
emigrant  enticed  from  it  by  the  hopes  of  a  better  fortune  for 
himself  and  his  posterity,  he  can  claim  the  protection  of  this 
government,  and  it  may  respond  to  that  claim  without  being 
obliged  to  explain  its  conduct  to  any  foreign  power,  for  it  is  its 
duty  to  make  its  nationality  respected  by  other  nations,  and 
respectable  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe."  This  utterance  nat- 
urally thrilled  every  American  heart,  but  it  was  something  more 
than  appeal  to  passion.  The  point  made  was  one  which  has  since 
been  sustained  by  the  most  eminent  authorities  on  international 
law,  and  the  principle  he  laid  down  has  been  followed  by  his 
successors  in  the  state  department.  Koszter  was  allowed  to 
return  to  the  United  States. 

At  this  time  the  opposition  press  and  leaders  were  not  slow 
to  charge  that  the  Administration,  through  its  Secretary,  would 
hardly  have  ventured  to  assume  so  peremptory  an  attitude 
towards  Great  Britain,  but  Secretary  Marcy  showed  that  when 
dealing  with  foreign  powers  he  was  no  respecter  of  persons  or 
nations.  In  1854  he  conducted  with  Lord  Elgin  at  Washington 
successful  negotiations  relative  to  fisheries  and  reciprocal  trade 
with  Canada,  but  in  1856  he  showed  that  so  far  as  Great  Britain 
and  France  were  concerned,  the  United  States  would  deal  with 
them  no  differently  than  with  Austria.  For  some  time  there  had 
been  under  the  direction  of  the  British  diplomatic  and  consular 
representatives  a  recruiting  of  men  in  the  United  States  for  regi- 
ments engaged  in  the  Crimean  war.  Mr.  Crampton,  the  British 
minister,  paid  no  attention  to  protests  made  and  treated  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  relative  to  such  enlistments  as  if  they  were 
of  no  consequence.  In  May,  1856,  Secretary  Marcy  sent  a  brief 
statement  of  the  facts  in  the  case  to  the  British  government,  and 
closed  his  dispatch  with  a  peremptory  demand  for  the  recall  of 
Mr.  Crampton  and  of  the  British  Consuls  at  New  York,  Phila- 
delphia and  Cincinnati.  The  French  Minister  de  Santiges  under- 
took the  task  of  mediation  between  Mr.  Crampton  and  Mr.  Marcy. 
Calling  at  the  Department  of  State  he  represented  that  the  con- 
tinuance of  peaceful  relations  between  England  and  the  United 
States  was  the  earnest  wish  of  the  French  Emperor,  who  held 
the  Union  in  highest  friendship  and  esteem.  Mr.  Marcy  was 
delighted  at  this  assurance  but  intimated  that  it  did  not  corre- 


A    HISTORY  277 

spond  with  other  information  which  had  been  given  him.  Min- 
ister de  Santiges  emphatically  denied  the  truth  of  any  report 
adverse  to  the  statement  he  had  just  made.  Secretary  Marcy 
excused  his  absence  for  a  moment,  but  returned  almost  imme- 
diately holding  in  his  hand  an  original  dispatch  addressed  to 
Secretary  of  War  Davis,  from  which  to  the  astonishment  of  the 
French  Minister  he  read  extracts.  The  document  was  the  report 
of  an  army  commission  sent  out  by  the  United  States  in  the 
interest  of  science,  to  whom  Emperor  Napoleon's  war  minister 
not  only  refused  certain  courtesies  solicited  by  members  of  the 
commission,  but  also  expressed  the  hope  that  when  they  met 
again,  it  might  be  at  the  cannon's  mouth.  The  French  minister 
took  a  hurried  leave  and  did  not  propose  further  mediation.  Mr. 
Crampton  went  home  and  his  place  was  not  filled  during  the 
remainder  of  the  Pierce  Administration. 

James  Guthrie  of  Kentucky  at  the  time  of  his  appointment 
to  the  Treasury  Department  was  not  prominent  in  politics,  but 
was  known  as  a  business  man  of  marked  ability.  He  was  presi- 
dent of  the  Louisville  and  Portland  Canal  Co.  and  of  the  Louis- 
ville and  Nashville  Railroad.  He  made  an  admirable  secretary, 
bringing  to  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  his  office  a  genius 
for  finance,  and  his  record  was  a  most  honorable  one. 

One  of  the  notable  figures  of  the  new  Cabinet  from  the  very 
beginning  was  the  Secretary  of  War,  Jefferson  Davis  of  Missis- 
sippi. Like  Dix  he  had  served  with  Pierce  in  the  war  with 
Mexico,  and  like  Dix  he  early  received  the  offer  of  a  cabinet 
portfolio.  If  Dix  was  objectionable  to  the  South,  so  was  Davis 
to  the  North.  If  Dix  was  opposed  by  the  Hunkers  of  New  York 
so  was  Davis  by  the  Union  men  of  Mississippi.  Dix  accepted  the 
offer  of  the  State  portfolio,  while  Davis  declined  that  of  War. 
The  treatment  of  the  two  men  was  vastly  differnt.  Pierce  let  Dix 
know  that  he  wished  to  be  relieved  from  the  tender  which  had 
been  made  and  accepted ;  but  he  sent  for  Davis  to  come  to  Wash- 
ington, and  was  so  earnest  in  his  solicitations,  that  Davis  came 
the  day  after  inauguration  and  was  prevailed  upon  to  accept  the 
appointment  the  president  was  so  anxious  to  make. 

The  career  of  Davis  had  been  a  brilliant  one.  He  was  gradu- 
ated at  West  Point  in  1828,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  and  served  as 
second  and  first  lieutenant  until  1835,  when  he  resigned  and 
engaged  in  cotton  planting  till  1845,  when  he  entered  Congress, 


278  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

but  resigned  in  1846  to  take  command  of  the  first  regiment  of 
Mississippi  Riflemen  in  the  war  with  Mexico.  He  served  with 
brilliancy,  declining  a  commission  as  brigadier  general,  until 
July,  1847,  when  he  resigned  to  enter  the  United  States  Senate, 
having  been  appointed  to  a  seat  in  that  body  in  May  of  that  year. 
Subsequently  elected  to  the  seat  he  served  till  November,  1851, 
when  he  resigned  to  make  the  canvass  of  his  state  as  the  secession 
candidate  for  governor.  Again  elected  to  the  Senate,  he  entered 
the  Cabinet  of  President  Pierce,  instead  of  taking  his  seat,  though 
his  Mississippi  friends  managed  to  have  a  senatorial  seat  ready 
for  him  when  he  stepped  out  of  the  War  Department  March  4, 
1857.  This  he  kept  till  January  21,  1861,  when  he  withdrew  to 
enter  upon  his  career  as  the  official  head  of  the  slaveholders'  con- 
federacy. 

When  he  entered  the  cabinet  at  the  age  of  forty-five,  he  was 
more  than  any  other  public  man  the  recognized  successor  of 
John  C.  Calhoun,  and  was  gradually  reaching  the  position  to 
which  he  aspired,  that  of  champion  par  excellence  of  the  extreme 
states  rights  principle.  Accepting  the  war  portfolio,  he  did  not 
spend  his  time  in  theorizing  or  dreaming.  Never  was  war  secre- 
tary more  active  in  time  of  peace.  Material  changes  were  made 
in  the  models  of  arms.  Iron  gun  carriages  were  introduced,  and 
experiments  were  made  which  led  to  the  casting  of  heavy  guns 
hollow  instead  of  boring  them  after  casting.  Inquiries  were 
made  as  to  gunpowder  which  led  to  the  use  of  a  coarser  grain 
for  artillery.  The  army  was  strengthened  by  the  addition  of 
two  regiments  of  infantry  and  two  of  cavalry.  A  commission  was 
sent  to  Crimea  to  study  the  latest  improvements  in  the  art  of 
war.  The  army  regulations  were  revised.  Southern  forts  and 
arsenals  were  carefully  cared  for.  The  fact  that  the  act  approved 
August  18,  1856,  appropriated  only  $190,000  for  the  whole  line 
of  Northern  Atlantic  fortifications  and  $928,000  for  those  of  the 
Southern  Atlantic  and  the  Gulf  could  but  cause  comment.  When 
the  storm  of  rebellion  broke  upon  the  country,  there  were  many 
who  called  to  mind  that  but  four  years  previously  Jefferson  Davis 
of  Mississippi  had  been  Secretary  of  War. 

Just  what  special  qualifications  James  C.  Dobbin  of  North 
Carolina  possessed  for  the  Secretaryship  of  the  Navy,  aside  from 
the  fact  that  he  had  been  active  in  promoting  the  nomination  of 
Gen.  Pierce  at  Baltimore  does  not  appear.  Admitted  to  the  bar 


A    HISTORY  279 

in  1835,  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  he  enjoyed  lucrative  practice, 
served  a  term  in  Congress  from  1845  to  1847,  na^  been  four  times 
a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons  of  his  state,  and  in  1850 
had  been  speaker.  During  the  Pierce  Administration  there  was 
little  or  nothing  outside  the  routine  work  of  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment for  a  secretary  to  do,  and  Secretary  Dobbin  did  this  to  the 
satisfaction  of  everybody.  He  was  attractive  in  his  manners, 
forming  many  warm  personal  friendships,  but  was  content  to 
follow  the  leaders  in  matters  of  public  policy. 

In  many  respects  the  most  remarkable  man  in  the  Pierce 
Cabinet,  if  not  indeed  the  dominating  figure  in  the  administration, 
was  Caleb  Cushing,  the  attorney-general.  Born  in  Salisbury, 
Massachusetts,  January  7,  1800,  he  died  in  Newburyport,  Jan- 
uary 2,  1879.  Graduating  at  Harvard  in  1817,  he  was  tutor  of 
mathematics  there  in  1819-21.  Studied  law  and  was  admitted  to 
practice  in  1823.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  House 
in  1825,  of  the  Senate  in  1827,  visited  Europe  in  1829,  and  was 
again  a  member  of  the  House  in  1833  and  1834.  He  was  elected 
to  Congress  as  a  Whig  and  served  from  1835  to  1843,  when  he 
was  commissioner  to  China  from  May  in  1843  to  March,  1845. 
He  raised  a  regiment  of  Massachusetts  volunteers  for  the  war 
with  Mexico,  was  commissioned  its  colonel  in  January,  1847,  an<^ 
brigadier-general  by  President  Polk  three  months  later.  He 
served  till  July  20,  1848.  He  was  defeated  as  Democratic  candi- 
date for  governor  of  Massachusetts  in  1847  and  again  in  1848; 
declined  the  office  of  attorney-general  of  his  state  in  1851 ;  was 
appointed  by  Governor  Boutwell  a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
in  1852,  and  resigned  to  enter  the  Pierce  Cabinet  as  attorney- 
general  in  1853.  He  presided  over  the  National  Democratic  Con- 
vention at  Charleston  and  Baltimore  in  1860,  allied  himself  with 
the  states  rights  Democracy  and  supported  Breckinridge  for  the 
presidency ;  was  appointed  by  President  Johnson  a  commissioner 
to  codify  and  revise  the  statutes  of  the  United  States,  1866-70; 
by  President  Grant  senior  counsel  for  the  United  States  before 
the  Geneva  tribunal  of  arbitration  on  the  Alabama  claims;  was 
nominated  in  1874  by  President  Grant  as  Chief  Justice  of  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court,  but  his  nomination  was  withdrawn 
when  it  became  certain  that  it  would  be  rejected ;  became  Minister 
to  Spain,  serving  from  January,  1874,  to  January,  1877. 

This  in  barest  skeleton  is  a  sketch  of  a  remarkable  career. 


280  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

He  held  high  public  office  to  which  he  was  appointed  by  John 
Tyler,  James  K.  Polk,  Franklin  Pierce,  Andrew  Johnson  and 
Ulyses  S.  Grant.  It  was  a  unique  record,  and  Caleb  Gushing  was 
a  unique  character:  scholar,  author,  lawyer,  diplomat,  general, 
judge,  achieving  distinction  in  each  field,  excepting  perhaps  in 
the  military.  He  was  for  a  long  time  one  of  the  ablest  Whig 
leaders.  When  Tyler  apostatized  Gushing  apostatized  with  him. 
He  became  a  Democrat.  He  helped  bring  about  the  nomination 
of  Pierce,  and  hoped  to  enter  the  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State, 
but  so  strong  was  the  opposition  to  him  that  the  president  de- 
clined to  appoint  him.  Later  as  is  evident  from  the  appointments 
given  him  by  President  Grant,  his  alliances  were  more  with  the 
Republicans  than  with  the  Democrats,  but  it  may  be  doubted  if 
he  ever  had  sincere  well-grounded  political  convictions  of  any 
kind.  Lowell  in  his  Biglow  Papers  expressed  the  general  opinion 
of  him  in  the  following  satirical  lines : 

"Gineral   C.  is   a  dreffle  smart  man : 
He's  been  on  all  sides  that  give  places  or  pelf, — 

But  consistency  still  wuz  a  part  of  his  plan, — 
He's  been  true  to  one  party, —  an'  that  is  himself." 

Thomas  H.  Benton  was  more  severe.  In  a  speech  delivered 
in  1856,  speaking  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  he  said :  "Of  all 
these  the  attorney-general  is  the  master  spirit.  He  is  a  man  of 
talent,  of  learning,  of  industry — unscrupulous,  double-sexed, 
double-gendered  and  hermaphroditic  in  politics,  with  a  hinge  on 
his  knee  which  he  often  crooks  that  'thrift  may  follow  fawning/ 
he  governed  by  subserviency ;  and  to  him  is  deferred  the  mas- 
ter's place  in  Mr.  Pierce's  Cabinet.  When  I  heard  that  he  was  to 
be  a  member,  I  put  down  Mr.  Pierce  for  a  doomed  man,  and  fore- 
saw the  swift  and  full  destruction  which  was  to  fall  on  him." 
Gushing  was  distrusted.  He  had  the  fatal  lack  of  moral  sense. 
It  was  not  merely  his  political  inconsistency  which  lost  him  the 
confidence  of  his  fellow-men.  Other  men  have  changed  their 
political  affiliations,  retaining  meanwhile  their  reputation  for  sin- 
cerity. The  general  feeling  on  the  part  of  his  contemporaries 
was  that  it  was  not  so  much  principle  as  personal  interest  which 
accounted  for  his  political  unsteadiness.  The  president  held  to 
the  view  that  Cushing's  fickleness  was  intellectual  rather  than 
moral,  that  he  mostly  needed  a  man  of  stable  judgment  to  keep 


A    HISTORY  281 

him  straight  and  President  Pierce  believed  himself  that  man. 
Never  was  he  more  seriously  mistaken. 

The  guiding  spirits  of  the  Pierce  Administration  were  Caleb 
Gushing  and  Jefferson  Davis.  The  administration  began  with 
the  slavery  issue  supposedly  settled  by  the  Compromise  meas- 
ures of  1850,  and  the  president  announced  that  he  would  vigor- 
ously oppose  any  reopening  of  the  question.  He  did  not  appreci- 
ate the  "irrepressible  conflict,"  nor  did  he  foresee  the  impossibility 
of  the  Republic  permanently  existing  "half  slave  and  half  free." 
Compromises  are  never  final  settlements.  The  question  was 
bound  to  be  reopened,  but  the  reopening  came  to  the  country 
with  startling  shock.  The  harmony  which  prevailed  during 
nearly  all  the  first  year  of  the  administration  was  only  the  lull 
presaging  the  storm. 

On  the  4th  of  January,  1854,  the  country  was  electrified  by 
the  report  in  the  Senate  from  the  Committee  on  Territories, 
through  its  chairman,  Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  the 
famous  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  Three  weeks  later  he  also  re- 
ported from  the  same  committee  an  amended  substitute  bill,  one 
provision  of  which  was  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act  of 
1820  was  in  distinct  and  explicit  terms  pronounced  void,  and 
slavery  and  freedom  were  given  an  equal  chance  for  propagation 
in  the  territories  of  the  United  States.  What  had  been  regarded 
as  a  settlement  was  found  to  have  been  only  a  brief  truce,  which 
was  now  suddenly  broken  and  the  conflict  was  on  again  only  to 
be  terminated  when  Lee  laid  down  his  sword  at  Appomattox 
eleven  years  later. 

With  the  news  of  the  report  of  this  bill  came  also  the  intima- 
tion that  the  administration  was  pledged  to  support  the  bill  and 
bound  to  see  it  through,  an  intimation  which  proved  to  be  well 
based,  and  on  May  30  it  became  a  law  by  the  signature  of  the 
president.  It  was  during  the  pendency  of  this  bill  that  the 
dominating  influence  of  Gushing  and  Davis  became  specially 
manifest.  Marcy  and  McClelland  hesitated.  Pierce  himself 
vacillated,  but  whenever  he  showed  himself  influenced  by  an 
outraged  Northern  sentiment,  and  showed  signs  of  retracting 
the  promise  of  support  which  he  had  given  Douglas,  after  an 
interview  with  Davis,  on  January  22,  he  was  held  to  this  promise. 
All  other  measures  of  the  Pierce  Administration  were  over- 
shadowed by  this.  Questions  of  tariff  and  revenue,  the  acquisi- 


282  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

tion  of  Cuba  which  had  become  an  issue,  projected  public 
improvements  became  secondary  to  those  growing  out  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act.  The  satisfactory  settlement  of  diplo- 
matic questions  accomplished  by  the  industry  and  ability  of 
Marcy  seemed  to  be  lost  sight  of.  Before  the  administration 
closed,  a  new  political  party  had  come  into  existence,  and  new 
issues  or  old  issues  in  new  forms  were  at  the  front.  Perhaps 
no  administration  ever  began  with  fairer  promise.  Few  ever 
more  completely  failed  and  failed  in  spite  of  splendid  accomplish- 
ment. 

A  controversy  with  Great  Britain  respecting  the  fisheries 
was  harmoniously  adjusted ;  the  rights  of  American  citizens,  and 
of  those  who  had  declared  their  intention  to  become  citizens 
was  vindicated ;  the  boundary  dispute  with  Mexico  was  settled 
by  negotiation  resulting  in  the  acquisition  of  what  is  now  a  part 
of  the  State  of  Arizona;  a  treaty  was  negotiated  providing  for 
commercial  reciprocity  for  a  period  of  ten  years  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Canadian  provinces;  a  treaty  was  nego- 
tiated by  Commodore  Matthew  Galbraith  Perry  with  Japan 
which  opened  up  that  previously  almost  unknown  country  to 
the  commerce  of  the  world;  proposed  routes  for  a  railroad  to 
the  Pacific  were  explored  under  the  supervision  and  direction 
of  the  War  Department;  the  diplomatic  and  consular  systems 
of  the  United  States  were  revised  and  improved ;  a  court  of 
claims  was  organized  and  a  retired  list  was  provided  for  the 
navy. 

A  strict  constructionist  of  the  Constitution,  the  vetoes 
of  the  president  were  in  harmony  with  such  constitutional  in- 
terpretation. The  principal  vetoes  were  those  of  bills  making 
appropriations  for  public  works;  a  grant  of  10,000,000  acres  of 
public  property  to  the  states  for  the  relief  of  indigent  insane ; 
provision  for  the  payment  of  the  French  spoiliation  claims;  and 
also  a  bill  increasing  the  appropriation  for  the  Collins  line  of 
steamers. 

An  attempt  to  acquire  Cuba  proved  abortive.  Affairs  in 
Cuba  were  in  a  bad  way  and  filibustering  expeditions  from  the 
United  States  to  the  island  in  1850  and  1851  during  the  Fillmore 
Administration  led  to  questions  on  the  part  of  the  European 
powers  as  to  the  attitude  of  the  United  States  towards  such  ex- 
peditions. In  1852  Great  Britain  and  France  proposed  to  the 


A    HISTORY  283 

United  States  a  tripatite  treaty  by  which  all  these  powers  should 
disavow  all  intention  of  acquiring-  Cuba,  and  discountenance  any 
such  attempt  by  any  power.  In  December,  1852,  Secretary  of 
State  Edward  Everett  declined  the  proposal,  declaring,  at  the 
same  time,  however,  that  the  United  States  would  never  ques- 
tion the  title  of  Spain  to  the  island.  Conditions  in  Cuba,  steadily 
growing  worse,  in  August,  1854,  President  Pierce  directed  James 
Buchanan,  John  Y.  Mason  and  Pierre  Soule,  the  American  Min- 
isters respectively  to  Great  Britain,  France  and  Spain,  to  meet 
and  discuss  the  situation.  They  met  first  at  Ostend  in  October 
and  later  at  Aix  la  Chapelle  and  agreed  on  a  dispatch,  which 
they  sent  their  government,  which  became  known  as  the  "Ostend 
Manifesto."  It  was  to  the  effect,  to  state  it  briefly,  that  if  Spain 
refused  to  sell  Cuba,  self-preservation  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  would  compel  her  to  wrest  it  from  Spain,  to  prevent  it 
from  becoming  Africanized  into  a  second  Santo  Domingo.  The 
great  European  powers  at  once  manifested  their  hostility  to  the 
proposal,  and  the  overshadowing  excitement  caused  by  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  shelved  it  not  only  for  the  time  being  but 
permanently. 

Indeed,  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  overshadowed  everything 
and  became  the  one  supreme  issue.  The  so-called  Missouri  Com- 
promise of  1820  had  forever  excluded  slavery  north  of  the 
parallel,  36°  30'.  The  repeal  of  this  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act 
opened  up  this  territory  to  slavery,  by  leaving  it  to  the  people 
in  the  territories  north  of  that  line  to  decide  the  question  for 
themselves.  The  act  was  Senator  Douglas'  bid  for  the  presi- 
dency; but  Pierce  was  hampered  by  no  single  term  pledge  and 
it  was  generally  understood  that  he  would  be  a  candidate  for 
renomination  and  re-election.  Douglas,  without  doubt,  believed 
that  the  president  would  hold  to  the  promise  of  his  inaugural 
and  his  first  annual  message  relative  to  disturbing  the  country's 
repose  from  a  discussion  of  the  slavery  question  which  had  fol- 
lowed the  compromise  of  1850.  Pierce  had  said  in  his  annual 
message  of  December,  1853:  "that  this  repose  is  to  suffer  no 
shock  during  my  official  term,  if  I  have  power  to  prevent  it, 
those  who  placed  me  here  may  be  assured."  Senator  Douglas 
counted  on  this,  but  reckoned  without  his  host.  The  act  became 
a  law.  The  plans  and  hopes  of  Douglas  were  disappointed.  The 
administration  of  Pierce  was  involved  in  what  was  virtually  civil 


284  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

war  in  Kansas,  and  was  repudiated  throughout  the  North.  The 
anti-Kansas-Nebraska  Democrats  went  into  the  new  political 
party  which  grew  out  of  the  contest.  In  1854  with  a  Democratic 
majority  in  both  houses  of  the  New  Hampshire  legislature,  the 
influence  of  the  National  administration  was  powerless  to  secure 
the  election  of  a  Democratic  United  States  Senator,  and  in  1855 
the  Democrats  lost  control  of  the  state. 

The  elections  in  1854  and  1855  throughout  the  North  indi- 
cated the  constantly  growing  dissatisfaction  with  the  administra- 
tion. If  Douglas  hoped  to  win  the  presidency  by  his  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act,  he  was  doomed  to  disappointment.  So  far  as  the 
renomination  of  Pierce  was  concerned,  it  would  have  made  little 
difference  whether  he  signed  or  vetoed  the  Act.  In  either  case 
renomination  and  re-election  would  have  been  impossible.  He 
has  been  charged  with  inconsistency  in  approving  the  Act  after 
his  pledge  in  his  message  to  Congress  in  1853,  but  the  charge 
does  not  hold  good. 

Franklin  Pierce  regarded  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  as  a  sacred  document  on  the  explicit  observance  of  which 
the  integrity  of  free  institutions  depended.  Above  all  things  else 
he  was  devotedly  loyal  to  the  Union  of  the  States.  The  Con- 
stitution, strictly  constructed,  and  the  Union  had  been  and  still 
were  the  guiding  stars  of  his  public  and  political  life.  There 
was  more  than  a  hint  in  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850,  that 
the  Missouri  Act  of  1820  was  unconstitutional,  and  when  Pierce 
was  once  convinced  by  the  presentation  of  the  case  by  his  attor- 
ney-general Caleb  Cushing,  that  the  hint  of  1850  was  based  on 
actual  fact,  and  was  further  convinced  by  his  Secretary  of  War 
Jefferson  Davis,  that  a  veto  of  the  Act  would  mean  secession 
and  disunion,  there  was  but  one  course  open  to  him:  he  signed 
the  act,  and  at  the  same  time  signed  the  warrant  for  his  defeat 
for  renomination  and  re-election. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  to  nominate  a  candi- 
date for  president  met  in  Cincinnati  June  2,  1856.  James 
Buchanan  had  been  out  of  the  country  as  Minister  to  Great 
Britain,  and  fortunately  for  himself  was  without  record  on  the 
burning  Kansas-Nebraska  question.  On  the  first  ballot  for  a 
presidential  candidate  he  received  135  votes,  Pierce  122,  Douglas 
33  and  Cass  6.  Of  the  Pierce  vote  72  were  from  the  Southern 
States  and  50  from  the  Northern.  The  hopelessness  of  electing 


A    HISTORY  285 

Pierce  even  were  he  nominated  was  evident  from  the  start.  The 
vote  for  Pierce  gradually  diminished  and  on  the  seventeenth 
ballot  Buchanan  was  unanimously  nominated. 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  term  of  office  Gen.  Pierce  returned 
to  his  New  Hampshire  home  and  after  a  three-years'  visit  abroad 
he  again  returned  to  Concord,  where  he  lived  in  dignified  and 
honorable  retirement,  beloved  by  his  personal  friends,  until  his 
death,  October  8,  1869. 

His  administration  was  a  pivotal  one.  It  marked  the  be- 
ginning of  the  end  of  American  slavery.  His  personal  integrity 
and  fidelity  to  conviction  were  never  questioned.  His  administra- 
tion stood  for  economy  and  frugality  in  public  affairs,  and  offi- 
cials were  held  to  a  strict  accountability  to  their  constituents. 
He  was  a  true  patriot,  and  devoted  lover  of  his  country.  But  for 
slavery  and  the  questions  growing  out  of  it,  his  administration 
would  have  passed  into  history  as  one  of  the  most  successful  in 
our  national  life,  yet  his  attitude  toward  that  institution  was  at 
all  times  based  on  well-grounded  conviction  and  was  thoroughly 
consistent,  without  trace  or  suspicion  of  demagogy.  Maligned, 
caluminated  for  such  consistency,  he  is  finally  beginning  to  be 
appreciated  at  his  real  worth,  and  his  statue  in  bronze,  placed  in 
1914  in  the  park  fronting  the  State  House  is  the  partial  answer 
of  his  state  to  his  calumniators  and  vilifiers,  and  a  fitting  tribute 
by  his  state,  in  its  capacity  as  such,  to  one  of  her  most  dis- 
tinguished sons,  and  to  her  only  representative  in  the  honored 
and  exalted  line  of  Presidents  of  the  United  States. 


Chapter  XVII 

SONS   OF   NEW  HAMPSHIRE   IN   THE 
UNITED   STATES   SENATE 


Chapter  XVII 


SONS  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

SENATE. 

Charles  G.  Atherton— Henry  W.  Blair— Henry  E.  Burnham— Lewis  Cass 
— John  Chandler — William  E.  Chandler — Zachariah  Chandler — Daniel 
Clark— Dudley  Chase— Charles  Cutts— John  A.  Dix— William  P.  Fes- 
senden — George  G.  Fogg — Jacob  H.  Gallinger — James  W.  Grimes — 
Henry  F.  Hollis — Benning  W.  Jenness — Gilman  Marston — Moses  Norris 
— Nahum  Parker — James  W.  Patterson — Austin  F.  Pike — Edward  H. 
Rollins — James  Sheafe — Thomas  W.  Thompson — Bainbridge  Wadleigh 
— John  S.  Wells — Henry  Wilson — Leonard  Wilcox — Paine  Wingate. 

SOME  of  the  distinguished  sons  of  the  Granite  State  have 
filled  so  many  positions  of  honor  that  it  is  difficult  to  classify 
them.  Therefore  in  other  chapters  sketches  may  be  found  of 
some  senators  who  represented  this  and  other  states  at  the 
national  capital.1  In  this  chapter  are  grouped  alphabetically  the 
remaining  senators  who  were  born  in  New  Hampshire,  or  rep- 
resented this  state. 

Charles  Gordon  Atherton  was  born  in  Amherst,  July  4,  1804, 
grandson  of  Hon.  Joshua  Atherton.  He  was  graduated  at  Harvard 
College  in  1822  and  after  studying  law  in  the  office  of  his  brother 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1825  and  began  practice  in  Dumbarton, 
now  Nashua.  He  represented  Dunbarton  in  the  lower  branch 
of  the  legislature  in  1831  and  1833-36,  the  last  three  years  being 
Speaker  of  the  House.  He  had  served  in  1831-2  as  clerk  of  the 
Senate.  He  was  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  25th,  26th  and  27th 
congresses,  1837-43,  and  took  an  active  part  in  debates,  always 
as  friendly  to  southern  policy.  In  1838  he  introduced  the  resolu- 
tion which  remained  in  force  till  1845,  declaring  that  all  bills 
and  petitions,  of  whatever  kind,  on  the  subject  of  slavery  should 
be  tabled  without  debate  and  should  not  be  taken  again  from 

1  The  senators  from  New  Hampshire  not  included  in  this  chapter  were 
Joseph  C.  Abbott,  Josiah  Bartlett,  Charles  Henry  Bell,  James  Bell,  Samuel 
Bell,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Nicholas  Gilman,  Isaac  Hill,  John  Langdon,  Wood- 
bury  Langdon,  Samuel  Livermore,  Jeremiah  Mason,  David  Lawrence  Morrill, 
Simeon  Olcott,  John  Page,  Franklin  Pierce,  William  Plumer,  Daniel  Webster, 
and  Levi  Woodbury. 

280 


290  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

the  table.  This  was  called  "the  Atherton  gag,"  and  he  was 
known  as  "Gag  Atherton."  Nevertheless  his  Democratic  parti- 
sans stood  by  him,  and  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate  in  1843  an^  re-elected  in  1852,  serving  as  chairman  of  the 
finance  committee.  He  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention  of  1850.  While  attending  court  at  Manchester 
he  suffered  a  stroke  of  paralysis  and  died  November  15,  1853. 
His  abilities  were  not  underrated  by  his  political  opponents.  He 
was  well  versed  in  history  and  classical  literature,  cool,  ready, 
logical  and  forceful  in  his  addresses,  sometimes  impassioned  as 
an  orator  and  intensely  partisan  in  politics.  He  was  more  devoted 
to  the  letter  of  the  national  Constitution  than  to  the  rights  of 
humanity.  He  was  naturally  a  leader  but  sometimes  led  the 
wrong  way.  His  place  was  in  the  front  rank  of  lawyers  and 
politicians,  not  to  say  statesmen. 

Henry  William  Blair  was  born  in  Compton,  December  6, 
1834.  His  father  died  and  left  the  family  in  poor  circumstances. 
Young  Blair  worked  on  a  farm  till  the  age  of  seventeen  and 
then  canvassed,  taught  school,  went  to  an  academy  and  studied 
till  impaired  health  forced  him  to  abandon  his  cherished  plan 
of  a  collegiate  education.  He  studied  law  at  Plymouth  and 
began  practice  there  in  1859.  Soon  the  Civil  War  broke  out 
and  he  enlisted  as  a  private  but  was  commissioned  captain  before 
leaving  the  State.  He  took  part  in  the  Louisiana  expedition 
and  was  promoted  to  major  and  lieutenant-colonel.  In  the 
battle  of  Port  Hudson  he  was  wounded  in  the  right  arm,  sent 
to  a  hospital,  but  after  two  or  three  days  returned  with  his  arm 
in  a  sling  to  lead  his  regiment  again  into  battle.  Another  bullet 
struck  the  same  arm,  tearing  open  the  former  wound.  He 
returned  with  his  regiment  and  such  was  his  physical  condition 
that  his  life  hung  in  the  balance  for  some  time.  After  recovery 
he  resumed  the  practice  of  law  at  Plymouth  and  represented 
that  town  both  in  the  House  and  Senate  of  his  State.  He  was 
elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  44th  and  45th  congresses,  1875-79. 
He  took  his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  June  20,  1879,  an<^ 
served  till  March  3,  1885.  Subsequently  he  was  re-elected  and 
served  till  March  3,  1891.  He  was  known  throughout  the  nation 
as  ,a  champion  of  reforms.  A  proposition  to  amend  the  national 
Constitution  so  as  to  prohibit  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  dis- 
tilled liquors  after  1890  was  introduced  by  him.  He  also  advo- 


s^7 


A    HISTORY  291 

cated  the  right  of  women  to  the  ballot.  A  hundred  thousand 
copies  of  his  speech  on  Free  Schools  were  distributed,  and  three 
times  the  Senate  approved  his  proposal  to  devote  $37,000,000 
to  the  abolition  of  illiteracy,  but  the  bill  was  defeated  in  the 
house.  The  Greenback  craze  met  in  him  a  study  opponent.  In 
1891  he  was  appointed  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  pleni- 
potentiary to  China,  but  resigned  on  account  of  objections  made 
by  the  Chinese  government.  Again  he  was  elected  to  congress, 
the  33rd,  1893-95,  and  after  his  term  expired  engaged  in  the 
practice  of  law  in  Washington,  D.  C.  His  books  on  "The  Tem- 
perance Movement,  or  the  Conflict  of  Men  with  Alcohol"  and 
"The  Future  of  the  Temperance  Reform"  were  widely  read.  He 
must  be  numbered  among  the  practical  reformers  in  the  ranks 
of  statesmen. 

Henry  Eben  Burnham  was  born  in  Dumbarton,  November  8, 
1844.  He  prepared  for  college  at  Kimball  Union  Academy  and 
was  graduated  with  high  honors  at  Dartmouth  in  1865.  He 
studied  law  in  Concord  and  Manchester  and  began  its  practice 
in  the  latter  city.  The  fact  that  he  was  judge  of  probate  in 
Hillsborough  county  from  1876  to  1879  gave  him  his  popular 
name,  Judge  Burnham.  He  was  a  member  of  the  lower  house 
of  the  state  legislature  in  1873,  *%74  and  again  in  1900.  He 
served  also  for  a  time  as  treasurer  of  Hillsborough  county.  As 
a  member  of  the  constitutional  convention  of  1889  he  took  an 
active  part.  Another  office  he  held  was  that  of  ballot-law  com- 
missioner. He  was  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  United  States 
Senate  for  the  term  beginning  March  4,  1901,  and  was  re-elected 
in  1906,  serving  till  1913.  He  was  chairman  of  the  committee 
on  Cuban  relations.  His  integrity  and  ability  have  been  recog- 
nized in  the  varied  offices  he  has  held. 

Lewis  Cass  was  born  in  Exeter,  October  9,  1782,  son  of 
Jonathan  Cass,  a  revolutionary  soldier.  He  was  educated  at 
Phillips  Exeter  Academy.  His  father  became  a  major  in  the 
army  and  in  1800  removed  to  Marietta,  Ohio.  A  year  later  the 
family  settled  in  Zanesville,  Ohio,  Lewis  remaining  at  Marietta 
to  study  law.  He  was  the  first  one  admitted  to  the  bar  after 
Ohio  became  a  State,  practicing  at  Zanesville.  He  took  a  promi- 
nent part  in  defeating  the  plans  of  Aaron  Burr,  when  the  latter 
sought  to  establish  a  nation  of  his  own  in  the  West.  President 
Jefferson  appointed  him  United  States  marshal  of  Ohio,  which 


292  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

office  he  filled  from  1807  to  1813.  In  the  War  of  1812  he  served 
first  as  colonel  and  later  as  brigadier-general.  For  many  years 
he  served  as  governor  of  Michigan  and  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs,  when  the  Indians  were  many  and  troublesome  in  that 
region.  He  was  called  by  them  "the  Great  Father  of  Detroit." 
He  traveled  in  a  canoe  five  thousand  miles  in  exploring  the  upper 
Mississippi.  President  Jackson  gave  him  a  place  in  his  cabinet 
as  Secretary  of  War,  in  1831,  and  he  directed  affairs  in  the 
Black  Hawk  War.  He  was  appointed  minister  to  Paris  and 
resigned  that  post  in  1842.  On  his  return  he  was  given  a  recep- 
tion in  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston.  In  1845  ne  was  elected  United 
States  senator  from  Michigan.  As  candidate  for  the  presidency 
in  1848  he  was  defeated,  remaining  in  the  senate.  President 
Buchanan  made  him  Secretary  of  State,  but  he  could  not  agree 
with  the  president  and  so  resigned  his  office.  He  died  at  Detroit, 
June  17,  1866.  Few  men  have  reflected  more  honor  upon  the 
State  of  their  birth.  Lewis  Cass  was  a  man  of  brains  and  energy, 
worthy  of  trust  and  fitted  to  fill  very  responsible  and  critical 
positions.  He  was  a  leader  and  commander  of  men. 

William  Eaton  Chandler  was  born  in  Concord,  December  25, 
1835.  He  was  educated  in  the  public  schools  and  the  academies 
at  Thetford,  Vermont,  and  Pembroke,  N.  H.  He  was  graduated 
from  the  Harvard  Law  School  in  1854  and  soon  began  the  prac- 
tice of  law  at  Concord.  In  1859  ne  was  appointed  reporter  of  the 
decisions  of  the  supreme  court  of  New  Hampshire,  and  he  edited 
five  volumes  of  reports.  He  was  secretary  of  the  Republican 
state  committee  in  1858  and  later  was  its  chairman.  From  1862 
to  1864  he  was  a  member  of  the  state  house  of  representatives  and 
served  as  speaker  during  the  last  two  years.  In  1864  he  was 
employed  by  the  navy  department  as  special  counsel  to  prosecute 
the  Philadelphia  navy  yard  frauds  and  the  folowing  year  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  appointed  him  solicitor  and  judge  advocate  general 
of  the  navy  department.  He  became  first  assistant  secretary  of 
the  treasury,  June  17,  1865,  and  resigned  that  office  November  30, 
1867.  1°  tne  state  constitutional  convention  of  1876  he  took  a 
prominent  part.  He  was  delegate  at  large  from  New  Hampshire 
to  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1868  and  secretary  of 
the  national  committee,  conducting  the  political  campaigns  of  1868 
and  1872.  Meanwhile  he  was  interested  financially  and  otherwise 
in  the  New  Hampshire  Statesman  and  the  Monitor.  Again  he 


WILLIAM    E.    CHANDLER 


A    HISTORY  293 

was  a  member  of  the  state  house  of  representatives  in  1881.  He 
was  counsel  for  the  Hayes  electors  before  the  canvassing  board 
of  Florida  and  before  the  electoral  commission  chosen  to  arbitrate 
and  decide  upon  the  vote  for  President  of  the  United  States.  In 
the  Chicago  convention  of  1880  Mr.  Chandler  was  a  delegate  in 
favor  of  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Elaine.  He  was  himself 
nominated  by  President  Garfield,  March  23,  1881,  as  solicitor 
general  in  the  department  of  justice  and  was  rejected  by  five  votes. 
In  the  state  legislature  he  strongly  opposed  the  misuse  of  free 
railroad  passes  and  was  in  favor  of  regulation  by  laiw  of  railroad 
fares  and  freight  charges.  President  Arthur  appointed  him,  April 
12,  1882,  secretary  of  the  navy  and  he  served  till  March  7,  1885. 
He  was  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  United  States  senate  to 
fill  a  vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  Austin  F.  Pike  and  served 
from  June  14,  1887  to  March  3,  1889.  He  was  re-elected  June 
18,  1889  and  again  January  16,  1895,  serving  until  March  3, 
1901.  President  McKinley  appointed  him,  in  1901,  president  of 
the  Spanish  Claims  Commission.  He  resigned  in  1908  and  re- 
sumed the  practice  of  law  in  Concord,  N.  H.  and  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Perhaps  no  native  of  New  Hampshire  has  held  so  great  a 
variety  of  public  offices,  extending  through  nearly  half  a  cen- 
tury. In  the  varied  positions  of  trust  and  responsibility  he  has 
shown  a  wonderful  grasp  of  details  and  essentials  and  displayed 
unusual  genius  for  organization,  especially  in  the  wise  selection 
of  subordinate  agents.  He  has  been  fearless  in  the  expression 
of  criticism  wherever  he  thought  it  was  needed  and  has  not 
courted  the  political  favor  of  any.  He  has  been  loyal  to  his  con- 
victions, to  his  friends  and  to  his  country.  His  whole  political 
and  private  life  has  been  free  from  suspicion.  He  is  a  man  of 
genial,  social  nature,  who  likes  good  books,  pleasant  scenery  and 
converse  with  friends.  It  has  been  his  habit  for  many  years 
to  entertain  at  his  summer  home,  at  Waterloo,  and  there  to  enjoy 
ease  with  dignity.  To  his  social  good  nature  may  be  attributed 
much  of  his  success  in  life. 

John  Chandler  was  of  the  fifth  generation  from  William  Chan- 
dler, who  settled  in  Roxbury,  Mass.,  in  1637.  He  was  born  in  Ep- 
ping,  February  I,  1762,  son  of  Capt.  Joseph  and  Lydia  (Eastman) 
Chandler.  His  father  was  a  'blacksmith,  and  John  was  taught  the 
same  trade.  At  the  age  of  fifteen  he  enlisted  and  was  present  at  the 


294  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

surrender  of  Gen.  Burgoyne.  Later  he  walked  to  Newburyport  and 
shipped  as  a  privateer  on  the  "Arnold,"  which  was  captured.  After 
enduring  for  a  while  the  tortures  of  a  prison  ship  he  and  some  others 
managed  to  escape  and  land  near  Savannah,  Ga.  Thence  he  walked 
home  to  Epping  and  the  following  June,  1780,  he  enlisted  again  in 
the  Revolutionary  army  for  six  months.  On  attaining  his  majority 
he  started  out  to  make  his  fortune,  rode  to  New  Gloucester, 
Maine,  and  thence  walked  to  Readfield,  guided  by  spotted  trees. 
He  soon  found  a  farm  in  Monmouth,  the  adjoining  town,  and 
bought  a  hundred  acres  for  four  hundred  dollars.  Then  he 
married  Mary  Whittier  of  Nottingham,  and  together  they  carried 
on  a  farm  and  kept  a  tavern.  General  Washington  made  him 
postmaster  in  1794  and  he  held  that  office  twenty-four  years.  He 
represented  Monmouth  in  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts 
in  1799  and  1802  and  was  a  member  of  the  senate  in  1803,  1804 
and  1819.  He  was  chief  justice  of  the  court  of  sessions  in  1807-8 
and  sheriff  of  Kennebec  county  in  1809.  He  became  major-gen- 
eral of  Maine's  militia  and  in  the  War  of  1812  served  as  brigadier- 
general,  being  wounded  and  captured  at  the  battle  of  Stony 
Creek,  Canada,  after  having  a  horse  shot  under  him.  He  urged 
the  separation  of  Maine  from  Massachusetts  and  was  elected 
as  one  of  Maine's  first  senators,  the  other  being  John  Holmes. 
He  was  one  of  the  committee  of  thirty-three  to  prepare  the 
Constitution  of  Maine.  Governor  King  appointed  him  one  of 
the  trustees  of  Bowdoin  College.  In  1827  he  was  made  collector 
of  the  port  of  Portland.  Removing  thence  to  Augusta,  he  died 
there  September  26,  1841.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Masonic 
order  and  of  the  Unitarian  church.  (See  article  in  the  Granite 
Monthly,  VII.  5-12.) 

Zachariah  Chandler,  son  of  Samuel  and  Margaret  (Orr) 
Chandler  and  descended  from  William  Chandler  of  Roxbury, 
was  born  in  Bedford,  December  10,  1813.  His  youth  was  spent 
in  doing  farm  work  and  picking  up  what  education  the  public 
schools  then  gave.  He  taught  a  term  or  two,  but  his  mind 
inclined  to  business  rather  than  to  book-lore.  When  he  became 
of  age  he  was  offered  his  choice,  to  receive  a  thousand  dollars 
or  a  college  education.  He  chose  the  former  and  went  to  Detroit, 
opened  a  small  store,  and  slept  on  the  counter.  In  twenty  years 
he  became  the  leading  merchant  of  Detroit  and  was  a  man  of 
wealth.  He  was  mayor  of  the  city  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight  and 


ZACHARIAH  CHANDLER 


A    HISTORY  295 

the  next  year  he  was  Whig  candidate  for  governor  of  the  State. 
Always  in  favor  of  human  freedom  he  helped  fugitive  slaves  by 
the  "underground  railroad"  to  Canada,  and  he  contributed  ten 
thousand  dollars  to  help  settle  free-soilers  in  Kansas.  In  1857 
he  was  elected  United  States  senator,  and  was  re-elected  three 
times.  He  was  reckoned  among  the  radicals  in  his  opposition 
to  slavery  and  secession.  When  it  was  proposed  to  put  Jefferson 
Davis  on  the  pension  list  of  the  War  of  1812,  Senator  Chandler's 
brief  speech  crushed  the  proposal  as  though  a  trip  hammer  had 
fallen  upon  it.  He  remembered  well  the  former  talk  and  schemes 
of  Davis,  when  they  were  associated  in  the  senate  before  the 
Civil  War.  During  that  conflict  Chandler  bent  all  his  strength 
toward  organizing  troops  in  Michigan.  President  Grant  took 
him  into  his  cabinet  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  He  died  in 
Washington,  November  i,  1879,  while  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Senate.  A  daughter  of  his  married  Senator  Eugene  Hale  of 
Maine.  Business  ability,  integrity,  and  education  in  the  school 
of  life  pushed  him  to  the  front. 

Daniel  Clark  was  chosen  to  fill  out  the  term  of  Senator 
James  Bell.  He  was  born  at  Stratham,  October  24,  1809.  He 
was  educated  at  Hampton  Academy  and  Dartmouth  College, 
where  he  graduated  in  1834  at  the  head  of  his  class.  He  began 
the  practice  of  law  at  Epping  in  1837  and  removed  to  Manchester 
ten  years  later.  Five  times  he  was  sent  to  the  legislature  as 
representative.  In  the  anti-slavery  crusade  of  1854-5  he  stumped 
the  State  in  the  cause  of  freedom.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
Republican  convention  at  Philadelphia  in  1856,  and  as  presi- 
dential elector  voted  for  John  C.  Fremont.  At  the  expiration  of 
his  term  of  office  he  was  re-elected  senator  and  acted  as  presi- 
dent pro  temp  ore  of  the  senate  in  1864-5.  I*1  J866  he  resigned 
his  seat  in  the  senate  in  order  to  accept  the  appointment  of 
President  Johnson  to  the  office  of  judge  of  the  United  States 
District  Court  of  New  Hampshire,  and  he  continued  in  that 
office  twenty-four  years,  much  approved  for  his  legal  learning, 
ability  and  honesty.  Dartmouth  College  gave  him  the  honorary 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws,  and  he  was  president  of  the  constitu- 
tional convention  of  1876.  His  death  occurred  in  Manchester, 
January  2,  1891. 

Dudley  Chase  was  born  in  Cornish,  December  30,  1771,  son 
of  Deacon  Dudley  and  Alice  (Corbet)  Chase,  being  of  the  fifth 


296  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

generation  from  Aquila  Chase,  one  of  the  first  settlers  of 
Newbury,  Mass.  He  graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1791, 
studied  law  and  began  to  practice  in  Randolph,  Vermont,  in 
1793.  Here  was  his  home  the  remainder  of  his  life.  He  was 
attorney  for  Orange  county  from  1803  to  1811.  Though  elected 
in  1813  to  the  United  States  senate  for  six  years,  he  resigned 
his  office  in  1817  in  order  to  accept  the  office  of  judge  of  the 
supreme  court  of  Vermont,  which  position  he  held  four  years, 
so  that  ever  afterward  he  was  called  Judge  Chase  of  Randolph. 
Several  times  he  represented  his  town  in  the  legislature  and  was 
Speaker  of  the  House,  1823-24.  Again  he  was  elected  to  the 
United  States  senate  in  1825  and  remained  there  the  full  term 
of  six  years.  He  then  returned  to  private  life  and  the  practice 
of  his  profession  at  Randolph.  He  exerted  great  and  good 
influence  in  the  legislature  of  Vermont  and  in  the  national 
senate.  As  a  judge  he  was  a  stickler  for  the  dignity  of  the 
court.  His  honesty  was  never  questioned.  His  recreation  was 
farming  and  gardening,  in  which  he  excelled.  He  was  a  brother 
of  Bishop  Philander  Chase,  founder  of  Kenyon  and  Jubilee  col- 
leges. He  had  no  children,  and  so  adopted  and  educated  twelve 
or  more,  a  practice  which  the  childless  might  well  imitate.  He 
died  February  23,  1846. 

Charles  Cutts,  born  in  Portsmouth,  January  30,  1769,  was 
graduated  at  Harvard  in  1789.  He  was  a  member  of  the  lower 
branch  of  the  legislature  from  1803  to  1810,  serving  as  Speaker 
of  the  House  three  years.  He  was  elected  United  States  Senator 
to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Nahum  Parker 
and  served  from  June  21,  1810,  to  March  3,  1813.  Directly 
afterward  he  was  appointed  senator  by  the  governor  to  fill  a 
vacancy  during  a  recess  of  the  legislature  and  served  from  April 
2,  1813,  to  June  10,  1813.  He  became  secretary  of  the  United 
States  Senate,  serving  from  October  n,  1814,  to  December  12, 
1825.  He  never  returned  to  New  Hampshire  after  his  senatorial 
term  of  office.  He  married  Lucy  Henry  Southall  of  Virginia, 
niece  of  the  wife  of  President  James  Monroe  and  a  descendant 
of  Patrick  Henry.  He  died  in  Fairfax,  Virginia,  January  25, 
1846.  It  is  said  that  he  owed  his  political  elevation  to  winning 
traits  of  character,  or  personal  popularity. 

John  Adams  Dix  was  born  in  Boscawen,  July  24,  1798,  son 
of  Lieut.-Col.  Timothy  Dix  who  died  while  in  active  service  in 


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A   HISTORY  297 

the  War  of  1812.  He  fitted  for  college  at  Salisbury  Academy 
and  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  and  in  1811  entered  the  college 
of  Montreal  in  order  to  acquire  the  French  language.  In  1812 
all  Americans  in  Canada  were  ordered  to  leave,  and  young  Dix 
continued  his  studies  under  private  tutors  in  Boston.  In  March, 
1813,  he  received  the  commission  of  ensign  in  his  father's  regi- 
ment and  joined  him  at  Sackett's  Harbor.  Before  he  was  fifteen 
years  old  he  was  acting  adjutant  of  an  independent  battalion  of 
the  army,  commanded  by  Major  Timothy  Upham.  While  in  the 
army  he  gave  his  spare  moments  to  the  study  of  law  and  after- 
ward studied  with  the  Hon.  William  Wirt  in  Washington,  where 
he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1820.  Soon  after  he  was  appointed 
special  commissioner  to  Copenhagen. 

General  Dix,  for  by  this  title  he  is  best  known,  commenced 
the  practice  of  law  at  Cooperstown,  N.  Y.,  in  1828,  and  two  years 
later  removed  to  Albany.  He  was  appointed  adjutant  general, 
secretary  of  state,  and  superintendent  of  common  schools  suc- 
cessively. He  also  planned  the  geologic  survey  of  New  York. 
He  helped  to  establish  and  edit  the  Northern  Light.  From 
1842  to  1844  he  lived  in  Europe.  In  January,  1845,  ne  was 
elected  senator  of  the  United  States  and  his  speeches  there  on 
the  Oregon  question,  the  Mexican  War  and  slavery  placed  him 
in  the  front  rank  of  statesmen  and  orators.  In  1853  he  accepted 
the  appointment  of  President  Pierce  as  assistant  treasurer  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  and  in  1860  he  was  made  postmaster  of  that 
city.  After  about  a  year  of  service  in  that  capacity  he  was  called 
by  President  Buchanan  to  be  secretary  of  the  treasury  in  his 
cabinet.  It  was  while  serving  in  this  office  that  he  gave  the 
famous  order  to  a  lieutenant  of  a  revenue  cutter  to  arrest  his 
captain,  who  was  insubordinate,  and  to  treat  him  as  a  mutineer 
if  he  resisted,  closing  his  dispatch  with  the  well  known  words, 
"If  any  one  attempts  to  haul  down  the  American  flag,  shoot  him 
on  the  spot." 

General  Dix  was  appointed  major-general  of  United  States 
volunteers  May  16,  1861,  and  after  superintending  the  raising 
of  eleven  regiments  in  New  York  he  was  assigned  to  the  de- 
partment embracing  Pennsylvania,  Delaware  and  Maryland,  with 
headquarters  at  Baltimore.  His  judicious  conduct  contributed 
much  toward  keeping  Maryland  from  seceding  with  the  South, 
and  he  drove  the  confederate  army  out  of  the  eastern  shore  of 


298  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Virginia.  He  was  ordered  to  Fortress  Monroe  and  succeeded 
General  McLellan  in  the  command  of  the  department  of  Vir- 
ginia. He  was  transferred  to  New  York  during  the  riots  got 
up  to  resist  the  draft  and  had  command  of  the  department  of 
the  East  till  Lee's  surrender,  when  he  resigned  his  commission 
in  the  army. 

He  was  appointed  minister  to  France  in  1866  and  remained 
there  till  1869.  Here  his  knowledge  of  the  French  language  and 
of  law  served  him  well.  He  did  much  to  restore  friendship 
between  France  and  the  United  States,  that  had  been  somewhat 
strained  by  the  expedition  of  Napoleon  III  to  Mexico.  After 
his  return  from  Europe  he  was  elected  governor  of  New  York. 
In  whatever  office  he  was  placed,  and  few  men  have  held  so 
many  and  varied  offices, — he  thoroughly  studied  the  situation 
and  acted  with  wisdom,  firmness  and  honesty.  He  had  no  large 
opportunity  to  distinguish  himself  as  a  military  man ;  it  was 
rather  as  a  statesman  and  financier  that  he  excelled.  Throughout 
life  he  kept  up  his  studies  in  the  Latin  classics  and  modern 
languages.  While  at  Fortress  Monroe,  in  the  exciting  times  of 
1863,  he  found  leisure  to  make  one  of  the  best  metrical  trans- 
lations of  the  famous  hymn,  Dies  irac,  that  has  ever  been  pub- 
lished. He  was  a  very  remarkable  man  for  scholarship  and 
general  executive  ability.  Wherever  he  was,  he  brought  things 
to  pass.  His  character  and  deeds  reflect  great  honor  on  his 
native  town  and  state.  He  died  in  New  York,  April  29,  1879. 

William  Pitt  Fessenden,  Maine's  noted  senator,  was  born  in 
Boscawen,  October  6,  1806.  His  father,  Samuel  Fessenden,  son 
of  the  Rev.  William  Fessenden  of  Fryeburg,  Maine,  taught 
school  in  Boscawen  the  previous  winter,  being  then  a  senior 
at  Dartmouth  College.  Daniel  Webster  is  said  to  have  been  god- 
father at  the  christening  of  William  Pitt  Fessenden.  In  1852,  when 
Webster  was  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  in  the  Whig  convention 
he  is  said  to  have  complained  that  he  rode  twenty  miles  on  a  cold 
winter  day  to  the  christening  of  this  child  at  the  request  of  his 
father,  and  now  the  grown  up  man  was  voting  against  him. 
This  Senator  Fessenden  did  by  the  instruction  of  his  constituents, 
though  he  himself  was  always  friendly  to  Webster,  who  had 
taught  Fryeburg  Academy  and  become  acquainted  with  the  Fes- 
senden family. 

The  mother  of  William  Pitt  Fessenden  was  Ruth  Greene, 


A   HISTORY  299 

daughter  of  Nathaniel  and  Ruth  (Fowler)  Greene,  born  in  Bos- 
cawen,  November  27,  1787.  She  married,  September  27,  1807, 
Moody  Morse  Currier,  and  widow  Ruth  Currier  married,  in  Hop- 
kinton,  November  26,  1810,  Moses  Bailey  of  Hopkinton  and  had 
two  sons,  Edwin  C.  and  George  Bailey,  who  became  men  of 
note.  Edwin  C.  Bailey  was  at  one  time  proprietor  of  the  Boston 
Herald  and  later  he  was  editor  of  the  Boston  Globe.  The 
brothers  of  Ruth  Greene  were  very  prominent  men,  and  it  is 
evident  that  William  Pitt  Fessenden  inherited  natural  ability 
from  his  mother  as  much  as  from  his  father.  Samuel  Fessenden 
married,  in  1813,  Deborah  Chandler  of  New  Gloucester,  Maine, 
where  he  had  settled  as  a  lawyer.  He  afterward  removed  to 
Portland  and  was  at  the  head  of  the  legal  profession  in  Maine 
for  many  years,  holding  the  office  also  of  major-general  in  the 
militia  and  having  other  distinguished  sons  besides  William  Pitt. 

William  Pitt  Fessenden  graduated  with  high  honors  at  Bow- 
doin  College  in  the  Class  of  1823,  when  he  was  not  quite  seven- 
teen years  of  age,  having  previously  taught  a  school  at  Lewiston, 
Maine.  He  studied  law  under  the  supervision  of  his  father 
with  Hon.  Charles  S.  Davies  of  Portland  and  with  his  uncle, 
Thomas  Fessenden  of  New  York.  After  practicing  law  for  a 
short  time  at  Bridgton  and  Bangor,  Maine,  he  settled  in  Port- 
land in  partnership  with  the  Hon.  William  Willis.  By  intellect- 
ual acumen,  rather  than  by  arts  of  oratory,  he  soon  attained  high 
rank  in  his  profession.  His  arguments  were  forceful,  incisive 
and  convincing.  At  the  age  of  twenty-five  the  Whigs  failed  to 
persuade  him  to  be  their  candidate  for  representative  to  congress, 
but  he  then  represented  Portland  in  the  State  legislature  and 
again  in  1839.  In  1840  he  was  elected  to  congress  as  a  Whig, 
an  ardent  admirer  of  Henry  Clay,  whom  he  had  visited  in  Ken- 
tucky in  company  with  Daniel  Webster.  After  serving  a  term 
he  returned  to  Portland,  to  be  again  sent  to  the  legislature  of 
his  State.  In  1854  he  took  his  seat  in  the  United  States  senate, 
having  been  elected  by  a  combination  of  Whigs  and  Free-soil 
Democrats,  who  were  the  precursors  of  the  Republican  party. 
Here  he  remained  fifteen  years,  save  a  few  months  in  1864-5, 
when  he  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  Lincoln's  cabinet. 

The  writer  hereof  well  remembers  the  excitement  that  pre- 
vailed, when  President  Andrew  Johnson  was  impeached.  The 
people  of  Maine  watched  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  to  see  how  he 


300  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

would  vote.  The  party  lines  were  pretty  tightly  drawn  in  that 
trial.  Fessenden  voted  so  as  to  disappoint  many  Republicans, 
but  no  one  doubted  his  sincerity  and  that  he  had  good  legal 
reasons  for  not  sustaining  the  impeachment.  As  a  senator  and 
judge  he  would  not  be  bound  by  the  wishes  of  his  constituents, 
but  followed  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience  and  reason.  He 
said,  "If  my  constituents  doubt  my  motive  or  distrust  my  judg- 
ment, they  must  send  some  one  else  to  fill  my  place." 

The  senate  acknowledged  him  as  a  leader,  and  when  he 
briefly  spoke,  attention  was  compelled.  His  oratory  was  without 
imbellishments,  but  it  was  immediately  convincing.  Truth  needs 
no  arguments  for  display.  The  clearness  of  his  head  sometimes 
concealed  the  warmth  of  his  heart.  It  was  said  of  him  that  he 
constructed  a  speech  as  Solomon  built  his  Temple,  without  sound 
of  hammer  or  sight  of  debris.  Every  stone  was  shaped  before 
it  was  taken  from  the  quarry  and  it  was  fitted  noiselessly  into 
the  argument  to  make  a  symmetrical  and  well  proportioned,  as 
well  as  beautiful,  structure.  Intellect,  study  and  character  made 
the  man.  Heredity  did  much  for  him,  and  he  improved  the  gifts 
conferred.  He  died  in  Portland,  Maine,  September  9,  1869. 
Four  sons  graduated  at  Bowdoin  College  and  became  men  of 
distinction. 

George  Gilman  Fogg  was  born  in  Meredith,  May  26,  1815, 
and  was  graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1839.  After 
graduation  he  was  principal  of  Hebron  Academy  for  a  year  or 
more  and  then  became  professor  of  English  literature  at  Hamp- 
ton Academical  Institution.  Thereafter  he  studied  at  Harvard 
Law  School  and  began  the  practice  of  law  at  Gilmanton.  He 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1846 
and  the  same  year  was  made  Secretary  of  State  for  New  Hamp- 
shire. From  1856  to  1859  he  was  reporter  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  State.  He  was  a  member  of  the  National  Republican 
Committee  from  1856  to  1864  and  its  secretary  in  1860.  He  was 
a  delegate  to  the  Free-Soil  Convention  at  Buffalo  in  1849,  to 
the  Pittsburgh  Convention  of  1852,  to  the  Republican  Convention 
of  1856,  to  the  Chicago  Convention  of  1860  and  to  the  Philadel- 
phia Loyalists  Convention  of  1866.  He  was  editor  of  the  Inde- 
pendent .Democrat,  published  first  at  Manchester  and  later  at 
Concord.  President  Lincoln  appointed  him  United  States  Minis- 
ter to  Switzerland,  in  which  office  he  served  four  years  during 


JACOB   H.   GALLIXGER 


A   HISTORY  301 

the  period  of  the  Civil  War.  As  a  Republican  he  was  appointed 
by  the  governor  to  the  United  States  senate  to  fill  the  vacancy 
caused  by  the  resignation  of  Daniel  Clark,  serving  from  August 
31,  1866  to  March  3,  1867.  Bates  College  gave  him  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  Laws,  and  he  gave  to  the  college  five  thousand 
dollars  and  served  as  a  trustee.  He  died  in  Concord,  October  5, 
1881. 

Jacob  H.  Gallinger  was  born  in  Cornwall,  province  of  On- 
tario, March  28,  1837,  of  German  ancestry.  He  became  a  printer 
in  early  life  and  served  an  apprenticeship  of  four  years,  after 
which  he  went  to  Ogdensburg,  New  York,  and  worked  a  year. 
Returning  to  Cornwall  he  became  printer  and  editor  of  the  paper 
on  which  he  had  served  his  apprenticeship.  Later  he  studied 
medicine  and  was  graduated  from  the  Cincinnati  Medical  Insti- 
tute in  1858.  His  graduation  was  followed  by  two  years  of  study 
and  travel  in  Europe.  On  his  return  he  came  to  New  Hampshire 
and  became  associated  with  Dr.  W.  B.  Chamberlain  of  Keene, 
adopting  the  principles  of  homeopathy.  He  removed  to  Concord 
in  1862  and  entered  upon  the  practice  of  medicine  and  surgery. 
His  interest  was  divided  between  his  profession  and  politics.  In 
1872-73  and  again  in  1891  he  was  elected  to  the  lower  branch 
of  the  State  legislature,  and  he  served  in  the  State  senate  in  1878- 
80,  being  its  president  the  last  two  years.  In  1878-80  he  was 
surgeon-general  in  the  militia  of  New  Hampshire  with  rank 
of  brigadier-general.  He  was  chairman  of  the  Republican  State 
Committee  from  1882  to  1890,  when  he  resigned,  but  was  again 
elected  to  the  position  in  1898,  1900,  1902,  1904  and  1906,  resign- 
ing in  1908.  He  was  chairman  of  the  delegation  from  New 
Hampshire  to  the  Republican  National  Conventions  of  1888, 
1900,  1904  and  1908,  also  chairman  of  the  merchant  marine  com- 
mission in  1904-5.  He  was  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  49th 
and  soth  congresses,  1885-89,  and  declined  renomination  to  the 
5  ist  congress.  Since  March  4,  1891  he  has  been  a  member  of 
the  United  States  senate  and  has  the  reputation  of  being  a  wise 
counselor  and  forceful  speaker.  He  has  contributed  various 
articles  to  medical  journals  and  other  periodicals.  Dartmouth 
honored  him  with  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts. 

James  Wilson  Grimes  was  born  at  Deering,  October  2,  1816, 
son  of  John  and  Elizabeth  (Wilson)  Grimes,  of  Scotch-Irish 
lineage.  He  was  educated  at  various  academies  and  Dartmouth 


302  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

College,  studied  law  with  James  Walker  of  Peterborough  and 
settled  in  the  practice  of  law  at  Burlington  Iowa,  in  1836.  Soon 
he  was  in  the  legislature  and  in  1854  he  was  elected  governor  of 
Iowa  by  a  combination  of  Whigs  and  Free-Soilers.  In  January, 
1858,  he  was  chosen  United  States  senator  and  served  by  re- 
election till  December  6,  1869,  when  he  resigned  on  account  of 
ill  health.  He  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Republican  party 
in  the  West.  His  allegiance  to  that  party  did  not  warp  his 
judgment,  and  he  voted  for  the  acquittal  of  President  Andrew 
Johnson,  when  the  attempt  was  made  to  imitate  some  small 
republics  and  oust  the  chief  official,  because  his  policy  was  dis- 
approved by  some.  There  was  not  sufficient  cause  for  a  "revolu- 
tion," and  in  a  brief  presidential  term  there  was  not  much  danger 
that  the  country  would  go  to  ruin.  So  Grimes  and  Fessenden 
thought  and  voted,  while  Chandler  was  ardent  for  condemnation. 
Senator  Grimes  founded  a  free  library  in  Burlington,  a  professor- 
ship in  Iowa  College,  and  a  scholarship  there  and  at  Dartmouth. 
Both  colleges  gave  him  the  honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws. 
He  died  at  Burlington,  Iowa,  February  7,  1872. 

Henry  French  Hollis  was  born  in  West  Concord,  August  30, 
1869;  educated  in  the  Concord  High  School  and  Harvard  College, 
where  he  was  graduated  in  1892,  magna  cum  laude.  Member  of 
the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  fraternity.  During  his  college  course  he 
pursued  also  the  study  of  law  at  the  Harvard  Law  School  and 
so  shortly  after  his  graduation  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  and 
began  practice  at  Concord ;  has  been  prominent  in  athletic  clubs. 
He  was  Democratic  candidate  for  congress  in  1900  and  Democratic 
candidate  for  governor  in  1902  and  1904.  For  some  time  he  was 
chairman  of  the  Democratic  state  committee.  He  was  elected  to  the 
United  States  senate,  after  a  prolonged  voting  contest,  in  1813. 

Benning  Wentworth  Jenness  was  born  in  Deerfield,  July  14, 
1806.  His  education  was  obtained  in  the  common  schools  and  at 
Bradford  Academy,  Massachusetts.  Engaging  in  mercantile  pur- 
suits in  Strafford  he  was  sent  to  represent  that  town  in  the 
legislature  a  number  of  terms.  He  was  judge  of  probate  in 
Strafford  county,  1841-45.  He  was  appointed  to  the  United 
States  senate  to  fill  a  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Levi 
Woodbury  and  served  from  November  12,  1845  to  June  r3>  1846. 
fie  wk$  a  member  of  the  constitutional  convention  of  1850  and 
delegate  to  the  Democratic  national  convention  of  1852.  His 


GILMAN    MARSTON 


A    HISTORY  303 

party  nominated  him  for  governor  in  1861,  but  he  withdrew  in 
favor  of  Gen.  George  Stark.  Moving  to  Ohio  he  engaged  in 
lumbering  and  banking  and  died  in  Cleveland,  November  16, 

1879- 

Gilman  Marston  was  born  in  Orford,  August  20,  1811,  and 
was  graduated  from  Dartmouth  in  1837  and  from  the  Harvard 
Law  School  in  1840.  In  early  life  he  worked  on  a  farm  and 
taught  school  to  assist  in  his  education.  After  he  left  college  he 
had  charge  for  a  year  and  a  half  of  an  academy  in  Indianapolis, 
Indiana.  He  began  the  practice  of  law  in  Exeter  in  1841.  Soon 
he  was  representing  that  town  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
1845-49.  He  was  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  36th  and  37th 
congresses,  1859-63  and  re-elected  to  the  39th  congress,  1865-67. 
In  1861  he  was  appointed  colonel  of  the  2nd  New  Hampshire 
Infantry  and  was  made  brigadier-general  of  volunteers,  Novem- 
ber 29,  1862.  He  took  part  in  several  battles,  being  wounded  at 
Bull  Run.  He  resigned  his  commission  April  20,  1865,  and  re- 
turned to  the  practice  of  law.  In  1870  he  declined  the  governor- 
ship of  Idaho  Territory.  Again  he  was  a  member  of  the  State 
house  of  representatives  in  1872-73  and  in  1876-78.  He  was 
appointed  to  the  United  States  senate  and  served  from  March  5 
to  June  18,  1889.  Dartmouth  gave  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Laws.  He  died  in  Exeter  July  3,  1890.  His  career  was  marked 
by  distinguishing  ability,  ambition,  and  earnest  endeavor.  As 
a  lawyer  it  is  said  of  him  that  he  was  always  convinced  of  the 
justice  of  his  cause,  whether  others  were  or  not,  and  that  he 
sought  popularity  and  enjoyed  it.  What  prominent  man  does 
not? 

Moses  Norris,  Jr.,  was  born  in  Pittsfield,  November  8,  1799; 
graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1828  and  practiced  law  at 
Barnstead,  Pittsfield  and  Manchester.  He  represented  Pittsfield 
in  the  lower  house  of  the  state  legislature,  1837-40,  was  elected 
as  a  Democrat  to  the  28th  and  29th  congresses,  1843-47  and 
was  re-elected  to  the  state  house  of  representatives  and  chosen 
speaker  in  1847.  After  serving  as  solicitor  for  Merrimack  county 
five  years  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  senate  and  served 
from  March  4,  1849  to  his  death  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  January 
n,  1855.  In  1835  he  prosecuted  the  Rev.  George  Storrs  for 
conductiong  an  abolition  meeting  in  Pittsfield.  He  was  a 
thorough  Democratic  partisan. 


304  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Nahum  Parker,  senator  from  New  Hampshire,  was  born  in 
Shrewsbury,  Mass.,  March  4,  1760.  He  served  as  a  soldier  in 
the  Revolution  and  was  present  at  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne. 
Settling  in  Fitzwilliam  in  1786  he  represented  that  town  in  the 
state  legislature,  1794-1804  and  1806-7.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  governor's  council,  1804-5.  Elected  to  the  United  States 
senate  he  served  from  March  4,  1807  to  June  i,  1810,  when  he 
resigned.  He  was  justice  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  for 
Cheshire  and  Sullivan  counties,  1807-13,  an  associate  justice  of 
the  western  circuit,  1813-16,  judge  of  the  court  of  sessions, 
Cheshire  county,  1821,  and  of  the  court  of  common  pleas,  Hills- 
borough  county,  1822,  member  of  the  state  senate  and  its  presi- 
dent in  1828,  and  died  in  Fitzwilliam  November  12,  1839. 

James  Willis  Patterson  was  born  in  Henniker  July  2,  1823 ; 
graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  and  was  a  professor  in  that 
institution,  1854-65;  member  of  the  state  house  of  representa- 
tives in  1862;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  38th  and  39th 
congresses,  1863-67;  elected  to  the  United  States  senate  and 
served  from  March  4,  1867,  to  March  3,  1873  >  again  a  professor 
in  Dartmouth  College;  again  a  member  of  the  state  house  of 
representatives,  1877-8;  appointed  state  superintendent  of  public 
instruction,  1885-93;  died  in  Hanover,  May  4,  1893. 

Austin  Franklin  Pike  was  born  in  Hebron,  October  14,  1819; 
admitted  to  the  bar  of  Merrimack  county  in  July,  1845  >  member 
of  the  state  house  of  representatives  in  1850-52  and  1865-6,  and 
was  speaker  in  the  last  two  years ;  member  of  the  state  senate  in 
1857-8  and  president  the  last  year;  delegate  to  the  Philadelphia 
convention  which  nominated  Gen.  Fremont  for  President,  1856; 
elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  43rd  congress,  1873-5;  elected  as 
a  Republican  to  the  United  States  senate  and  served  from  March 
4,  1883,  until  his  death  in  Franklin,  October  8,  1886. 

Edward  Henry  Rollins  was  born  in  Somers worth  (Rollins- 
ford),  October  3,  1824;  attended  academies  in  Dover  and  South 
Berwick;  engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits;  chairman  of  the  Re- 
publican state  committee  of  New  Hampshire  at  its  organization 
and  for  many  succeeding  years;  member  of  the  state  legislature 
1855-57,  and  f°r  tne  last  two  years  Speaker  of  the  House ;  chair- 
man of  the  New  Hampshire  delegation  in  the  Republican  national 
convention  of  1860  that  nominated  Lincoln  and  Hamlin ;  elected 
to  the  37th,  38th  and  39th  congresses,  1861-7;  secretary  of  the 


A   HISTORY  2PS 

Union  Pacific  railroad  company  in  May,  1860,  and  treasurer  in 
April,  1871,  resigning  those  positions  before  taking  his  seat  in 
the  senate;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  United  States  senate 
and  served  from  March  4,  1877,  to  March  3,  1883;  died  at  the 
Isles  of  Shoals,  July  31,  1889. 

James  Sheafe  was  born  in  Portsmouth,  November  16,  1755 ; 
graduated  from  Harvard  College  in  1774;  merchant;  member  of 
the  state  house  of  representatives  and  of  the  state  senate ;  elected 
as  a  Fderalist  to  the  6th  congress,  1799-1801 ;  elected  to  the 
United  States  senate  and  served  from  March  4,  1801,  until  his 
resignation,  June  n,  1802;  defeated  as  candidate  for  governor  in 
1816;  died  in  Portsmouth,  December  5,  1829. 

Thomas  Weston  Thompson  was  born  in  Boston,  Mass., 
March  15,  1766;  graduated  from  Harvard  College  in  1786;  began 
the  practice  of  law  at  Salisbury,  Mass.,  in  1791  and  continued 
there  till  1810,  serving  also  as  postmaster  five  years;  moved  to 
Concord  in  1810;  member  of  the  state  house  of  representatives, 
1807-8  and  1813-14,  and  Speaker  for  the  last  two  years ;  elected 
to  the  9th  congress,  1805-7;  treasurer  of  New  Hampshire,  1809- 
1 1 ;  appointed  to  the  United  States  senate  to  fill  vacancy  caused 
by  the  death  of  Nicholas  Oilman,  and  served  from  June  24,  1814, 
to  March  3,  1817;  trustee  of  Dartmouth  College,  1801-21 ;  died  in 
Concord,  October  I,  1821. 

Bainbridge  Wadleigh  was  born  in  Bradford,  January  4,  1831 ; 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  Newport  in  1850;  served  eight  years  in 
the  state  legislature;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  United 
States  senate  and  served  1873-79;  resumed  the  practice  of  law 
in  Boston,  Mass.,  and  died  there,  January  24,  1891. 

John  Sullivan  Wells  was  born  in  Durham,  October,  1803; 
grand-nephew  of  General  John  Sullivan ;  attended  the  academy 
in  Pembroke ;  practiced  law  in  Guildhall,  Vermont,  1828-35  J  *n 
Bangor,  Maine,  in  1835;  thereafter  in  Exeter,  N.  H.;  served 
several  years  in  the  state  house  of  representatives,  as  Speaker  in 
1841 ;  attorney-general  of  the  state  in  1847  >  member  and  presi- 
dent of  the  state  senate  1851-2.  He  was  defeated  for  the  office 
of  United  States  senator  on  the  Democratic  ticket  in  1854,  but 
shortly  after  was  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the 
death  of  Senator  Moses  Norris  and  served  from  January  16, 
1855,  to  March  3,  1855.  He  died  in  Exeter,  August  i,  1860.  His 
brother,  Samuel  Wells,  was  governor  of  Maine,  and  another 


306  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

brother,  Joseph  Bartlett  Wells,  was  state  attorney  and  governor 
of  Illinois. 

John  Wingate  Weeks  was  born  in  Lancaster,  April  u,  1860. 
He  was  graduated  from  the  United  States  Naval  Academy  in 
1881  and  served  in  the  navy  as  a  midshipman  and  in  the  Spanish- 
American  War  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  volunteer  navy.  He  was 
mayor  of  Newton,  Massachusetts,  two  years  and  was  elected  as 
a  Republican  to  the  59th,  6oth,  6ist  and  62nd  congresses,  1905- 
13,  at  the  end  of  which  period  he  was  elected  to  the  United 
State  senate.  His  name  was  much  before  the  public  as  a  possible 
nominee  of  the  Republican  party  for  President  of  the  United 
States. 

Winthrop  and  Abigail  (Witham)  Colbath  had  a  son  born  at 
Farmington,  February  16,  1812,  named  Jeremiah  Jones  Colbath. 
His  parents  were  very  poor  and  several  children  followed.  To  help 
them  Jeremiah  was  apprenticed  at  the  age  of  ten  to  William 
Knight  of  Farmington,  to  be  brought  up  as  a  farmer.  He  was 
indentured  to  remain  till  twenty-one  years  of  age,  to  have  food 
and  clothing,  a  month's  schooling  every  year,  and  at  the  end  of 
his  apprenticeship  six  sheep  and  a  yoke  of  oxen.  A  neighbor, 
Mrs.  Eastman,  supplied  him  with  books,  and  thus  he  became 
familiar  with  about  a  thousand  volumes  of  history,  biography, 
travel  and  romance,  besides  the  current  numbers  of  the  North 
American  Review.  He  sold  his  sheep  and  oxen  for  eighty-four 
dollars,  and  his  first  step  in  life  was  to  have  his  name  changed 
to  Henry  Wilson.  Why  the  change  was  desired  and  why  that 
name  was  chosen  nobody  knows.  He  worked  a  month  cutting 
logs  in  the  woods  for  six  dollars,  a  big  sum  of  money  to  him. 
Then  he  started  out  in  search  of  work,  walking  from  one  place 
to  another  and  finding  nothing  to  do  till  he  reached  Natick, 
Mass.  Here  he  learned  to  make  shoes.  In  1836  he  visited  Wash- 
ington and  saw  enough  of  slavery  and  heard  enough  of  sub- 
servience of  the  North  to  the  interests  of  slaveholders,  that  he 
came  back  an  abolitionist  and  ever  remained  one.  For  short 
terms  he  studied  at  Strafford,  Wolfeborough  and  Concord 
academies.  In  1839  he  returned  to  Natick  and  taught  school 
for  a  term.  Then  he  became  an  independent  manufacturer  of 
shoes  on  a  small  scale  for  the  southern  market  and  continued  in 
this  business  for  ten  years  with  varying  success.  He  represented 
Natick  in  both  house  and  senate  of  Massachusetts  and  was  ap- 


A   HISTORY  307 

pointed  brigadier-general  in  the  militia.  He  was  a  delegate  to 
the  national  Whig  convention  in  1848.  For  three  years  he  edited 
The  Republican.  Massachusetts  senate  elected  him  its  president, 
1851-2.  On  the  rise  of  the  American,  or  Know-Nothing,  party 
he  became  a  leader  therein.  He  was  elected  to  the  United 
States  senate  in  1855,  to  succeed  Edward  Everett,  and  continued 
in  that  body  till  he  was  chosen  Vice-President  in  1872.  During 
all  his  political  career  he  was  one  of  the  foremost  advocates  of 
anti-slavery.  The  temperance  cause  recognized  in  him  a  cham- 
pion. He  rendered  good  service  in  organizing  and  bringing  to 
the  front  the  first  regiments  of  soldiers  for  the  protection  of 
Washington.  He  understood  American  history  as  well  as  his 
colleague,  Charles  Sumner,  who  in  public  speaking  could  not 
outdo  Wilson  in  practical  information  and  display  of  common 
sense.  Mr.  Wilson  was  the  author  of  several  works  dealing  with 
legislation  on  slave  questions.  His  most  important  work  was  a 
"History  of  the  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power  in  America," 
in  three  volumes.  He  died  at  Washington,  November  22,  1875. 
How  shall  students  of  heredity  account  for  him?  Great  men 
start  up  in  unexpected  places  and  in  obscure  families.  Poverty 
is  no  bar  to  progress,  if  there  is  a  determined  will  and  a  love 
for  truth  and  righteousness.  There  is  always  a  chance  to  come 
to  the  front,  if  one  has  a  great  message  and  is  not  ashamed  or 
afraid  to  declare  it.  To  champion  the  cause  of  the  oppressed  is 
the  surest  road  to  posthumous  fame,  sometimes  by  way  of 
martyrdom,  but  not  always.  Many  would  like  to  be  a  senator 
or  a  vice-president,  if  the  upward  struggle  were  not  too  severe. 
It  is  best  to  do  one's  best,  whether  public  honors  come  or  not. 
Seeming  accidents  put  some  men  on  a  pedestal.  "Pyramids  are 
pyramids  in  vales." 

Leonard  Wilcox  was  born  in  Hanover,  January  24,  1799; 
graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1817;  began  practice  of 
law  in  Orford  in  1820;  state  representative  seven  years;  judge 
of  the  superior  court  1838-40;  appointed  as  a  Democrat  to  the 
United  State  senate  to  fill  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of 
Franklin  Pierce ;  subsequently  elected  and  served  from  March  I, 
1842,  to  March  3,  1843 ;  judge  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  of 
New  Hampshire,  1847-8;  again  appointed  judge  of  the  superior 
court,  June  26,  1848,  and  served  till  his  death,  in  Orford,  June  18, 
1850.  His  father  was  Jeduthan  Wilcox,  representative  in  con- 


3o8  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

gress,  and  he  himself  had  three  sons  who  graduated  from  Dart- 
mouth College  and  became  lawyers. 

Paine  Wingate  was  born  in  Amesbury,  Mass.,  May  14,  1739; 
graduated  from  Harvard  College  in  1759;  ordained  minister  of 
the  Congregational  church  in  Hampton  Falls,  1763;  removed  to 
Stratham  in  1776  and  became  a  farmer;  member  of  the  state 
house  of  representatives;  delegate  in  the  continental  congress, 
1787-8;  elected  to  the  United  States  senate  and  served  from 
March  4,  1789,  to  March  3,  1793;  elected  to  the  3rd  congress, 
1794-5 ;  judge  of  the  superior  court  of  New  Hampshire,  1798- 
1809;  died  in  Stratham,  March  7,  1838. 


Chapter  XVIII 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE  IN  THE  UNITED 
STATES  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 


Chapter  XVIII 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  HOUSE 
OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

GEORGE  EVERETT  ADAMS,  born  at  Keene,  June  18, 
1840,  moved  with  his  parents  to  Chicago  in  1853.  He  was 
graduated  at  Harvard  in  1860  and  practiced  law  in  Chicago. 
After  serving  in  the  state  senate  he  was  elected  as  a  Republican 
to  four  successive  congresses,  1883-91,  after  which  he  resumed 
the  practice  of  law  in  Chicago. 

Nathan  Appleton  was  born  in  New  Ipswich,  October  6, 
1779.  Studied  at  Dartmouth  College  but  did  not  finish  the 
course.  He  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  cotton  mills  at  Wal- 
tham  and  at  Lowell,  Mass.  For  several  years  he  was  a  member 
of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
22nd  and  27th  congresses  as  a  Whig.  He  died  in  Boston  July 
14,  1861.  A  daughter  married  the  poet,  Henry  W.  Longfellow. 

Henry  Ashley  was  born  in  Winchester,  February  19,  1778. 
He  removed  to  Catskill,  New  York,  where  he  became  a  wealthy 
manufacturer  of  leather.  He  served  in  the  igth  congress,  1825-7. 
He  died  in  Catskill,  February  14,  1829. 

Charles  Humphrey  Atherton  was  born  in  Amherst,  August 
14,  1773;  graduated  from  Harvard  in  1794.  He  practiced  law  in 
Amherst,  was  register  of  probate,  1798-1807,  and  was  elected  as 
a  Federalist  to  the  I4th  congress,  1815-17.  He  declined  a  re- 
election and  was  a  member  of  the  state  legislature,  1823-39.  He 
died  in  Amherst,  January  8,  1853. 

David  Atwood,  representative  from  Wisconsin,  was  born  at 
Bedford,  N.  H.,  December  15,  1815;  for  twenty-three  years  was 
editor  and  publisher  of  the  State  Journal,  Madison,  Wis. ;  United 
States  assessor  four  years;  mayor  of  Madison  in  1868;  member 
of  the  state  legislature  in  1861 ;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the 
4ist  congress;  died  in  Madison,  December  n,  1889. 

Clinton  Babbitt  was  born  in  Westmoreland,  November  16, 
1831.  He  graduated  at  Keene  Academy  and  removed  to  Wis- 

311 


312  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

consin  in  1853;  was  one  of  the  first  aldermen  of  Beloit  and  was 
appointed  postmaster  of  that  city  by  President  Cleveland  in 
1886;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  52nd  congress,  1891-93. 

Goldsmith  Fox  Bailey  was  born  in  Westmoreland,  July  17, 
1823.  He  edited  a  country  newspaper,  studied  law  and  begun 
practice  in  Fitchburg,  Mass. ;  served  in  both  house  and  senate  of 
Massachusetts  and  was  elected  to  the  37th  congress  and  served 
from  March  4,  1861,  till  his  death  in  Fitchburg,  May  8,  1862. 

Henry  M.  Baker  was  born  in  Bow,  January  n,  1841.  He 
graduated  at  New  Hampshire  Conference  Seminary  in  1859,  at 
Dartmouth  College  in  1863  and  at  Columbia  College  Law  School 
in  1866;  became  a  clerk  in  the  war  and  treasury  departments  at 
Washington  and  later  practiced  law  there.  He  was  judge  advo- 
cate-general of  the  national  guard  of  New  Hampshire,  1886-7, 
with  rank  of  brigadier-general ;  member  of  the  State  Senate, 
1891-2 ;  member  of  congress,  1893-7 ;  member  of  the  state  house 
of  representatives,  1905-9.  He  then  resumed  the  practice  of  law 
in  Washington  until  his  death,  May  30,  1912. 

Ichabod  Bartlett  was  born  in  Salisbury  July  24,  1786.  After 
graduating  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1808  he  was  admitted  to 
the  bar  and  commenced  practice  in  Durham  in  1811.  In  1816  he 
removed  to  Portsmouth.  He  was  a  member  of  the  state  house  of 
representatives  seven  terms,  and  speaker  in  1821.  He  was  elected 
to  the  i9th  and  2Oth  congresses,  1823-27.  He  declined  the  ap- 
pointment as  chief  justice  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  in  1825. 
Again  he  served  as  a  member  of  the  house  of  representatives  in 
his  native  state,  in  1832,  1851  and  1852.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  state  constitutional  convention  in  1850  and  died  at  Ports- 
mouth, October  19,  1853. 

Josiah  Bartlett,  Jr.,  born  in  Kingston,  December  16,  1788, 
studied  medicine  and  began  practice  in  Stratham.  He  was  presi- 
dential elector  on  the  Washington  ticket  in  1793  and  again  on 
the  John  Quincy  Adams  ticket  in  1825.  He  served  in  the  I2th 
congress,  1811-13.  He  died  in  Stratham,  April  14,  1838. 

Benning  Moulton  Bean  was  born  in  Moultonborough  Jan- 
uary 9,  1782.  He  served  in  the  state  house  of  representatives 
1815-23,  and  1826,  and  in  the  state  senate  1824-26,  1831-32,  being 
president  in  the  last  year.  He  was  a  member  of  the  governor's 
council  in  1829,  and  was  elected  to  the  23rd  and  24th  congresses, 
1833-37.  He  died  in  Moultonborough,  February  9,  1866. 


A    HISTORY  313 

Curtis  Coe  Bean  was  born  in  Tamworth,  January  4,  1828. 
He  attended  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  studied  law  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  Tennessee  in  1865.  In  that  state  he  was 
attorney-general  of  a  judicial  district  and  a  member  of  the 
legislature.  He  removed  to  Arizona  in  1869  and  was  a  member 
of  the  upper  house  in  the  legislative  assembly  of  1879.  He  was 
elected  as  a  Republican  a  delegate  to  the  49th  congress,  1885-87. 
He  died  in  New  York  City  February  i,  1904. 

Samuel  Newell  Bell  was  born  in  Chester,  March  25,  1829. 
After  graduating  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1847  ne  studied 
law  and  practiced  in  Manchester.  He  was  elected  as  a  Democrat 
to  the  42nd  congress  and  re-elected  to  the  44th.  The  governor 
and  council  appointed  him  chief  justice  of  the  superior  court  of 
New  Hampshire,  but  he  declined  the  honor.  He  died  at  Wood- 
stock, February  8,  1889. 

Jacob  Benton  was  born  in  Waterford,  Vermont,  August  19, 
1814.  He  removed  to  Lancaster  in  1842,  where  he  was  admitted 
to  the  bar,  and  here  was  his  home  through  the  remainder  of  his 
life.  He  served  three  terms  in  the  state  legislature  and  was  a 
delegate  to  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1860.  Of  the 
state  volunteers  he  was  brigadier-general.  He  served  as  a  Re- 
publican in  the  4Oth  and  4ist  congresses,  1867-71.  Then  he 
resumed  the  practice  of  law  and  died  at  Lancaster  September  29, 
1892. 

Silas  Betton  was  born  in  Londonderry,  August  26,  1768.  He 
graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1787  and  was  elected  to  the 
8th  and  gth  congresses,  1803-7.  He  was  high  sheriff  of  Rocking- 
ham  county  for  several  years.  Died  at  Salem,  January  22,  1822. 

Jonathan  Blanchard  was  born  in  Dunstable,  September  18, 
1738.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  Revolution  and  sat  in  the 
Continental  Congress,  1783-4.  He  died  in  Dunstable,  July  16, 
1788. 

James  Franklin  Briggs  was  born  in  Bury,  Lancashire,  Eng- 
land, October  23,  1827;  came  to  America  when  young  and  was 
educated  in  the  common  schools;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1851  and  practiced  at  Hillsborough ;  removed  to  Manchester  in 
1871.  He  was  a  member  of  the  state  legislature  in  1856-8  and 
1874,  and  of  the  State  Senate  in  1876.  He  was  Quartermaster 
of  the  Eleventh  New  Hampshire  regiment  in  the  Civil  War; 
elected  to  the  45th,  46th  and  47th  congresses,  1877-83,  as  a  Re- 


314  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

publican;  again  elected  to  state  legislature  in  1883,  and  1891-97, 
the  last  year  being  Speaker  of  the  House.  Member  of  the 
constitutional  convention  of  1889.  He  died  at  Manchester,  Jan- 
uary 21,  1905. 

John  Brodhead  was  born  in  Lower  Smithfield,  Pa.,  October 
2,  1770.  He  moved  to  New  Hampshire  in  1796.  He  was  a 
minister  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  forty-four  years 
and  chaplain  of  New  Hampshire  legislature,  1817-27.  He  repre- 
sented New  Hampshire  in  the  21  st  and  22nd  congresses,  1829-33. 
He  died  in  Newmarket,  April  7,  1838. 

Titus  Brown  was  born  in  Cheshire  county,  February  u, 
1786.  Middlebury  College  was  his  alma  mater.  He  practiced 
law  in  Francestown.  Was  a  member  of  the  state  legislature, 
1820-25,  and  solicitor  for  Hillsborough  county  seven  years.  He 
was  elected  to  the  I9th  and  2Oth  congresses,  1825-29,  and  was 
president  of  the  state  senate  in  1842.  He  died  in  Francestown, 
January  29,  1849. 

Edmund  Burke  was  born  in  Westminster,  Vermont,  January 

23,  1809.     He  began  the  practice  of  law  in  Newport,  N.  H.,  in 
1833;  established  the  New  Hampshire  Argus  and  edited  it  for 
several  years;  commissioned  as  adjutant  in  the  militia  in  1837 
and  as  brigade  inspector  in  1838;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the 
26th,  27th  and  28th  congresses,  1839-45 ;  appointed  commissioner 
of  patents  by  President  Polk  and  served  four  years.    Then  he 
resumed  the  practice  of  law  in  Newport,  and  died  there  January 
25,  1882.    He  was  regarded  as  a  leader  in  the  Democratic  party, 
presiding  at  the  state  conventions  and  acting  as  delegate  to  the 
national  conventions  that  nominated  Presidents  Polk  and  Pierce, 
and  he  is  said  to  have  exerted  more  influence  than  any  other  to 
secure  the  nomination  of  President  Pierce.    As  a  lawyer  he  was 
among  the  foremost  of  his  profession. 

Henry  Gordon  Burleigh  was  born  in  Canaan,  June  2,  1832. 
Removed  to  Ticonderoga,  Essex  County,  N.  Y.,  and  there  en- 
gaged in  business.  He  was  a  member  of  the  assembly  for 
Washington  county  in  1876  and  was  elected  to  the  48th  and  49th 
congresses,  1883-87 ;  removed  to  Whitehall,  N.  Y.,  and  died  there 
August  10,  1900. 

William  Burleigh  was  born  in  Rockingham  county  October 

24,  1785.     He   studied   law  and   practiced  in   South   Berwick, 


A    HISTORY  315 

Maine;  was  elected  to  the  i8th  and  igth  congresses,  1823-27. 
Died  in  South  Berwick,  July  2,  1827. 

Josiah  Butler,  born  in  Pelham  in  1779,  graduated  at  Harvard 
College  in  1803.  Commenced  practice  of  law  in  South  Deerfield. 
He  was  representative  in  the  state  legislature  for  several  terms 
and  was  sheriff  of  Rockingham  county  181013.  He  was  elected 
as  a  Democrat  to  the  I5th,  i6th  and  I7th  congresses,  1818-23; 
associate  justice  of  the  state  court  of  common  pleas,  1825-33. 
He  died  in  Deerfield,  November  8,  1854. 

Martin  Butterfield  was  born  in  Westmoreland,  December  8, 
1790.  Removed  to  Palmyra,  N.  Y.,  in  1828  and  engaged  in  hard- 
ware business  and  manufacture  of  rope  and  cordage.  Was 
presidential  elector  in  1848;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  36th 
congress,  1859-61.  He  died  in  Palmyra,  N.  Y.,  August  6,  1866. 

Peter  Carleton  was  born  in  Haverhill,  Mass.,  September  19, 
1755.  He  served  in  a  Massachusetts  regiment  in  the  Revolution, 
moved  to  Landaff  about  1789,  served  in  both  branches  of  the 
state  legislature  and  was  elected  to  the  loth  congress  as  a  Dem- 
ocrat, 1807-09.  He  died  in  Landaff,  April  29,  1828. 

Davis  Carpenter,  a  representative  from  New  York,  was  born 
in  Walpole,  N.  H.,  December  25,  1799;  studied  medicine  and 
was  graduated  from  Middlebury  College  in  1823;  commenced 
practice  in  Brockport,  N.  Y. ;  elected  as  a  Whig  to  the  33rd 
congress,  to  fill  vacancy  caused  by  rsignation  of  Azariah  Boody, 
and  served  from  December  5,  1854,  to  March  3,  1855;  died  at 
Brockport,  October  22,  1878. 

John  Curtis  Chamberlain  was  born  in  Worcester,  Mass., 
June  5,  1772;  was  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1793,  and 
practiced  law  at  Alstead,  N.  H.  He  was  elected  as  a  Federalist 
to  the  nth  congress,  1809-11.  He  died  at  Utica,  N.  Y.,  December 
8,  1834. 

Thomas  Chandler  was  born  in  Bedford,  August  10,  1772. 
He  was  justice  of  the  peace  in  1808  and  captain  in  the  militia 
in  1815.  His  town  sent  him  as  representative  to  the  legislature 
in  1818  and  again  in  1827,  and  he  was  elected  as  a  Democrat 
to  the  2ist  and  22nd  congresses,  1829-33.  He  died  in  Bedford, 
January  28,  1866. 

Clifton  Claggett,  born  in  Portsmouth,  December  3,  1762, 
began  the  practice  of  law  in  Litchfield  in  1787.  He  was  appointed 
judge  of  probate  for  Hillsborough  county  in  1810  and  moved 


316  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

to  Amherst.  Both  towns  were  represented  by  him  in  the  legis- 
lature. He  was  elected  to  the  8th  congress,  1803-05 ;  was  judge 
of  the  supreme  court  in  1812;  again  elected  to  the  I5th  and  i6th 
congresses,  1817-21 ;  appointed  judge  of  probate  in  1823  and  held 
that  office  till  his  death  in  Amherst,  January  29,  1829. 

Frank  Gay  Clarke  was  born  in  Wilton,  September  10,  1850; 
was  educated  at  Kimball  Union  Academy  and  Dartmouth  Col- 
lege; practiced  law  at  Peterboro;  served  in  both  branches  of 
the  state  legislature  and  was  speaker  of  the  house  in  1891 ;  was 
colonel  on  the  military  staff  of  Governor  Hale;  elected  as  a 
Republican  to  the  55th  and  56th  congresses,  1897-1901.  He  died 
in  Peterboro,  January  9,  1901. 

Clark  Beaton  Cochrane  was  born  in  New  Boston,  May  31, 
1815;  moved  to  Montgomery  county,  N.  Y. ;  was  a  member  of 
the  New  York  house  of  representatives  in  1844-45  J  elected  as  a 
Republican  to  the  35th  and  36th  congresses,  1857-61 ;  moved  to 
Albany,  where  he  continued  the  practice  of  law.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1864  and  of 
the  state  house  of  representatives  in  1866.  He  died  in  Albany, 
N.  Y.,  March  5,  1867. 

Charles  Carter  Comstock  was  born  in  Sullivan,  March  5, 
1818;  moved  to  Grand  Rapids  in  1853;  was  farmer,  lumberman 
and  manufacturer  of  furniture ;  mayor  of  Grand  Rapids  in  1863- 
64;  elected  as  a  Fusion  Democrat  to  the  49th  congress,  1885-87. 
He  died  in  Grand  Rapids,  Mich.,  February  20,  1900. 

Frank  Dunklee  Currier  was  born  in  Canaan,  October  30, 
1853;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1874;  member  of  the  state  house 
of  representatives  in  1879;  secretary  of  the  Republican  state 
committee,  1882-90;  clerk  of  the  state  senate,  1883-87;  delegate 
in  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1884;  president  of 
the  state  senate  in  1887;  naval  officer  of  customs  at  the  port  of 
Boston,  Mass.,  1890-94;  speaker  of  the  state  house  of  representa- 
tives in  1899;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  57th,  58th,  59th, 
6oth,  6ist  and  62nd  congresses,  1901-13. 

Samuel  Cushman  was  born  in  Portsmouth,  June  8,  1783; 
practiced  law  in  Portsmouth ;  county  treasurer  1823-28 ;  member 
of  the  state  council,  1833-35  >  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  24th 
and  25th  congresses,  1835-39;  United  States  naval  officer  at 
Portsmouth,  1845-49.  He  died  at  Portsmouth,  May  20,  1851. 

William  Shapleigh  Damrell,  representative  from  Massachu- 


A    HISTORY  317 

setts,  was  born  in  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  November  29,  1809; 
became  the  proprietor  of  a  large  printing  establishment  in  Bos- 
ton ;  elected  as  an  American  to  the  34th  and  as  a  Republican  to 
the  35th  congress,  1855-59;  died  in  Dedham,  Mass.,  May  17,  1860. 

Noah  Davis  was  born  in  Haverhill,  N.  H.,  September  10, 
1818;  moved  with  his  parents  to  Albion,  N.  Y.,  in  1825;  practiced 
law  in  Gainesville,  Buffalo,  and  Albion;  judge  of  the  supreme 
court,  1857-68;  moved  to  New  York  City  and  practiced  law; 
elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  4ist  congress,  1868-69;  resigned 
and  appointed  by  President  Grant  United  States  attorney  for 
the  southern  district  of  New  York,  serving  from  1870  to  1872, 
when  he  resigned,  having  been  elected  a  judge  of  the  supreme 
court  of  the  state;  served  till  1887;  member  of  council  of  the 
university  of  New  York  City.  He  died  in  New  York  City, 
March  20,  1902. 

Henry  Alexander  Scammell  Dearborn  was  born  in  Exeter, 
March  3,  1783;  graduated  from  William  and  Mary  College  in 
1803 ;  practiced  law  in  Salem,  Mass. ;  was  collector  of  customs 
in  Boston,  1812-29;  served  in  the  War  of  1812  as  brigadier- 
general  commanding  the  volunteers  in  the  defense  of  Boston 
harbor;  member  of  the  state  constitutional  convention  of  1820; 
served  in  both  branches  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature ;  elected 
to  the  22nd  congress,  1831-33,  from  Massachusetts,  adjutant 
general  of  Massachusetts,  1834-43;  mayor  of  Roxbury,  1847-51. 
He  died  at  Portland,  Maine,  July  29,  1851. 

Daniel  Meserve  Durell  was  born  in  Lee,  July  20,  1769; 
graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1794;  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  Dover  in  1797,  where  he  practiced;  elected  to  the  loth 
congress,  1807-09;  member  of  the  state  legislature  in  1816;  chief 
justice  of  the  district  court  of  common  pleas  1816-21 ;  United 
States  attorney,  district  of  New  Hampshire,  1820-34.  He  died 
at  Dover,  April  29,  1841. 

Experience  Esterbrook  was  born  in  Lebanon,  April  30,  1813; 
began  the  practice  of  law  at  Geneva,  Wisconsin,  in  1840;  member 
of  the  state  house  of  representatives  in  1851 ;  attorney-general 
of  Wisconsin  in  1852 ;  moved  to  Nebraska  territory  and  served 
as  district  attorney,  1856-59;  elected  to  36th  congress,  1859,  but 
his  election  was  contested  and  a  year  later  he  was  succeeded  by 
Samuel  G.  Daily ;  moved  to  Chicago  in  1894.  He  died  in  Omaha, 
Nebraska,  March  26,  1894. 


318  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Ira  Allen  Eastman  was  born  in  Gilmanton,  January  i,  1809; 
graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1829;  practiced  law  in 
Gilmanton;  served  several  years  in  both  branches  of  the  State 
legislature;  speaker  of  the  house  1837-39;  register  of  probate; 
elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  26th  and  27th  congresses,  1839-43; 
judge  of  the  common  pleas,  superior  and  supreme  courts,  1844-59. 
He  died  at  Manchester,  March  21,  1881. 

Nehemiah  Eastman  was  born  in  Gilmanton,  June  16,  1782; 
practiced  law  in  Farmington;  served  in  both  branches  of  the 
state  legislature ;  elected  to  the  igth  congress,  1825-27.  He  died 
in  Farmington,  January  n,  1856. 

Thomas  McKey  Edwards  was  born  in  Cheshire  county, 
December  16,  1795 ;  graduated  from  Dartmouth  College ;  admit- 
ted to  the  bar  and  practiced  law;  served  several  terms  in  the 
state  legislature;  presidential  elector  on  the  Fremont  ticket  in 
1856;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  36th  and  37th  congresses, 
1859-63.  He  died  in  Keene,  May  I,  1875. 

Jacob  H.  Ela  was  born  in  Rochester,  July  18,  1820;  printer 
and  farmer;  member  of  the  state  legislature,  1857-8;  United 
States  Marshal,  1861-66;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  4Oth 
and  4ist  congresses,  1867-71 ;  appointed  by  President  Grant 
fifth  auditor  of  the  treasury.  Died  August  21,  1884. 

Caleb  Ellis  was  born  at  Walpole,  Mass.,  April  16,  1767; 
graduated  from  Harvard  in  1793 ;  practiced  law  in  Newport  and 
Claremont,  N.  H. ;  elected  to  gth  congress,  1805-7 ;  member  of 
New  Hampshire  house  of  representatives  in  1803;  on  the  gov- 
ernor's council  1809-10;  elected  state  senator  in  1811;  judge  of 
the  superior  court  of  New  Hampshire  from  1813  to  his  death 
in  Claremont,  May  6,  1816. 

Evarts  Worcester  Farr  was  born  in  Littleton,  October  10, 
1840;  educated  at  Dartmouth  College;  major  in  the  Union  Army 
in  the  Civil  War;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1867;  member  of  the 
executive  council  in  1876;  assistant  assessor  of  internal  revenue 
in  1865-69;  assessor  1869-73;  elected  to  the  46th  congress  and 
served  from  March  4,  1879,  till  his  death  in  Littleton,  November 
30,  1880. 

James  Farrington  was  born  in  Conway,  July  26,  1789;  grad- 
uated from  Fryeburg  academy;  studied  medicine  and  began 
practice  in  Rochester ;  served  in  both  branches  of  the  state  legis- 


A   HISTORY  319 

lature ;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  25th  congress,  1837-38.  Died 
in  Rochester  October  29,  1859. 

John  Fisher  was  born  in  Londonderry,  March  13,  1806; 
farmer  and  merchant;  for  twenty-one  years  had  charge  of  an 
iron  manufacturing  establishment  in  Hamilton,  Canada,  where 
he  was  mayor  of  the  city;  settled  in  Batavia,  N.  Y.,  in  1856; 
elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  41  st  congress,  1869-71.  He  died 
at  Batavia,  March  28,  1882. 

Jonathan  Fish  was  born  in  Amherst,  September  26,  1773 ; 
elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  nth  congress,  1809-11,  and  again 
to  the  I3th  and  I4th  congresses,  1813-15.  He  resigned  his  seat 
to  accept  the  position  of  United  States  attorney  for  the  southern 
district  of  New  York  and  served  till  June,  1819.  He  died  near 
Newburgh,  N.  Y.,  July  13,  1832. 

Alvan  Flanders  was  born  in  Hopkinton,  August  2,  1825 ; 
learned  the  machinist  trade  in  Boston;  moved  to  California  in 
1851;  engaged  in  lumber  business;  one  of  the  projectors  and 
proprietors  of  the  San  Francisco  Daily  Times;  member  of  the 
state  legislature  in  1861 ;  moved  to  Washington  territory  and 
engaged  in  business;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  41  st  con- 
gress, 1869-71 ;  appointed  by  President  Grant  governor  of  Wash- 
ington Territory  and  served  one  year. 

Benjamin  Franklin  Flanders  was  born  in  Bristol,  January 
26,  1816;  educated  at  New  Hampton  Academy  and  Dartmouth 
College,  1842;  studied  law  but  was  never  admitted  to  the  bar; 
edited  the  New  Orleans  Tropic  in  1845;  alderman  of  New  Or- 
leans in  1847;  superintendent  of  public  schools  of  Louisiana, 
1850;  elected  as  a  Unionist  to  the  37th  congress,  and  served  a 
few  months  in  1863 ;  military  governor  of  Louisiana,  1867-8 ; 
mayor  of  New  Orleans,  1870;  assistant  United  States  treasurer 
in  New  Orleans,  1873-82.  Died  near  Youngsville,  La.,  March 
13,  1896. 

Nathaniel  Folsom  was  born  in  Exeter,  September  18,  1726; 
served  as  captain  in  the  French  and  Indian  War;  colonel  of  the 
fourth  regiment  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution ;  brigadier- 
general  of  troops  sent  to  Boston ;  major  general  of  New  Hamp- 
shire militia;  delegate  in  the  Continental  Congress,  1774-5  and 
1777-80;  executive  councilor  in  1778;  delegate  to  the  constitu- 
tional convention  of  1783  and  its  president;  chief  justice  of  the 
court  of  common  pleas.  He  died  in  Exeter,  May  26,  1790. 


320  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Ezra  Bartlett  French  was  born  in  Landaff,  September  23, 
1810;  moved  to  Damariscotta,  Maine;  Secretary  of  State  of 
Maine ;  elected  to  the  36th  congress,  1859-61 ;  appointed  second 
auditor  of  the  treasury,  in  1861,  by  President  Lincoln  and  con- 
tinued through  the  administrations  of  Presidents  Johnson,  Grant 
and  Hayes.  He  died  in  Washington,  D.  C,  April  24,  1881. 

John  R.  French  was  born  in  Gilmanton,  May  28,  1819; 
learned  the  printer's  trade ;  for  five  years  was  associate  editor 
of  the  New  Hampshire  Statesman  at  Concord;  two  years  editor 
of  the  Eastern  Journal  at  Biddeford;  moved  to  Lake  county, 
Ohio,  in  1854;  editor  of  the  Telegraph,  the  Press,  and  in  1856  the 
Qeveland  Morning  Leader;  member  of  the  state  legislature, 
1858-9;  in  the  treasury  department  at  Washington  in  1861 ; 
appointed  by  President  Lincoln  in  1864  on  the  board  of  direct 
tax  commissioners  for  North  Carolina;  delegate  to  the  constitu- 
tional convention  of  N.  C.,  in  1867;  elected  as  a  Republican  to 
the  4Oth  congress,  1868-9;  elected  Sergeant-at-Arms  of  the 
United  States  senate  in  December,  1870,  and  held  the  office  nine 
years;  appointed  secretary  of  the  Ute  commission  in  July,  1880; 
moved  to  Boise  City,  Idaho,  and  was  editor  of  the  Boise  Sun. 
He  died  in  Boise,  October  2,  1890. 

Rufus  Smith  Frost  was  born  in  Marlboro,  July  18,  1826; 
moved  to  Boston  in  1833;  merchant;  mayor  of  Chelsea,  1867-8; 
member  of  the  Massachusetts  senate,  1871-2,  and  of  the  gov- 
ernor's council,  1873-4;  election  to  the  44th  congress  contested 
by  Josiah  G.  Abbott,  after  sitting  one  year  in  the  house ;  presi- 
dent of  the  woolen  manufacturers'  national  association  for  seven 
years,  of  the  Boston  board  of  trade  for  two  years,  and  of  the 
New  England  conservatory  of  music  for  eight  years;  delegate 
in  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1892.  He  died  in 
Chicago,  111.,  March  6,  1894. 

Thomas  Gallagher  was  born  in  Concord  in  1850;  moved  to 
Chicago  in  1856;  learned  the  trade  of  an  iron  moulder;  entered 
the  hat  business  in  Chicago  in  1878;  twice  a  member  of  the 
city  council  of  Chicago  and  six  years  a  member  of  the  board  of 
education ;  prominent  in  the  leadership  of  the  Democratic  party ; 
elected  to  the  6ist  and  62nd  congresses,  1909-13. 

Charles  Jervis  Gilman  was  born  in  Exeter,  February  26, 
1824;  member  of  the  legislature  of  New  Hampshire  in  1850; 
practiced  law  in  Brunswick,  Maine ;  member  of  the  legislature 


A    HISTORY  321 

of  Maine  in  1854;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  35th  congress, 
1857-9;  delegate  to  the  Republican  national  convention  in  1860. 
He  died  in  Brunswick,  Maine,  February  5,  1901. 

Robert  Goodenow  was  born  in  Farmington,  June  10,  1800; 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1821  and  practiced  in  Farmington;  county 
attorney,  1828-34  and  1841 ;  removed  to  Maine  and  practiced  in 
Paris;  elected  as  Whig  to  the  32nd  congress,  1851-53.  He  was 
appointed  state  bank  commissioner  in  1857.  He  died  in  Farm- 
ington, Maine,  May  15,  1874. 

Rufus  K.  Goodenow,  brother  to  the  one  last  named,  was 
born  in  Henniker,  April  24,  1790;  settled  in  Brownfield,  Maine; 
farmer;  captain  in  the  War  of  1812;  moved  to  Paris,  Maine, 
and  became  clerk  of  Oxford  county  court,  1821-37;  member  of 
State  legislature;  elector  on  the  Harrison  ticket,  1840;  elected 
as  Whig  to  the  3ist  congress,  1849-51.  He  died  in  Paris,  Maine, 
March  24,  1863. 

William  Gordon  was  born  April  12,  1/63;  graduated  from 
Harvard  in  1779;  lawyer;  elected  to  the  5th  and  6th  congresses 
to  represent  New  Hampshire,  served  from  1797  to  1800,  when 
he  resigned.  He  died  in  Boston,  Mass.,  May  8,  1802. 

Salma  Hale  was  born  in  Alstead,  March  7,  1787;  editor  of 
the  Walpole  Political  Observatory;  studied  law;  clerk  of 
Cheshire  county  court  of  common  pleas ;  moved  to  Keene  in 
1813;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  I5th  congress,  1817-19;  clerk 
of  the  supreme  court  of  New  Hampshire,  1817-34;  admitted  to 
the  bar,  1834;  secretary  to  the  boundary  commission  appointed 
under  the  treaty  of  Ghent;  several  years  a  member  of  the  state 
legislature.  He  died  in  Somerville,  Mass.,  November  19,  1866. 

William  Hale  was  born  in  Portsmouth,  August  6,  1765; 
merchant  and  shipowner ;  member  of  both  branches  of  the  legis- 
lature and  of  the  governor's  council ;  elected  as  a  Federalist  to 
the  nth  congress,  1809-11;  elected  on  the  peace  ticket  to  the 
I3th  and  I4th  congresses,  1813-17.  He  died  in  Dover,  November 
8,  1848. 

Joshua  Gilmari  Hall  was  born  in  Wakefield,  November  5, 
1828;  graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1851;  admitted  to 
the  bar  in  1855  and  practiced  in  Wakefield  and  Dover;  solicitor 
of  StrafFord  county,  1862-74;  mayor  of  Dover,  1866-7;  member 
of  the  state  senate,  1871-2,  and  of  the  state  house  of  representa- 
tives, 1874;  attorney  of  the  United  States  for  the  district  of 


322  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

New  Hampshire,  1874-79;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  46th 

and  47th  congresses,  1879-83.     He  died  in  Dover,  October  31, 

1898. 

Obed   Hall  was  elected  to  the   I2th  congress,   1811-13,  to 

represent  New  Hampshire.    He  died  in  Bartlett,  April  i,  1828. 
Joseph  Hammons,  a  representative  from  New  Hampshire, 

was  born  in  Cornish,  Maine,  March  3,   1737;  studied  medicine 

and  began  practice  in  Farmington,  N.  H. ;  elected  to  the  2ist  and 

22nd  congresses,   1829-33;  postmaster  at   Dover,   1833-36.     He 

died  in  Farmington,  March  29,  1836. 

John  Adams  Harper  was  born  in  Deerfield,  November  2, 
1779;  admitted  to  the  bar  and  practiced  law  in  Meredith;  elected 

as  a  War  Democrat  to  the  I2th  congress,  1811-13;  defeated  for 

re-election.    He  died  in  Laconia,  June  18,  1816. 

Joseph  Morrill  Harper  was  born  in  Limerick,  Maine,  June 

21,  1787;  studied  medicine  and  began  practice  in  Canterbury, 
N.  H.,  in  1811;  assistant  surgeon  in  the  War  of  1812;  served  in 

both  branches  of  the  state  legislature  and  was  president  of  the 
senate  in  1830;  ex  officio  governor  in  1831;  elected  as  a  Demo- 
crat to  the  22nd  and  23rd  congresses,  1831-35.  He  died  in 
Canterbury,  January  15,  1865. 

Jonathan  Harvey  was  born  in  Sutton,  February  25,  1780; 
served  several  years  in  both  branches  of  the  legislature  and  was 
president  of  the  senate;  member  of  the  executive  council,  1823- 
25;  elected  to  the  I9th,  2Oth  and  2ist  congresses,  1825-31.  He 
died  in  Sutton,  August  23,  1859. 

Nathaniel  Appleton  Haven  was  born  in  Portsmouth,  July 
19,  1762;  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1779,  elected  as  a 
Federalist  to  the  nth  congress,  1809-11.  He  died  in  Ports- 
mouth, March  13,  1831. 

Martin  Alonzo  Haynes,  representative  from  New  Hamp- 
shire, was  born  in  Springfield,  July  30,  1842 ;  learned  the  printer's 
trade;  enlisted  as  a  private  in  1861  in  the  second  New  Hamp- 
shire regiment  and  was  wounded  at  Bull  Run,  Glendale,  and  the 
second  Bull  Run  battles;  moved  to  Lake  village  in  1868;  estab- 
lished the  Lake  Village  Tim-es;  member  of  the  state  house  of 
representatives,  1872-3;  clerk  of  the  supreme  court  of  Belknap 
county,  1876-83;  president  of  the  New  Hampshire  veteran  asso- 
ciation, 1881-2;  department  commander  grand  army  of  the  re- 
public, 1881-2;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  48th  and  49th 


A    HISTORY  323 

congresses,  1883-87;  appointed  internal  revenue  agent  of  the 
treasury  under  President  Harrison.  Residence,  Lakeport. 

George  Cochrane  Hazelton,  representative  from  Wisconsin, 
was  born  in  Chester,  January  3,  1833;  educated  at  Pinkerton 
Academy,  Dummer  Academy,  and  Union  College,  where  he 
was  graduated  in  1858;  settled  in  Boscobel,  Wis.,  in  1863,  in  the 
practice  of  law;  prosecuting  attorney  of  Grant  county;  member 
of  the  state  senate,  1867-71 ;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  45th, 
46th  and  47th  congresses,  1877-83 ;  located  in  Washington  in 
the  practice  of  law. 

Gerry  Whiting  Hazelton  was  born  at  Chester,  February  24, 
1829;  admitted  to  the  bar;  removed  to  Wisconsin  in  1856;  twice 
president  pro  tempore  of  Wisconsin  senate ;  district  attorney  for 
Columbia  county  in  1864;  collector  of  internal  revenue  in  1866; 
United  States  attorney  for  the  district  of  Wisconsin  in  1869; 
elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  42nd  and  43rd  congresses,  1871- 
75 ;  resumed  the  practice  of  law  in  Milwaukee,  Wis. 

William  Henry,  a  representative  from  Vermont,  was  born 
in  Charlestown,  N.  H.,  March  22,  1788;  engaged  in  manufac- 
turing business  in  Vermont,  New  York  and  Jaffrey,  N.  H. ; 
moved  to  Bellows  Falls,  Vt. ;  engaged  in  banking  business  ;  mem- 
ber of  Vermont  legislature,  1834-6 ;  served  in  the  first  state 
senate;  director  of  the  Rutland  and  Burlington  railroad  com- 
pany; delegate  to  the  first  Whig  national  convention  at  Harris- 
burg,  Pa.,  in  1839;  elected  as  a  Whig  to  the  3Oth  and  3ist  con- 
gresses, 1847-51 ;  presidential  elector  on  the  Lincoln  and  Hamlin 
ticket  in  1860.  He  died  in  Chester,  Pa.,  April  I  ,  1861. 

Harry  Hibbard,  born  at  Concord,  Vermont,  June,  1816, 
graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1835  and  practiced  law  at 
Bath.  He  was  clerk  of  the  State  House  of  Representatives, 
1840-43 ;  Speaker  of  the  House,  1844-45  >  member  of  the  State 
Senate,  1846-49;  representative  from  New  Hampshire  in  the 
3ist,  32d  and  33d  Congresses,  1849-55;  died  at  Bath,  July  28, 
1872. 

John  W.  Howe,  a  native  of  New  Hampshire,  represented 
Pennsylvania  as  a  Whig  in  the  3ist  and  32nd  congresses, 

I849-53- 

Samuel  Hunt  was  born  in  Charlestown,  July  8,  1765;  prac- 
ticed law  in  Alstead;  member  of  the  state  legislature;  member 


324  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

of  the  7th  and  8th  congresses  from  December  6,  1802,  to  March 
3,  1805.  He  died  in  Ohio  in  1807. 

James  H.  Johnson,  born  in  New  Hampshire,  was  a  resident 
of  Bath.  He  was  a  member  of  the  State  Senate  in  1839,  of  the 
State  Council  in  1842  and  1845;  elected  to  the  29th  and  3Oth 
Congresses,  1845-49. 

Frank  Jones  was  born  in  Barrington,  September  15,  1832; 
merchant  and  brewer  of  Portsmouth ;  mayor  of  Portsmouth, 
1868-9;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  44th  and  45th  congresses; 
defeated  as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  governor  of  New 
Hampshire  in  1880;  joined  the  Republican  party;  died  in  Ports- 
mouth, October  2,  1902. 

George  Washington  Kittredge  was  born  in  Epping,  Jan- 
uary 31,  1805 ;  attended  the  Harvard  Medical  College  and  prac- 
ticed in  Newmarket;  member  of  the  state  house  of  representa- 
tives three  years  and  speaker  in  1852;  elected  to  the  33rd  con- 
gress, as  an  anti-Nebraska  Democrat ;  defeated  as  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  re-election.  He  died  March  6,  1881. 

Ebenezer  Knowlton,  representative  from  Maine,  was  born 
in  Pittsfield,  N.  H.,  December  6,  1815;  moved  to  South  Mont- 
ville,  Maine;  studied  theology;  member  of  the  Maine  house  of 
representatives,  1844-50,  and  speaker  the  last  year;  elected  as 
a  Republican  to  the  34th  congress,  1855-57.  He  died  in  South 
Montville,  Maine,  September  10,  1874. 

Luther  McKinney,  a  representative  from  New  Hampshire, 
was  born  near  Newark,  Ohio,  April  25,  1841 ;  served  as  a  soldier 
in  the  Union  army  in  the  Civil  War;  removed  to  Iowa  in  1865 
and  engaged  in  farming;  graduated  from  the  St.  Lawrence  Uni- 
versity in  1870;  moved  to  Maine  and  entered  the  ministry; 
moved  to  New  Hampshire  in  1873;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to 
the  5Oth  congress  and  re-elected  to  the  52d  congress;  minister 
to  Colombia,  South  America,  in  1893-97;  member  of  the  Maine 
state  legislature,  1907-08;  merchant  and  clergyman  in  Bridgton, 
Me. 

Daniel  Marcy  was  born  in  Portsmouth,  November  7,  1809; 
seaman  and  shipbuilder;  member  of  both  branches  of  the  state 
legislature;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  38th  congress,  1863-65; 
again  state  representative  and  state  senator ;  died  in  Portsmouth, 
November  3,  1893. 

Henry    Lee    Maynard,   representative    from   Virginia,   was 


A   HISTORY  325 

born  in  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  June  8,  1861 ;  graduated  from  the 
Virginia  agricultural  and  mechanical  college  in  1880;  member 
of  the  Virginia  house  of  delegates  in  1890;  member  of  the  senate 
in  1894  and  1898;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  57th  congress, 
and  to  the  four  succeeding  congresses,  1901-11.  Residence, 
Portsmouth,  Va. 

Richard  Shepard  Molony,  representative  from  Illinois,  was 
born  in  Northfield,  N.  H.,  June  28,  1811;  studied  medicine  and 
was  graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1838;  commenced 
practice  in  Belvidere,  111. ;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  32d  con- 
gress, 1851-53;  died  in  Humboldt,  Nebr.,  December  14,  1891. 

Orren  Cheney  Moore  was  born  in  New  Hampton,  August 
10,  1839;  printer  and  journalist;  established  the  Nashua  Daily 
Telegraph  in  1869;  served  six  terms  in  the  lower  branch  of  the 
legislature  and  one  term  in  the  upper;  member  of  the  state  tax 
commission ;  chairman  of  the  state  railroad  commission  for  three 
years;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  5ist  congress,  1889-91; 
died  in  Nashua,  May  12,  1893. 

George  Washington  Morrison,  representative  from  New 
Hampshire,  was  born  in  Fairlee,  Vermont,  October  16,  1809; 
moved  to  Manchester,  N.  H.,  where  he  commenced  the  practice 
of  law  in  1836;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  3ist  congress  to 
fill  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  James  Wilson  and 
served  1851-53;  elected  to  the  33rd  congress,  1853-55;  died  in 
Manchester,  December  21,  1888. 

Mace  Moulton  was  born  in  Concord,  May  2,  1796;  sheriff 
of  Hillsboro  county  in  1845;  state  councilor,  1848-9;  elected  to 
the  29th  congress,  1845-7;  died  in  Manchester,  May  5,  1867. 

Amasa  Norcross,  representative  from  Massachusetts,  was 
born  in  Rindge,  N.  H.,  January  26,  1824;  attended  the  common 
schools  and  Appleton  Academy;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1847; 
member  of  both  branches  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature;  as- 
sessor of  internal  revenue,  1862-73 ;  mayor  of  Fitchburg,  Mass., 
1873-4;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  45th,  46th  and  47th  con- 
gresses, 1877-83;  died  in  Paris,  France,  April  2,  1898. 

Alonzo  Nute  was  born  in  Milton,  February  12,  1826;  shoe 
manufacturer  in  Farmington ;  soldier  in  the  Union  army ;  served 
in  both  branches  of  the  state  legislature ;  delegate  to  the  national 
Republican  convention  in  Cincinnati  in  1876;  elected  as  a  Re- 


326  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

publican  to  the  5ist  congress,  1889-91 ;  died  in  Farmington, 
December  24,  1892. 

Benjamin  Orr,  representative  from  Maine  when  it  was  a 
part  of  Massachusetts,  was  born  at  Bedford,  December  i,  1772; 
graduated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1798;  practiced  law  in 
Topsham,  Maine;  moved  to  Brunswick,  Maine;  elected  to  the 
I5th  congress,  1817-19;  died  in  Brunswick,  September  5,  1828. 

Hosea  Washington  Parker  was  born  in  Lempster,  May  30, 
1833;  began  the  practice  of  law  in  1859;  member  of  state  legis- 
lature, 1859-60;  moved  to  Claremont  in  1860;  delegate  to  the 
democratic  national  convention  in  1868;  elected  as  a  Democrat 
to  the  42nd  and  43rd  congresses,  1871-75. 

George  W.  Patterson  was  born  in  Londonderry,  November 
n,  1799;  settled  in  Leicester,  N.  Y.,  in  1825,  as  a  farmer  and 
manufacturer  of  farming  implements ;  eight  years  a  member  of 
the  state  legislature,  two  years  speaker  of  the  house ;  moved  to 
Chatauqua,  N.  Y.,  in  1841 ;  delegate  to  the  national  Republican 
conventions  of  1856  and  1860;  elected  lieutenant-governor  of 
New  York  in  1848;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  45th  con- 
gress, 1877-79. 

William  Patterson,  representative  from  New  York,  was 
born  in  Londonderry,  June  4,  1789;  in  1815  removed  to  Rens- 
selaerville,  N.  Y.,  and  the  following  year  to  Lyons ;  engaged  in  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  fanning  mills;  moved  to  a  farm  near 
Warsaw  in  1822;  elected  as  a  Whig  to  the  25th  congress  and 
served  from  March  4,  1837,  till  his  death,  in  Warsaw,  N.  Y., 
August  14,  1838. 

Charles  Hazen  Peaslee  was  born  in  Gilmanton,  February  6, 
1804;  graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1824;  began  prac- 
tice of  law  at  Concord  in  1828;  member  of  state  legislature, 
1833-7;  adjutant  general  of  the  militia;  elected  as  a  Democrat 
to  the  3Oth,  3ist  and  32nd  congresses ;  collector  of  the  port  of 
Boston,  1853-7.  He  died  at  St.  Paul,  Minn.,  September  20,  1866. 

Bishop  Perkins,  a  native  of  New  Hampshire,  moved  to 
Ogdensburg,  N.  Y.,  and  was  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  33rd 
congress,  1853-5. 

Jared  Perkins  was  born  in  Unity,  July  I,  1819;  studied 
theology  and  was  a  minister  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church 
and  a  presiding  elder;  state  councilor,  1846-9;  member  of  the 
state  house  of  representatives;  elected  as  a  Whig  to  the  32nd 


A    HISTORY  327 

congress,  1851-3;  defeated  for  re-election  to  the  33rd  congress; 
died  in  Nashua,  October  14,  1854. 

John  J.  Perry,  representative  from  Maine,  was  born  in 
Portsmouth,  August  2,  1811;  began  practice  of  law  in  Oxford, 
Maine ;  member  of  both  branches  of  the  Maine  legislature ; 
elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  34th  congress,  1855-7,  and  re- 
elected  to  the  36th  congress,  1859-61 ;  delegate  to  the  peace  con- 
gress in  1861 ;  edited  the  Oxford  Democrat;  moved  to  Portland 
and  died  there,  May  2,  1897. 

Joseph  Pierce  attended  school  at  Amherst  and  served  in  the 
Revolution.  He  represented  New  Hampshire  in  the  7th  con- 
gress from  March  4,  1801,  till  1802,  when  he  resigned.  He  died 
in  Strafford  county  in  1828. 

James  Pike,  representative  from  New  Hampshire,  was  born 
in  Salisbury,  Mass.,  November  10,  1819;  graduated  from  Wes- 
leyan  University,  Middletown,  Conn. ;  minister  of  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  church,  1841-54;  moved  to  New  Hampshire;  elected 
as  an  American  to  the  34th  and  35th  congresses,  1855-59  >  colonel 
of  the  i6th  N.  H.  Infantry,  1862-3 ;  resumed  preaching  and 
became  presiding  elder  of  the  Dover  district;  died  in  Newfields, 
July  26,  1895. 

Harris  Merrill  Plaisted,  representative  from  Maine,  was 
born  in  Jefferson,  N.  H.,  November  2,  1828;  graduated  from 
Waterville  College  in  1853 ;  began  practice  of  law  in  Bangor, 
Maine,  in  1856;  served  in  the  Union  army;  colonel,  brigadier- 
general  and  major-general,  "for  gallant  and  meritorious  service 
during  the  war" ;  member  of  Maine  legislature,  1867-8 ;  attorney- 
general  of  Maine,  1873-5  '•>  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  44th 
congress  to  fill  a  vacancy;  governor  of  maine,  1881-2;  died  in 
Bangor,  Maine,  January  31,  1898. 

William  Plumer  Jr.  was  born  in  Epping,  October  9,  1789; 
graduated  from  Harvard  in  1809 ;  admitted  to  the  bar  but  never 
practiced;  United  States  commissioner  of  loans,  1816-17;  served 
several  years  in  both  branches  of  the  state  legislature;  elected 
as  a  Democrat  to  the  i6th,  I7th  and  i8th  congresses,  1821-7; 
member  of  the  constitutional  convention  of  1850;  died  in  Epping, 
September  18,  1854.  He  wrote  the  biography  of  his  father,  Gov. 
William  Plumer. 

Henry  Kirke  Porter,  representative  from  Pennsylvania,  was 
born  in  Concord,  November  24,  1840;  educated  at  New  London 


328  NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

Academy  and  Brown  University;  studied  theology  in  Newton 
Theological  Seminary  and  Rochester  Theological  Seminary; 
served  in  the  Civil  War  in  a  Massachusetts  regiment;  began 
business  in  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  in  1866;  vice-president  of  the  Pitts- 
burg  chamber  of  commerce ;  elected  to  the  58th  congress,  1903-5. 

Samuel  Leland  Powers,  representative  from  Massachusetts, 
was  born  in  Cornish,  N.  H.,  October  26,  1848 ;  educated  at  Kim- 
ball  Union  Academy,  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  and  Dartmouth 
College ;  studied  law  in  the  University  of  the  city  of  New  York 
and  in  Worcester,  Mass. ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1876  and 
practiced  law  in  Boston ;  located  at  Newton,  Mass. ;  elected  as  a 
Republican  to  the  57th,  58th  and  59th  congresses,  1901-7. 

Ossian  Ray,  representative  from  New  Hampshire,  was  born 
in  Hinesberg,  Vermont,  December  13,  1835 ;  studied  law  and 
moved  to  Lancaster,  N.  H.,  in  1854;  member  of  the  state  legis- 
lature in  1858-9;  solicitor  for  Coos  county,  1862-72;  United 
States  attorney  for  the  district  of  New  Hampshire,  1879-80; 
elected  to  46th,  47th  and  48th  congresses  as  a  Republican,  serv- 
ing 1881-5 ;  died  in  Lancaster,  January  28,  1892. 

John  Randall  Reding  was  born  in  Portsmouth,  October  18, 
1805 ;  practiced  law  in  Haverhill,  N.  H. ;  elected  as  a  Democrat 
to  the  27th  and  28th  congresses,  1841-45 ;  naval  storekeeper  at 
Portsmouth,  1853-58;  mayor  of  Portsmouth;  served  in  the  state 
house  of  representatives;  died  in  Portsmouth,  October  8,  1892. 

Edward  C.  Reed,  representative  from  New  York,  was  born 
in  Fitzwilliam,  N.  H.,  March  8,  1793;  graduated  from  Dartmouth 
College  in  1812 ;  practiced  law  in  Homer,  N.  Y. ;  elected  as  a 
Democrat  to  the  22nd  congress,  1831-33. 

William  Merchant  Richardson,  representative  from  Massa- 
chusetts, was  born  in  Pelham,  N.  H.,  January  4,  1774;  graduated 
from  Harvard  College  in  1797;  practiced  law  in  Groton,  Mass.; 
elected  as  a  Federalist  to  the  I2th  and  I3th  congresses,  serving 
1811-14;  resigned  and  moved  to  Portsmouth,  N.  H.;  United 
States  attorney  in  1814;  appointed  chief  justice  of  New  Hamp- 
shire in  1816;  died  in  Chester,  March  23,  1838. 

Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley  was  born  in  Hanover,  April  15, 
1782;  graduated  from  Dartmouth  in  1800;  practiced  law  at 
Waterville,  Maine ;  member  of  the  Massachusetts  house  of  repre- 
sentatives in  1807  and  1811;  moved  to  Portland,  Me.;  state 
senator;  served  as  colonel,  brigadier-general  and  brevet  major- 


A   HISTORY  329 

general  in  the  War  of  1812;  congress  presented  him  with  a  gold 
medal  in  1814  for  meritorious  conduct;  resigned  position  in  the 
army  and  located  in  Jackson,  La. ;  member  of  the  Louisiana  state 
senate;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  24th  and  25th  congresses, 
1835-39;  died  in  West  Feliciana,  La.,  March  29,  1839. 

Jonathan  Harvey  Rowell  was  born  in  Haverhill,  February 
10,  1833;  graduated  from  Eureka  College,  111.,  and  the  law 
department  of  the  University  of  Chicago;  practiced  law  at 
Bloomington,  111.;  state  attorney  of  the  eighth  judicial  district 
of  Illinois,  1868-72;  presidential  elector  on  the  Garfield  ticket 
in  1880;  served  three  years  as  a  company  officer  in  the  i/th 
Illinois  infantry;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  48th,  49th,  5Oth 
and  5ist  congresses,  1885-91;  resumed  the  practice  of  law;  died 
in  Bloomington,  111.,  May  15,  1908. 

Lorenzo  Sabine,  representative  from  Massachusetts,  was 
born  in  Lisbon,  N.  H.,  February  28,  1803 ;  banker  and  merchant 
in  Eastport,  Maine;  member  of  the  state  house  of  representa- 
tives three  terms ;  deputy  collector  of  customs ;  moved  to  Massa- 
chusetts in  1849;  elected  as  a  Whig  to  the  32nd  congress,  to  fill 
a  vacancy  and  served  a  few  months  in  1853;  located  in  Boston, 
where  he  died,  April  14,  1877. 

Samuel  Locke  Sawyer,  representative  from  Missouri,  was 
born  in  Mont  Vernon,  N.  H.,  November  27,  1813;  graduated 
from  Dartmouth  College  in  1833;  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
Amherst  in  1836;  settled  in  Lexington,  Mo.,  in  1838;  circuit 
attorney  of  the  sixth  judicial  district  of  Missouri  in  1848  and 
again  in  1852;  elected  judge  of  the  24th  judicial  circuit  in  1871 
and  1874;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  46th  congress,  1879-81; 
died  in  Independence,  Mo.,  April  i,  1890. 

Tristram  Shaw  was  born  in  Exeter  May  23,  1776;  elected  to 
the  26th  and  27th  congresses,  1839-43;  died  at  Exeter,  March 
14,  1843. 

George  Abel  Simmons,  representative  from  New  York,  was 
born  in  Lyme,  September  8,  1791 ;  graduated  from  Dartmouth 
College  in  1816;  practiced  law  in  Keeseville,  N.  Y. ;  elected  as 
Whig  to  the  33rd  and  34th  congresses,  1853-57;  died  in  Keese- 
ville, N.  Y.,  October  28,  1857. 

William  Bradbury  Small  was  born  in  Limington,  Maine, 
May  17,  1817;  educated  in  common  schools  and  Phillips  Exeter 
Academy ;  practiced  law  in  Newmarket,  N.  H. ;  solicitor  of 


330  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

Rockingham  county;  member  of  both  branches  of  state  legis- 
lature ;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  43rd  congress,  1873-75  > 
died  in  Newmarket,  April  7,  1878. 

Francis  Orman  Jefferson  Smith,  representative  from  Maine, 
was  born  in  Brentwood,  November  23,  1806;  practiced  law  in 
Portland,  Me. ;  served  in  both  branches  of  the  Maine  legislature 
and  as  president  of  the  senate;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the 
23rd,  24th  and  25th  congresses,  1833-39;  assisted  Prof.  Morse 
in  perfecting  and  introducing  the  electric  telegraph;  died  in 
Deering,  Maine,  October  14,  1876. 

George  L.  Smith,  representative  from  Louisiana,  was  born 
in  Hillsboro  county,  N.  H.,  December  n,  1840;  served  in  the 
Union  army;  engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits  in  Louisiana,  and 
in  newspaper  work;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  43rd  con- 
gress, to  fill  a  vacancy  and  served  from  December  3,  1873,  till 
March  3,  1875. 

Jedediah  Kilburn  Smith  was  born  in  Amherst,  November  7, 
1770;  lawyer;  member  of  the  state  senate,  1804-6  and  1809; 
elected  to  the  loth  congress,  1807-9;  councilor,  181015;  asso- 
ciate justice  of  the  court  of  common  pleas,  1816-21 ;  and  of  the 
court  of  sessions,  1821-23 ;  chief  justice  of  the  court  of  sessions, 
1823-25.  He  died  in  Amherst,  December  17,  1828. 

Robert  Smith,  representative  from  Illinois,  was  born  in 
Peterboro,  N.  H.,  June  12,  1802;  farmer;  moved  to  Illinois  and 
located  in  Alton ;  member  of  the  state  house  of  representatives, 
1836-40;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  28th,  29th  and  3Oth  con- 
gresses, 1843-49;  re-elected  to  the  35th  congress,  1857-59;  died 
in  Alton,  111.,  December  21,  1867. 

Samuel  Smith  was  born  in  Peterboro,  November  11/1765; 
wall  paper  manufacturer;  elected  to  the  I3th  congress,  1813-15; 
died  in  Peterboro,  April  25,  1842. 

Daniel  E.  Somes,  representative  from  Maine,  was  born  in 
New  Hampshire;  moved  to  Biddeford,  Me.,  and  engaged  in 
manufacturing;  mayor  of  Biddeford,  1855-7;  president  of  the 
City  Bank;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  36th  congress,  1859-61. 

Oliver  Lyman  Spaulding,  representative  from  Michigan, 
was  born  in  Jaffrey,  August  2,  1833;  graduated  from  Oberlin 
College  in  1855;  moved  to  Michigan  and  taught  school;  prac- 
ticed law  in  St.  Johns,  Michigan ;  regent  of  the  University  of 
Michigan ;  served  in  the  Union  army  as  captain,  colonel,  and 


A    HISTORY  331 

brevet  brigadier-general  of  volunteers ;  secretary  of  state  of 
Michigan,  1866-70;  special  agent  of  United  States  Treasury  De- 
partment, 1875-81 ;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  47th  congress, 
1881-83;  chairman  of  commission  sent  to  the  Sandwich  Islands; 
assistant  secretary  of  the  treasury,  1890-93 ;  president  of  the 
first  congress  of  American  Republics,  held  in  New  York  city, 
January,  1903 ;  special  agent  of  United  States  Treasury,  with 
residence  in  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edwin  Obed  Stanard,  representative  from  Missouri,  was 
born  in  Newport,  N.  H.,  January  5,  1832 ;  moved  with  his  parents 
to  the  territory  of  Iowa ;  taught  school  in  Illinois ;  graduated 
from  a  commercial  college  in  St.  Louis ;  engaged  in  milling  busi- 
ness in  St.  Louis ;  lieutenant-governor  of  Missouri  two  years ; 
elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  43rd  congress,  1873-75 ;  engaged 
in  the  manufacture  of  flour  in  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Charles  Stetson,  representative  from  Maine,  was  born  in 
New  Ipswich,  N.  H.,  November  2,  1801 ;  moved  to  Hampden, 
Maine ;  educated  at  Hampden  Academy  and  Yale  College,  1823 ; 
practiced  law  in  Hampden ;  moved  to  Bangor  and  was  judge  of 
the  municipal  court,  1834-9;  member  of  the  state  executive  coun- 
cil, 1845-48;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  3ist  congress,  1849-51 ; 
died  in  Bangor,  Maine,  March  27,  1883. 

Aaron  Fletcher  Stevens  was  born  in  Derry,  August  9,  1819 ; 
lawyer ;  served  four  terms  in  the  state  legislature ;  served  in  the 
Union  army  as  major  and  brevet  brigadier-general ;  elected  as  a 
Republican  to  the  4Oth  and  4ist  congresses,  1867-71 ;  again 
served  several  terms  in  the  state  legislature ;  died  in  Nashua, 
May  10,  1887. 

Bradford  Newcomb  Stevens,  representative  from  Illinois, 
was  born  in  Boscawen,  January  3,  1813 ;  graduated  from  Dart- 
mouth College  in  1835 ;  taught  school  six  years ;  moved  to 
Bureau  county,  111.,  in  1846 ;  merchant  and  farmer ;  elected  as  an 
independent  Democrat  to  the  42nd  congress,  1871-73;  died  in 
Tiskilwa,  111.,  November  10,  1885. 

George  Sullivan,  son  of  General  John  Sullivan,  was  born  in 
Durham,  August  29,  1771 ;  graduated  from  Harvard  College  in 
1790;  practiced  law  in  Exeter;  member  of  the  state  house  of 
representatives  in  1805 ;  attorney-general  of  New  Hampshire, 
1805-6;  elected  to  the  I2th  congress,  1811-13;  again  a  member 
of  the  state  house  of  representatives  in  1813;  member  of  the 


332  NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

state  senate,  1814-15;  again  attorney-general  of  the  state,  1816- 
35;  died  at  Exeter,  April  14,  1838. 

James  Sullivan  was  born  in  what  is  now  the  town  of  Rollins- 
ford,  N.  H.,  not  in  Berwick  as  has  been  often  misstated,  April 
22,  1744;  practiced  law  in  Biddeford,  Maine;  member  of  the 
provincial  congress  of  Massachusetts,  in  1775;  judge  of  the 
superior  court  in  1776;  elected  to  the  continental  congress  in 
1782;  judge  of  probate  for  Suffolk  county;  attorney-general  of 
Massachusetts,  1790-1807;  governor  of  Massachusetts,  1807-8; 
died  in  Boston,  Mass.,  December  10,  1808. 

Cyrus  Adams  Sulloway  was  born  in  Grafton,  June  8,  1839; 
educated  in  the  common  schools  and  Kimball  Union  Academy ; 
studied  law  in  Franklin  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar ;  practiced 
law  at  Manchester ;  member  of  the  state  house  of  representatives, 
1872-3,  and  again  in  1887-93;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the 
54th  congress,  and  to  the  eight  succeeding  congresses. 

Mason  Weare  Tappan  was  born  in  Newport,  October  20, 
1817;  attended  Kimball  Union  Academy;  practiced  law  in 
Bradford,  N.  H.,  from  1841 ;  served  in  the  state  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, 1853-5  >  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  34th,  35th  and 
36th  congresses,  1855-61 ;  served  as  colonel  in  the  Union  army ; 
again  a  member  of  the  state  legislature,  1860-61 ;  attorney- 
general  of  the  state  in  1876  till  his  death,  in  Bradford,  October 
26,  1886. 

Amos  Tuck  was  born  at  Parsonsfield,  Maine,  August  2, 
1810;  graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1835;  practiced  law 
in  Exeter;  elected  as  an  Independent  to  the  3Oth,  3ist  and  32nd 
congresses,  1847-53  •  delegate  to  the  Republican  national  con- 
vention in  1856  and  1860;  delegate  to  the  peace  congress  in  1861 ; 
defeated  for  the  33rd  congress ;  appointed  naval  officer  for  the 
port  of  Boston  by  President  Lincoln ;  trustee  of  Phillips  Exeter 
Academy  thirty  years  and  of  Dartmouth  College  ten  years,  and 
president  of  the  trustees  of  Robinson  Female  Seminary,  in  which 
he  was  deeply  interested ;  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  anti-slavery 
agitation  in  New  Hampshire.  He  died  in  Exeter,  December  II, 
1879.  His  name  and  good  deeds  are  repeatedly  mentioned  in 
this  history.  In  politics  and  private  and  professional  life  he  was 
always  on  the  side  of  honesty,  liberty  and  human  brotherhood. 

Charles  Henry  Turner,  representative  from  New  York,  was 
born  in  Wentworth,  N.  H.,  May  26,  1861 ;  moved  to  New  York 


AMOS    TUCK 


A    HISTORY  333 

city  in  1879;  two  years  a  student  in  Columbia  College;  en- 
gaged in  the  ice  business;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  5ist  con- 
gress, to  fill  a  vacancy,  and  served  1889-91 ;  resumed  the  prac- 
tice of  law  in  Washington,  D.  C. 

George  Baxter  Upham,  representative  from  New  Hamp- 
shire, was  born  in  Brookfield,  Mass.,  December  9,  1769;  grad- 
uated from  Harvard  College  in  1789;  member  of  the  state  house 
of  representatives  and  served  two  years  as  speaker;  elected  to 
the  7th  congress,  1801-3;  died  in  Claremont,  February  10,  1848. 

Nathaniel  Upham  was  born  in  Deerfield,  June  9,  1774;  mem- 
ber of  the  state  house  of  representatives ;  elected  as  a  Democrat 
to  the  15th,  i6th  and  I7th  congresses,  1817-23;  died  in  Roches- 
ter, July  10,  1829. 

Charles  Christopher  Brainerd  Walker,  representative  from 
New  York,  was  born  in  Drewsville,  a  village  in  the  town  of 
Walpole,  N.  H.,  June  27,  1824;  moved  to  Corning,  N.  Y.,  in  1848; 
postmaster  there  1856-60;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  44th  con- 
gress, 1875-77 1  died  in  Corning,  N.  Y.,  January  26,  1888. 

William  A.  Walker,  representative  from  New  York,  was 
born  in  New  Hampshire  in  1804;  moved  to  New  York  City; 
held  several  local  offices;  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  33d  con- 
gress, 1853-55;  died  in  New  York  City,  December  18,  1861. 

Rodney  Wallace,  representative  from  Massachusetts,  was 
born  in  New  Ipswich,  N.  H.,  December  21,  1823;  engaged  in  the 
manufacture  of  paper;  selectman  of  Fitchburg,  Mass.,  for  three 
years;  representative  in  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  in 
1873 ;  councilor  of  state  in  1880-82 ;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the 
5 ist  congress,  1889-91 ;  died  in  Fitchburg,  Mass.,  February  27, 
1903. 

John  Wingate  Weeks  was  born  in  Greenland,  March  31, 
1778;  captain  in  the  War  of  1812;  promoted  to  rank  of  major; 
held  several  offices  in  Coos  county;  elected  to  the  2ist  and  22nd 
congresses,  1829-33;  died  in  Lancaster,  April  3,  1853. 

Joseph  Weeks  was  a  native  of  Massachusetts  and  moved 
to  Richmond,  N.  H.  He  was  elected  as  a  Democrat  to  the  24th 
and  25th  congresses,  1835-39. 

John  Wentworth,  Jr.,  was  born  in  Salmon  Falls,  N.  H., 
July  17,  1745;  graduated  from  Harvard  College  in  1768;  prac- 
ticed law  in  Dover;  member  of  the  state  house  of  representa- 
tives, 1776-80;  delegate  in  the  continental  congress,  1778-79;  one 


334  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

of  signers  of  the  articles  of  confederation ;  member  of  the  state 
council,  1780-84;  died  in  Dover,  January  10,  1/87. 

John  Wentworth,  representative  from  Illinois,  was  born  in 
Sandwich,  N.  H.,  March  5,  1815;  moved  with  parents  to  Dover 
in  1819;  graduated  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1836;  moved  to 
Chicago  and  engaged  in  newspaper  work ;  attended  the  Harvard 
Law  School  and  was  admitted  to  the  Illinois  bar  in  1841 ;  elected 
as  a  Democrat  to  the  28th,  29th,  3Oth  and  3ist  congresses,  1843- 
51;  re-elected  to  the  33rd  congress,  1853-55;  mayor  of  Chicago 
as  a  Republican,  1857-63;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  39th 
congress,  1865-67;  died  in  Chicago,  October  16,  1888.  He  was 
known  as  "Long  John  Wentworth"  and  complied  the  Went- 
worth Genealogy  in  three  volumes  full  of  genealogical  and  his- 
torical detail.  It  is  said  that  this  work  cost  him  $30,000. 

Tappan  Wentworth,  representative  from  Massachusetts,  was 
born  in  Dover,  N.  H.,  February  24,  1802 ;  began  practice  of  law 
in  Great  Falls,  in  1824;  moved  to  Lowell,  Mass.,  in  1833,  served 
several  years  in  both  branches  of  Massachusetts  legislature ; 
elected  as  a  Whig  to  the  33rd  congress,  1853-55;  defeated  for 
re-election ;  died  in  Lowell,  Mass.,  June  12,  1875. 

John  O.  Whitehouse,  representative  from  New  York,  was 
born  in  Rochester,  N.  H.,  July  19,  1817;  moved  to  Brooklyn, 
N.  Y. ;  merchant  and  manufacturer ;  elected  as  a  Liberal  to  the 
43d  and  44th  congresses,  1875-79. 

Elias  Whittemore,  representative  from  New  York,  was  born 
in  Pembroke,  N.  H.,  March  2,  1772;  moved  to  New  York;  elected 
to  the  I9th  congress,  1825-27;  died  December  26,  1853,  in  Wind- 
sor, N.  Y. 

James  Wilson  was  born  in  Peterboro,  August  16,  1766; 
graduated  from  Harvard  College  in  1789;  practiced  law  in 
Keene;  was  several  times  a  member  of  the  state  legislature; 
elected  as  a  Federalist  to  the  nth  congress,  1809-11;  died  in 
Keene,  January  4,  1839. 

John  Wilson,  representative  from  Massachusetts,  was  born 
in  Peterboro,  N.  H.,  January  10,  1777;  graduated  from  Harvard 
College  in  1799;  began  the  practice  of  law  in  Belfast,  Maine; 
elected  as  a  Federalist  to  the  I3th  congress,  1813-15;  re-elected 
to  the  I5th  congress,  1817-19;  died  in  Belfast,  Maine,  August  9, 
1848. 

William   Wilson,   representative   from    Ohio,   was   born    in 


A    HISTORY  335 

Hillsboro  county,  N.  H. ;  moved  to  Ohio ;  elected  to  the  i8th 
and  igth  congresses,  1823-27;  died  in  Newark,  Ohio,  May  29, 
1827. 

Samuel  Thomas  Worcester,  representative  from  Ohio,  was 
born  in  Hollis,  N.  H.,  August  30,  1804;  graduated  from  Cam- 
bridge University  in  1830;  began  the  practice  of  law  in  Norwalk, 
Ohio ;  member  of  the  state  senate ;  judge  of  the  court  of  common 
pleas,  1859-60;  elected  as  a  Republican  to  the  37th  congress, 
1861-63 ;  died  in  Nashua,  N.  H.,  December  6,  1882. 

Timothy  Roberts  Young,  representative  from  Illinois,  was 
born  in  Dover,  N.  H.,  November  19,  1811;  educated  at  Phillips 
Exeter  Academy  and  Bowdoin  College,  where  he  graduated  in 
1835 ;  studied  law  in  Dover  and  admitted  to  the  bar ;  moved  to 
Marshall,  111.,  in  1838  and  practiced  law  ten  years;  elected  as 
a  Democrat  to  the  3ist  congress,  1849-51 ;  engaged  in  agriculture 
and  trade;  died  at  Oilfield,  near  Casey,  111.,  May  12, 


Chapter  XIX 
ORGANIZATION   OF   CITIES 


Chapter  XIX 

ORGANIZATION  OF  CITIES 

THE  eleven  cities  of  New  Hampshire  are  of  recent  origin. 
Railroads  and  factories  increased  the  population  of  some 
places  till  the  old-fashioned  town  meeting,  so  well  adapted  to 
small  towns  and  so  harmonious  with  the  spirit  of  democracy, 
became  unsuited  to  pressing  needs.  Some  towns  of  limited  popu- 
lation felt  that  a  city  charter  would  add  to  their  dignity  and 
importance,  thus  attracting  capital  and  leading  to  the  develop- 
ment of  natural  resources.  Tradition  says  that  Senator  Charles 
G.  Atherton  first  urged  that  Nashua  be  made  a  city  because  he 
preferred  to  be  known  in  Washington  as  coming  from  a  city 
rather  than  from  a  town.  Cities  attract  and  country  towns  repel. 
Cities  are  expected  to  grow  and  small  towns  shrink.  Cities  have 
a  supply  of  water,  are  lighted  and  furnish  amusements  and 
societies.  Change  a  big  town  into  a  city,  and  at  once  it  begins 
to  expand  and  attract.  Nearly  every  city  that  has  been  planned, 
and  even  before  it  was  chartered,  has  had  its  boom.  Fields 
and  pastures  for  miles  around  have  been  staked  out  into  house- 
lots,  and  inflated  prices  only  increased  the  number  of  purchasers. 
Small  investors  began  to  speculate  in  future  possibilities.  Cap- 
italists bought  up  the  most  promising  sites  and  obliged  the 
toilers  to  pay  big  prices  for  small  house-lots  or  high  rent  for 
poor  places  to  live  in. 

In  the  organization  of  the  earlier  cities  of  New  Hampshire 
the  idea  of  government  prevailed  that  had  existed  long  in  states 
and  nations.  There  was  the  same  system  of  checks  on  the  will 
of  the  people.  There  must  be  the  mayor  with  his  power  of  veto, 
and  a  board  of  aldermen  to  correspond  to  a  senate,  and  a  larger 
board  of  councilmen  to  deliberate  as  a  house  of  representatives. 
Sometimes  it  required  as  much  argument  and  log-rolling  to  get  a 
necessary  rule  of  conduct  established  in  a  city  as  to  get  a  bill 
with  its  rider  through  congress.  The  government  of  a  large  city 
by  a  very  few  commissioners  was  not  thought  of  in  New  Hamp- 

339 


340  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

shire.  To  entrust  the  government  of  a  city  to  one  expert  busi- 
ness manager,  who  should  appoint  his  subordinates,  a  generation 
ago  would  have  been  considered  the  height  of  folly  and  misrule. 
In  order  to  have  self-government  many  think  they  must  have  a 
chance  to  talk,  agitate  and  vote  on  every  debatable  question. 
Such  think  that  wisdom  resides  with  a  multitude  of  counselors. 
Such  government  costs  more  and  accomplishes  less,  but  it  dis- 
tributes power  and  honor. 

A  city  with  large  boards  of  aldermen  and  councilmen  is  bet- 
ter suited  to  the  wishes  and  plans  of  political  bosses.  They  can 
manage  large  boards  more  easily  than  they  can  the  expert  man- 
ager or  the  commission  of  three  or  five.  There  is  more  chance 
for  graft.  Large  boards  contain  the  needed  few  who  can  be 
induced  to  vote  right,  in  the  judgment  of  political  and  business 
schemers.  Those  who  are  seeking  for  monopolies  in  the  intro- 
duction of  public  utilities  rely  upon  the  use  of  graft  to  secure 
desired  concessions.  The  government  of  American  cities  has 
become  a  reproach  and  an  oppression.  The  bigger  the  city,  the 
more  its  many  officials  have  to  be  watched. 

Nearly  all  the  business  of  a  city  has  nothing  to  do  with 
politics,  yet  the  political  leaders  seek  to  divide  the  population  in 
every  local  issue  into  Democrats  and  Republicans.  The  cities 
and  towns  must  be  politically  divided  in  order  to  control  the 
states  and  the  nation.  The  political  machine  breaks  down,  if 
party  lines  are  often  transgressed  in  local  elections.  Hence  in 
choice  of  mayor  and  local  boards  the  question  forced  upon  the 
attention  of  the  voters  is  not,  whether  the  candidate  is  the  best 
business  manager  and  the  most  trustworthy  person,  but  is  he  a 
Republican  or  a  Democrat.  Revolts  against  this  regime  more 
and  more  frequently  appear  in  the  nomination  of  coalition  candi- 
dates on  a  Citizen's  Ticket.  To  break  away  from  an  old  organi- 
zation, to  do  one's  own  thinking  and  to  vote  independently,  even 
in  a  local  election,  is  more  than  can  be  expected  of  those  who 
have  long  been  driven  by  the  party  whip.  Never  to  scratch  a 
political  ticket  is  the  proud  purpose  and  boast  of  many. 

Such  matters  probably  were  not  considered,  however,  in  the 
chartering  of  cities  in  New  Hampshire.  The  custom  of  many 
generations  was  followed  without  asking  any  questions  as  to  its 
utility  and  reasonableness.  Experience  and  the  leadership  of 


A    HISTORY  341 

new  and  distant  places  are  raising  the  question,  whether  the 
method  of  city  government  copied  from  old  English  law  and 
custom  is  the  best  one  for  recent  American  cities. 

Manchester  was  the  first  booming  city,  built  like  a  western 
town  almost  in  a  day.  It  was  all  staked  out  before  the  charter 
was  obtained  in  1846.  The  development  of  the  largest  water 
power  in  the  State,  on  Amoskeag  falls,  insured  future  growth. 
The  Namaskee  Mills,  The  Langdon  Mills,  the  Stark  Mills,  the 
Manchester  Print  Works,  the  Manchester  Locomotive  Works, 
the  Amoskeag  Manufacturing  Company  are  some  of  the  leading 
industries.  The  city  has  nine  wards,  like  Nashua  and  Concord. 
The  population  was  only  about  ten  thousand  at  the  beginning, 
but  it  grew  to  seventy  thousand  at  the  last  census  and  is  now 
estimated  at  eighty-five  thousand,  only  one-fifth  being  of  native 
stock.  The  largest  element  of  the  population  is  French  Cana- 
dian, but  the  political  leaders  have  been  natives  of  the  soil.  They 
seem  to  have  known  how  to  use  the  mixed  population,  and  the 
large  ballot  thrown  by  Manchester  may  account  in  part  for  the 
fact  that  it  has  been  the  home  of  so  many  governors,  as  Moody 
Currier,  Frederick  Smyth,  Person  C.  Cheney,  Ezekiel  A.  Straw, 
James  A.  Weston  and  Charles  M.  Floyd.  Here  also  lived  sena- 
tors Daniel  Clark  and  Samuel  N.  Bell,  as  well  as  congressmen 
George  W.  Morrison  and  Cyrus  A.  Sulloway,  if  it  is  proper  to 
speak  of  the  last  as  passe.  In  the  early  days  small  towns  like 
Durham,  Kingston  and  Hillsborough  furnished  governors;  now 
political  aspirants  move  into  a  city  and  "go  through  the  chairs," 
as  they  say  in  some  fraternities  and  sororities. 

Manchester  employs  twenty  thousand  of  its  population  in 
the  textile  industries  and  ten  thousand  in  the  manufacture  of 
boots  and  shoes.  The  Manchester  Traction,  Light  and  Power 
Company  furnishes  electricity  to  private  persons  and  corpora- 
tions, as  well  as  for  municipal  purposes.  Electric  cars  connect 
with  Concord,  Nashua,  Derry,  Goffstown  and  Auburn.  The 
water  supply  comes  from  Lake  Massabesic,  only  four  miles  away, 
and  the  system  of  water  works  cost  nine  million  dollars.  There 
are  two  hundred  and  ten  miles  of  streets.  Manchester  is  the 
seventh  city  in  the  United  States  in  the  production  of  boots  and 
shoes.  She  makes  more  brushes  than  any  other  city  in  the  world. 
Two  millions  of  baseball  bats  are  turned  out  annually,  and  sev- 


342  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

enty-five  thousand  automatic  knitting  machines  are  made.  The 
estimated  wealth  of  Manchester  is  $150,000,000,  and  the  annual 
pay-roll  is  $12,000,000.  Among  the  public  institutions  are  fifty 
churches,  eleven  banks,  the  Carpenter  Memorial  Library  con- 
taining seventy  thousand  books,  the  free  Institute  of  Arts  and 
Sciences,  three  hospitals,  a  Masonic  Home,  a  Home  for  the 
Aged,  several  orphanages,  the  State  Reform  School,  a  large 
armory  and  eleven  theaters.  The  leading  newspaper  of  the 
State  is  the  Manchester  Union.  St.  Anselm's  College  is  located 
on  the  border  of  the  city,  in  Goffstown.  There  are  three  busi- 
ness colleges.  The  railroad  connections  are  unsurpassed. 

The  city  of  Portsmouth  received  its  charter  in  1849.  I* 
then  had  three  wards,  since  increased  to  five,  a  mayor,  seven 
aldermen  and  twenty-one  in  the  common  council.  The  three 
wards  had  some  town  privileges  and  could  elect  their  own  mod- 
erator, selectmen  and  town  clerk.  The  growth  of  the  city  has 
not  been  what  was  hoped,  the  present  population  being  a  little 
above  eleven  thousand.  Portsmouth  once  was  a  seaport  of  con- 
siderable importance,  but  the  building  of  railroads  sent  shipping 
to  Boston.  Shipbuilding  has  declined  to  zero.  The  boast  of 
Portsmouth  is  her  old  traditions  and  houses.  The  manufacture 
of  beer  and  ale  keeps  some  alive  and  kills  others.  A  big  paper 
mill  in  the  northern  part  of  the  city  attracts  attention  and  should 
have  many  operatives.  Portsmouth  has  a  fine  court  house, 
sharing  with  Exeter  the  legal  and  judicial  business  of  Rock- 
ingham  county.  Its  churches  and  schools  are  a  credit  to  the 
city.  The  old  Portsmouth  Academy,  built  in  the  year  1809, 
was  remodeled  in  1896  and  made  the  Portsmouth  Public  Li- 
brary. The  Athenaeum  was  built  over  a  century  ago  for  the  use 
of  the  Fire  and  Marine  Insurance  Company.  In  1817  the  Pro- 
prietors of  the  Portsmouth  Athenaeum  were  incorporated  as 
owners  and  directors  of  a  private  library.  The  reading  room, 
remodeled  in  1893,  contains  portraits  of  Sir  William  Pepperrell, 
Sir  Peter  Warren  and  other  celebrities.  The  growing  library  of 
the  Pascataqua  Pioneers,  a  historical  society  that  welcomes  the 
descendants  of  all  the  early  settlers  of  the  original  four  towns 
of  New  Hampshire,  is  stored  in  the  Public  Library  for  the  present. 

Some  of  the  prominent  citizens  of  the  city  of  Portsmouth 
in  recent  years  have,  been  Governor  Ichabod  Goodwin,  William 


r 


FIRST    WENT  WORTH    HOUSE,    1670;     PORTSMOUTH 


GOV.  JOHN  LAX<;iH>X    HOUSE.   1784;    PORTSMOUTH 


GOV.    ICHABOD   GOODWIN    HOUSE,    1811;    PORTSMOUTH 


.. 


GOV.   JOHN    WENTWORTH    HOUSE,    1769;    PORTSMOUTH 


A    HISTORY  343 

H.  Y.  Hackett,  and  Calvin  Page.  Those  who  have  made  themselves 
well  known  in  the  world  of  letters  have  been  named  in  the  chap- 
ter on  the  literature  of  New  Hampshire. 

Among  the  colonial  houses  that  visitors  like  to  see  are  the 
residences  of  the  Wentworths,  of  Gov.  John  Langdon,  where 
Louis  Philippe  and  his  brothers  were  entertained  in  1780,  the 
Warner  House,  once  thought  to  be  the  finest  in  the  old  town, 
the  birthplace  of  Thomas  B.  Aldrich,  and  the  Whipple  House,  the 
residence  of  Gen.  William  Whipple,  who  signed  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  This  last  was  built  in  1783.  The  old  State  House, 
built  on  a  ledge  of  rocks  in  the  midst  of  Market  Square,  formerly 
called  the  Parade,  was  erected  in  1758  and  removed  in  1837.  Part  of 
it  is  still  used  as  a  dwelling,  at  number  47  Court  Street.  Portsmouth 
has  three  daily  newspapers  and  three  weeklies. 

Nashua  became  a  city  in  the  year  1852  by  a  union  of  Nashua 
and  Nashville.  It  is  a  part  of  the  old  town  of  Dunstable.  It  has 
large  water  power  and  is  a  railroad  center.  At  the  beginning  it 
had  a  population  of  8,942,  which  has  grown  to  about  thirty 
thousand.  Its  manufactures  are  extensive,  including  cotton  and 
woolen  goods,  boots  and  shoes,  machinery  for  the  production  of 
paper  from  wood  pulp,  and  products  of  small  factories.  The  manu- 
facture of  refrigerators  and  freezers  is  a  specialty.  Nashua  has 
some  fine  buildings,  notably  a  Masonic  Temple,  erected  at  a  cost 
of  eighty-seven  thousand  dollars,  and  the  Odd  Fellows'  Build- 
ing, which  cost  one  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  county  court 
house  is  a  beautiful  structure  of  granite.  The  Public  Library  was 
built  by  a  gift  of  fifty  thousand  dollars  by  John  M.  Hunt;  his 
widow,  Mary  A.  Hunt,  built  the  Home  for  Aged  Couples  and 
endowed  it  with  eighty-eight  thousand  dollars.  Other?  evi- 
dences of  wealth,  patriotism  and  social  service  are  the  Highland 
Spring  Sanatorium,  the  Soldiers'  Monument,  an  emergency  hos- 
pital and  many  beautiful  churches.  Nashua  has  good  hotels,  an 
abundant  supply  of  pure  water,  and  all  the  comforts  and  con- 
veniences that  modern  city  life  demands.  Its  future  growth  is 
well  assured. 

Among  the  leading  men  in  the  history  of  the  city  have  been 
Gen.  George  Stark,  Senator  Charles  G.  Atherton,  Gen.  Aaron  F. 
Stevens,  Judge  Edward  E.  Parker,  Gen.  John  G.  Foster  and  Gov. 
George  A.  Ramsdell.  Its  first  mayor  was  Josephus  Baldwin. 


344  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

The  charter  for  the  city  of  Dover  was  granted  June  27,  1855. 
It  contains  perhaps  a  sixth  part  of  the  ancient  township.  The 
city  government  was  inaugurated  March  25,  1856,  and  Andrew 
Pierce  was  the  first  mayor.  It  has  five  wards  and  the  population 
at  the  last  census  was  somewhat  above  thirteen  thousand,  prob- 
ably now  increased  to  over  fifteen  thousand.  Its  water  power 
has  made  the  city.  Mills  on  the  Cochecho  and  Bellamy  rivers 
date  back  to  earliest  times.  The  Cochecho  Manufacturing  Com- 
pany, that  did  business  here  many  years,  went  out  of  business  in 
1909  and  the  plant  was  bought  by  the  Pacific  Mills  Company  of 
Lawrence,  Mass.  This  company  carries  on  the  manufacture  of 
cotton  goods  as  a  branch  or  department  of  their  larger  work  in 
Lawrence. 

Mention  has  been  made  in  a  former  chapter  of  the  woolen 
industry  established  by  Alfred  Sawyer.  The  Sawyer  Woolen 
Mills  went  out  of  business  in  1899  and  the  American  Woolen 
Company  bought  the  plant  and  developed  it  on  the  Bellamy  river 
falls.  The  Pacific  Mills  Company  owns  all  the  falls  on  the 
Cochecho  up  as  far  as  Rochester.  The  industry  of  next  greatest 
importance  is  that  of  the  I.  B.  Williams  and  Sons  Belting  Com- 
pany, which  now  claims  to  be  a  larger  concern  than  that  of  the 
Page  Belting  Company  of  Concord,  and  its  products  are  dis- 
tributed throughout  the  world. 

The  county  court  house,  a  fine  building,  stands  on  the  site, 
or  near  it,  of  the  old  garrison  house  of  Major  Waldron.  The  old 
William  Dam  garrison  house,  once  called  the  Drew  garrison,  has 
been  removed  from  Back  river  to  the  city  proper  and  con- 
verted into  a  museum  of  local  antiques.  Dover  has  placed 
markers  on  all  the  spots  of  historic  interest,  and  this  work  has 
been  fostered  by  the  historical  Society  named  after  the  old  name 
of  Dover,  the  Northam  Colonists. 

Men  of  political  prominence  lived  here  in  times  past,  such  as 
Senator  John  P.  Hale,  Congressman  Daniel  M.  Durell,  Daniel  M. 
Christie,  Governor  Noah  Martin,  Thomas  E.  Sawyer,  who  was 
second  mayor  and  whig  candidate  for  governor  in  1851  and  1852, 
Charles  Henry  Sawyer,  who  was  governor  of  the  State  in  1886. 
Other  prominent  men  are  Hon.  Daniel  Hall,  Elisha  R.  Brown, 
president  of  Strafford  National  Bank,  John  Williams,  Moses 
Paul  and  Judge  Robert  E.  Pike. 


A   HISTORY  345 

The  public  institutions  include  the  Wentworth  Hospital,  the 
Hayes  Hospital,  the  Wentworth  home  for  the  aged,  founded  in 
1885  an<i  endowed  by  Arioch  Wentworth  in  1898  by  a  donation 
of  thirty  thousand  dollars,  the  Dover  Children's  Home  built  in 
1897,  and  a  Public  Library.  The  City  Hall  is  a  noble  brick  struc- 
ture with  spacious  grounds  in  its  vicinity.  Trolley  lines  con- 
nect Dover  with  Portsmouth,  Rochester,  Somersworth,  South 
Berwick  and  York,  Maine. 

Formerly  the  Star,  organ  of  the  Free  Baptists,  was  published 
at  Dover.  The  leading  journal  now  is  Foster's  Daily  Democrat, 
founded  in  1873. 

A  part  of  ancient  Dover  was  made  into  the  parish  of  Somers- 
worth in  1729  and  became  a  township  in  1754.  It  included  what 
is  now  the  town  of  Rollinsford,  which  was  set  off  from  Somers- 
worth in  1850.  Rollinsford  Junction  was  the  center  of  the  town  of 
Somersworth.  Here  stood  the  meeting  house  and  near  by  lived 
the  Rev.  James  Pike  who  officiated  in  this  parish  from  1730  to 
1790.  Here  the  father  of  Governors  John  and  James  Sullivan 
taught  school,  either  in  the  meeting  house  or  in  a  school  house 
not  far  away,  and  here  Hercules  Mooney  had  taught  before  him. 
Tradition  says  that  George  Whitefield  was  entertained  by  the 
Rev.  James  Pike,  while  on  his  tour  of  evangelization.  Joseph 
Tate  also  taught  here  many  years  and  left  a  genealogical  record 
of  this  region,  which  is  now  often  consulted.  The  prominent 
men  of  this  town  in  the  olden  times  were  Paul  Wentworth,  Hon. 
John  Wentworth,  who  was  representative,  colonel  and  judge, 
Col.  Thomas  Wallingford,  Ichabod  Rollins,  Captain  James 
Hobbs  and  Dr.  Moses  Carr. 

In  the  northeastern  part  of  Somersworth,  on  the  Salmon 
Falls  river,  water  ran  to  waste  for  many  years.  Saw  mills  and 
grist  mills  were  in  operation  after  1755.  In  1822  Isaac  Wendell 
visited  the  place  and  saw  the  water  descending  one  hundred  feet 
within  less  than  a  mile.  He  purchased  all  the  water  power,  mills 
and  adjacent  land,  erected  a  blacksmith  shop  and  made  most  of 
his  machinery,  built  a  wooden  mill,  cut  a  canal  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  long,  built  a  second  mill  of  brick  and  organized  a  company 
with  a  capital  of  one  million  dollars.  Then  he  sold  out  to  stock- 
holders at  his  own  price,  continued  to  act  as  general  agent  and 
business  manager  and  built  two  more  mills.  He  discovered 


346  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

something  that  others  could  not  see,  bought  it  for  a  little  and 
sold  it  for  much.  His  woolen  mills  were  in  full  operation  in 
1826,  weaving  carpets  and  broadcloth.  In  1835  machinery  for 
weaving  cotton  had  taken  the  place  of  old  machinery,  and  the 
cotton  industry  has  been  the  leading  one  of  Great  Falls  until 
today.  Thus  the  center  of  population  was  shifted  from  what  is 
now  Rollinsford  Junction  to  Great  Falls,  where  the  town  voted 
to  build  its  Town  House  in  1845,  at  a  cost  of  four  thousand  dol- 
lars. Rebellion  arose  in  the  southern  part  of  the  town  and  the 
legislature  heeded  their  petition  to  be  made  a  separate  towai. 
They  left  the  business  and  the  name  of  Somersworth  to  Great 
Falls  and  took  the  name  Rollinsford  in  honor,  as  some  say,  of 
the  Rollins  and  Wallingford  families.  Others  claim  all  the 
honor  for  the  Rollins  family.  Old  Somersworth  has  the  distinc- 
tion of  having  established  the  first  High  School  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, on  Prospect  Hill,  in  1849,  at  an  expense  of  ten  thousand 
dollars.  The  roundabout  view  from  this  point  is  the  foundation 
of  a  good  education. 

The  city  of  Somersworth  was  chartered  in  1893,  and  imme- 
diately the  former  name  of  Great  Falls,  by  which  the  business 
center  was  known  for  many  years,  dropped  out  of  mind  and 
speech,  and  the  city  of  Somersworth  took  its  place.  Franklin 
N.  Chase  was  its  first  mayor.  It  had  a  population  in  1910  of 
nearly  eight  thousand,  and  Berwick,  just  across  the  river  in 
Maine,  is  a  thriving  suburb.  Somersworth  has  cotton  and 
woolen  mills,  a  shoe  factory,  and  its  own  newspaper,  the  Somers- 
worth Free  Press.  Its  leading  men  in  the  past  have  been  Daniel 
G.  Rollins,  Nathaniel  Wells,  Oliver  H.  Lord,  David  Buffum, 
Micajah  Burleigh,  and  later  Christopher  H.  Wells,  Edgar  I. 
Carter,  B.  F.  Hanson,  Hon.  Sidney  F.  Stevens,  Hon.  William  D. 
Knapp,  and  Hon.  James  A.  Edgerly. 

Rochester  was  the  seventh  city  to  be  chartered.  Its  city 
government  was  organized  January  6,  1892,  and  the  population 
has  grown  to  about  ten  thousand.  The  town  was  incorporated 
in  1722  and  adjoined  Dover  on  the  north.  The  first  settlements 
were  on  a  hilltop,  about  two  miles  from  the  present  city  proper, 
whence  in  every  direction  a  broad  view  greeted  the  eye.  Many 
of  the  original  settlers  came  from  Dover,  and  Timothy  Roberts 
was  one  of  the  first.  The  site  of  the  first  settlement  is  known 


A    HISTORY  347 

as  Haven's  Hill.  Here  stood  the  first  church,  and  the  burial- 
ground  near  by,  with  its  few  lettered  headstones,  tells  a  tale  of 
interest  to  historians  and  genealogists.  Low  mounds  and  rude 
granite  stones  tell  the  resting  places  of  unknown  and  heroic 
pioneers,  who  fought  against  Indians  and  to  keep  the  wolf  from 
the  door  in  two  stern  meanings  of  that  phrase.  Truly  the  work- 
man dies  and  his  work  goes  on.  On  this  hill  was  the  Wolfe 
tavern,  where  recruiting  was  done  for  the  Revolutionary  army. 
An  old  garrison  house  is  now  part  of  a  dwelling. 

A  new  parish  was  formed  and  a  new  meeting  house  was 
built  in  1780,  on  what  was  called  Norway  Plains,  and  thus  the 
present  city  was  founded.  The  meeting  house,  removed  and 
remodeled,  still  serves  the  Congregational  church. 

Saw  mills  and  grist  mills  were  built  on  the  Salmon  Falls 
and  Cochecho  rivers  at  an  early  date.  A  fulling  mill  was  set  up 
by  Jabez  Dame  and  Col.  John  McDuffee  in  1788.  The  woolen 
industry  was  started  in  1811  by  Eliphalet  Home,  who  intro- 
duced a  carding  machine.  Today  there  are  three  large  corpora- 
tions for  the  manufacture  of  woolen  goods.  One  of  these  is  at 
the  village  of  Gonic,  or  West  Rochester,  two  miles  distant  from 
the  main  village.  This  dates  from  1838.  The  Cochecho  Woolen 
Manufacturing  Company  has  its  plant  at  East  Rochester.  Their 
mills  were  started  by  John  Hall  in  1862. 

The  manufacture  of  boots  and  shoes  is,  however,  the  leading 
industry  of  Rochester.  Started  in  1858  by  the  Wallace  firm  the 
company  has  grown  to  have  two  large  brick  factories  and  their 
tannery  covers  acres  of  ground.  Many  hundred  workmen  are 
employed  in  this  industry.  There  are  also  two  large  shoe  fac- 
tories at  East  Rochester,  and  several  other  buildings  have  been 
erected  by  private  capital  to  carry  on  business  in  leather. 

Another  important  industry  is  the  manufacture  of  brick. 
Two  yards  have  been  in  operation  for  more  than  a  century,  and 
at  Gonic  there  are  a  dozen  brick  yards,  with  an  annual  output 
of  over  thirty  million  brick.  There  are  also  several  small  fac- 
tories for  workers  in  wood. 

The  celebrities  in  the  history  of  Rochester  have  been  its 
natives,  John  P.  Hale,  Jacob  H.  Ela,  Thomas  C.  Upham,  and 
Daniel  Lothrop,  all  of  whom  have  been  duly  noticed  in  this 
history.  Others  worthy  of  mention  are  Dr.  James  Farringtoa 


348  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

and  David  Barker,  members  of  congress,  Isaac  and  Seth  Adams, 
manufacturers  of  the  celebrated  printing  presses,  of  which  the 
former  was  the  inventor,  and  Jonathan  P.  Gushing,  president  of 
Hampden  Sidney  College  in  Virginia.  Rochester  has  supplied 
two  governors  for  the  State,  Samuel  D.  Felker  and  Rolland  H. 
Spaulding.  Its  first  mayor  was  the  Hon.  Charles  S.  Whitehouse. 

The  annual  Rochester  Fair  attracts  great  throngs  of  peo- 
ple. Four  railroads  connect  the  city  with  the  world  at  large. 
It  is  a  business  and  trading  center  for  neighboring  towns  of 
New  Hampshire  and  of  Maine. 

Laconia  was  incorporated  as  a  township  in  1855.  It  then 
included  the  portion  north  of  the  Winnepesaukee  river  and  was 
set  off  from  the  town  of  Meredith.  It  had  been  known  as  Mere- 
dith Bridge.  The  portion  of  Laconia  on  the  south  and  east 
sides  of  the  river  belonged  before  1855  to  the  town  of  Gilford, 
which  previous  to  1813  was  included  within  the  limits  of  the 
old  town  of  Gilmanton.  The  part  of  Laconia  south  of  the  river 
was  cut  off  from  Gilford  and  annexed  to  Laconia  in  1874,  and 
when  the  city  charter  was  granted  in  1893,  Lakeport  also  was 
taken  from  Gilford  to  form  a  part  of  the  new  city.  The  popu- 
lation at  the  last  census  was  a  little  above  ten  thousand,  and 
the  city  is  divided  into  six  wards.  The  first  mayor  was  Charles 
A.  Busiel. 

For  a  long  time  the  place  prospered  financially  because  of 
its  manufacture  of  cotton  and  woolen  goods  and  hosiery.  Since 
1850  the  leading  industry  has  been  that  of  the  car  shops,  started 
under  the  name  of  the  Ranlet  Car  Company.  The  Laconia  Car 
Company  was  organized  in  1898,  and  its  products  are  well 
known  throughout  the  nation.  In  the  organization  of  the  city 
government  Laconia  managed  to  do  without  anv  aldermen,  judg- 
ing that  a  mayor  and  fourteen  councilmen,  a  clerk,  treasurer, 
solicitor,  board  of  assessors,  collector  of  taxes,  superintendent 
of  sewers  and  street  commissioner,  overseers  of  the  poor,  city 
physician  and  board  of  health  were  enough  for  a  city  of  about 
six  thousand  inhabitants.  The  population  increased  to  over  ten 
thousand  at  the  time  of  the  last  census,  and  probably  now  num- 
bers more  than  twelve  thousand. 

Laconia  has  two  public  libraries  with  ten  thousand  or  more 
books,  a  hospital  founded  by  a  gift  of  ten  thousand  dollars  from 


Z  * 


A    HISTORY  349 

Mrs.  Rhoda  C.  Ladd,  thirteen  churches  and  buildings  repre- 
senting a  dozen  fraternities.  Its  water  supply  is  pumped  from 
Lake  Winnepesaukee  and  its  sewer  system  was  installed  at  an 
expense  of  $120,000.  An  electric  railway  connects  the  two  ends 
of  the  city,  Lakeport  and  Laconia,  and  extends  to  the  Weirs. 
The  last  named  place  was  known  as  a  famous  fishing  place  in 
the  time  of  the  redmen,  and  more  recently  the  Methodists  fished 
for  men  here  at  their  annual  camp  meeting.  There  is  fishing  still 
of  both  sorts,  but  the  methods  have  changed.  A  beautiful  grove 
is  filled  with  handsome  cottages.  Here  are  the  headquarters  of 
the  New  Hampshire  Veterans'  Association.  The  Weirs  has 
become  a  great  summer  resort  for  many  associations,  religious, 
musical  and  patriotic. 

Laconia  has  furnished  two  governors,  Charles  A.  Busiel  and 
Henry  B.  Quinby,  both  very  actively  engaged  in  the  business 
enterprises  of  that  city.  Benjamin  J.  Cole  did  as  much  as  any 
other  to  found  and  develop  the  business  of  Laconia. 

The  township  of  Franklin  was  incorporated  in  1828,  made 
up  of  slices  cut  from  Andover,  Salisbury,  Sanbornton  and  North- 
field.  It  lies  at  the  junction  of  the  Winnepesaukee  and  Pemige- 
wasset  rivers.  The  earliest  village  sprung  up  in  the  part  of  the 
town  taken  from  Salisbury,  about  the  garrison  house  of  Philip 
Call,  and  was  known  as  the  "Lower  Village."  Here  Captain 
Ebenezer  Webster  established  the  first  tavern,  where  now  are 
the  buildings  of  the  New  Hampshire  Orphans'  Home. 

Ebenezer  Eastman  was  the  first  to  build  a  mill  on  the  falls 
of  the  Pemigewasset  and  to  set  up  a  store  and  tavern.  Kendall 
O.  Peabody  began  the  manufacture  of  paper  on  the  Winnepe- 
saukee after  having  set  up  a  bakery.  The  Noyes  Academy  was 
founded  in  1818  by  the  will  of  Joseph  Noyes,  who  bequeathed 
ten  thousand  dollars  and  his  farm  to  establish  a  school.  This 
was  succeeded  by  the  "Instructors'  School,"  directed  by  Benja- 
min M.  Tyler. 

The  part  of  Franklin  taken  from  the  town  of  Northfield  was 
returned  to  that  town  in  1830  and  after  possession  of  twenty- 
six  years  was  ceded  again  to  Franklin.  New  mills  gradually 
sprung  up,  and  teams  conveyed  the  products  of  the  manufactur- 
ing town  to  distant  places.  The  manufactures  included  palm- 
leaf  hats,  stockings,  paper,  cloths,  tubs,  barrels  and  Bibles,  the 


350  NEW    HAMPSHIRE 

last  printed  by  Peabody  &  Daniel.  The  incoming  of  the  North- 
ern Railroad  gave  a  new  impetus  to  manufactures  and  trade  and 
opened  a  new  route  to  Vermont,  some  of  whose  troops  for  the 
Mexican  War  passed  through  Franklin.  The  paper  and  pulp 
industry  has  grown  to  large  proportions.  The  hosiery  business 
and  the  making  of  needles  and  knitting  machines  seemed  to  grow 
up  spontaneously.  Thus  the  growth  of  industries  and  popula- 
tion called  for  a  city  charter,  which  was  granted  in  1893,  the 
first  mayor  being  the  Hon.  Frank  N.  Parsons.  The  population 
at  the  last  census  was  a  little  over  six  thousand  and  probably 
has  reached  from  eight  to  ten  thousand  at  this  time. 

Franklin  boasts  of  some  great  names  in  the  past.  Not  only 
Daniel  Webster  and  his  equally  able  brother  Ezekiel  had  law 
offices  here,  but  also  Senator  Thomas  W.  Thompson,  Parker 
Noyes,  Judge  George  W.  Nesmith  here  practiced  law.  The  last 
named  had  as  students  in  his  office  Senator  Austin  F.  Pike,  Con- 
gressman Mason  W.  Tappan,  Judge  Stephen  G.  Nash  of  the 
Massachusetts  Superior  Court  and  Hon.  Daniel  Barnard,  who 
was  attorney-general,  president  of  the  State  Senate  and  member 
of  the  governor's  council.  Congressman  Warren  F.  Daniell  and 
Judge  Isaac  N.  Blodgett  of  the  New  Hampshire  Supreme  Court 
practiced  law  in  Franklin.  The  city  has  two  libraries,  good 
hotels  including  the  Webster  House,  a  church  for  each  of  all  the  lead- 
ing denominations,  its  own  newspapers,  banks,  fine  High  School 
building  and  all  the  institutions  needed  to  make  a  prosperous 
city.  The  surrounding  scenery  makes  it  an  attractive  place  of 
residence. 

Keene  was  chartered  as  a  city  in  1874  and  at  the  time  of 
the  last  census  had  a  population  of  about  ten  thousand.  The 
first  mayor  was  Horatio  Colony.  Keene  is  remarkable  for  its 
five  extensive  public  parks.  Its  water  works  are  owned  by  the 
municipality.  Its  public  institutions  are  the  Thayer  Library, 
the  Elliot  Hospital,  the  Invalids'  Home  and  the  State  Normal 
School.  The  leading  papers  of  Cheshire  county  are  the  Sentinel  and 
the  Cheshire  Republican. 

Keene  is  noted  for  its  manufactures  in  woodenware.  Fac- 
tories turn  out  chairs,  furniture,  pails,  and  tubs.  Shops  of  the 
Boston  and  Maine  Railroad  are  here.  Other  manufactories  in- 
clude a  pottery,  glue  works,  granite  cutting  plant,  shoe  shops, 


A    HISTORY  351 

door,  sash  and  blind  factory.  The  annual  output  of  all  Keene's 
industries  is  estimated  to  be  worth  three  million  dollars. 

The  prominent  citizens  of  Keene  in  the  past  have  been  the 
governors  Samuel  Dinsmoor,  father  and  son,  Governor  Samuel 
W.  Hale,  Congressman  Salma  Hale,  Judge  Joel  Parker,  Gen. 
James  Reed,  Hon.  James  Wilson  and  his  son,  James  Wilson  Jr., 
and  William  E.  Chamberlain,  who  contributed  much  to  the  pros- 
perity of  the  city 

Berlin  is  built  on  the  upper  Androscoggin  river,  where  there 
is  a  fall  of  two  hundred  feet  in  a  mile.  The  neighboring  forests 
of  spruce  and  pine  made  it  an  ideal  spot  for  the  developing  of 
the  pulp  and  paper  industry.  Great  paper  mills  have  been 
erected  by  the  International  Paper  Company,  and  a  city  of  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  thousand  people  has  grown  up  with  great 
rapidity,  the  youngest  and  the  farthest  north  in  New  Hamp- 
shire. Government  reservations  and  forestry  legally  directed 
will  perpetuate  and  enlarge  the  city.  The  Grand  Trunk  Rail- 
road offers  facilities  for  transportation. 

The  city  of  Concord  is  described  in  the  chapter  on  the 
Capital,  in  the  fourth  volume  of  this  history. 


APPENDIX  A 


Appendix  A 


THE  CONSTITUTION— 1784. 

CONTAININING    A    BILL   OF   RIGHTS,    AND   FORM    OF    GOVERNMENT. 

Agreed  upon  by  the  delegates  of  the  people  of  the  state  of  New  Hamp- 
shire in  convention  held  at  Concord  on  the  first  Tuesday  of  June,  1783;  sub- 
mitted to  and  approved  of  by  the  people  of  said  state,  and  established  by 
their  delegates  in  convention  October  31,  1783.  (This  constitution  "took 
place"  on  the  first  Wednesday  of  June,  1784.) 

PART  I. 

THE  BILL  OF  RIGHTS. 

I.  All  men  are  born  equally  free  and  independent;  therefore,  all  gov- 
ernment of  right  originates  from  the  people,  is  founded  in  consent,  and  in- 
stituted for  the  general  good. 

II.  All  men  have  certain  natural,  essential,  and  inherent  rights,  among 
which  are  the  enjoying  and  defending  life  and  liberty,  acquiring,  possessing, 
and  protecting  property,  and,  in  a  word,  of  seeking  and  obtaining  happiness. 

III.  When  men  enter  into  a  state  of  society  they  surrender  up  some  of 
their  natural  rights  to  that  society  in  order  to  insure  the  protection  of  others ; 
and  without  such  an  equivalent  the  surrender  is  void. 

IV.  Among  the  natural  rights  some  are  in  their  very  nature  unalienable, 
because  no  equivalent  can  be  given  or  received  for  them.    Of  this  kind  are 
the  rights  of  conscience. 

V.  Every  individual  has  a  natural  and  unalienable  right  to  worship  God 
according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience  and  reason ;  and  no  subject 
shall  be  hurt,  molested,  or  restrained  in  his  person,  liberty,  or  estate  for  wor- 
shiping God  in  the  manne.  and  season  most  agreeable  to  the  dictates  of  his 
own  conscience,  or  for  his  religious  profession,  sentiments,  or  persuasion, 
provided  he  doth  not  disturb  the  public  peace,  or  disturb  others  in  their  re- 
ligious worship. 

VI.  As  morality  and  piety,  rightly  grounded  on  evangelical  principles, 
will  give  the  best  and  greatest  security  to  government,  and  will  lay  in  the 
hearts  of  men  the  strongest  obligations  to  due  subjection,  and  as  the  knowl- 
edge of  these  is  most  likely  to  be  propagated  through  a  society  by  the  insti- 
tution of  the  public  worship  of  the  Deity,  and  of  public  instruction  in  morality 
and  religion,  therefore,  to  promote  those  important  purposes  the  people  of 
this  state  have  a  right  to  impower,  and  do  hereby  fully  impower  the  legis- 
lature to   authorize   from  time  to  time  the  several  towns,  parishes,  bodies 
corporate,  or  religious  societies  within  this  state  to  make  adequate  provision 
at  their  own  expense  for  the  support  and  maintenance  of  public  Protestant 
teachers  of  piety,  religion,  and  morality; 

Provided,  notwithstanding,  that  the  several  towns,  parishes,  bodies  cor- 
porate, or  religious  societies  shall  at  all  times  have  the  exclusive  right  of 
electing  their  own  public  teachers  and  of  contracting  with  them  for  their 
support  and  maintenance.  And  no  person  of  any  one  particular  religious 
sect  or  denomination  shall  ever  be  compelled  to  pay  towards  the  support  of 
the  teacher  or  teachers  of  another  persuasion,  sect,  or  denomination. 

And  every  denomination  of  Christians  demeaning  themselves  quietly,  and 
as  good  subjects  of  the  state,  shall  be  equally  under  the  protection  of  the 

355 


356  APPENDIX 

law;  and  no  subordination  of  any  one  sect  or  denomination  to  another  shall 
ever  be  established  by  law. 

And  nothing  herein  shall  be  understood  to  affect  any  former  contracts 
made  for  the  support  of  the  ministry;  but  all  such  contracts  shall  remain 
and  be  in  the  same  state  as  if  this  constitution  had  not  been  made. 

VII.  The  people  of  this  state  have  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  of  gov- 
erning themselves  as  a  free,  soeverign,  and  independent  state,  and  do,  and 
forever  hereafter  shall   exercise  and  enjoy  every   power,  jurisdiction,   and 
right  pertaining  thereto  which  is  not,  or  may  not  hereafter  be  by  them  ex- 
pressly delegated  to  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled. 

VIII.  All  power  residing  originally  in  and  being  derived  from  the  peo- 
ple, all  the  magistrates  and  officers  of  government  are  their  substitutes  and 
agents,  and  at  all  times  accountable  to  them. 

IX.  No  office  or  place  whatsoever  in  government  shall  be  hereditary, 
the  abilities  and  integrity  requisite  in  all  not  being  transmissible  to  posterity 
or  relations. 

X.  Government  being  instituted  for  the  common  benefit,  protection,  and 
security  of  the  whole  community,  and  not  for  the  private  interest  or  emolu- 
ment of  any  one  man,  family,  or  class  of  men;  therefore,  whenever  the  ends 
of  government  are  perverted,  and  public  liberty  manifestly  endangered,  and 
all  other  means  of  redress  are  ineffectual,  the  people  may,  and  of  right  ought 
to  reform  the  old  or  establish  a  new  government.     The  doctrine  of  non- 
resistance   against  arbitrary   power  and   oppression   is   absurd,   slavish,   and 
destructive  of  the  good  and  happiness  of  mankind. 

XI.  All  elections  ought  to  be  free,  and  every  inhabitant  of  the  state, 
having  the  proper  qualifications,  has  equal  right  to  elect  and  be  elected  into 
office. 

XII.  Every  member  of  the  community  has  a  right  to  be  protected  by 
it  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  life,  liberty,  and  property;  he  is  therefore  bound 
to  contribute  his  share  in  the  expense  of  such  protection,  and  to  yield  his 
personal  service  when  necessary,  or  an  equivalent.     But  no  part  of  a  man's 
property  shall  be  taken  from  him,  or  applied  to  public  uses  without  his  own 
consent,  or  that  of  the  representative  body  of  the  people.    Nor  are  the  inhabi- 
tants of  this  state  controllable  by  any  other  laws  than  those  to  which  they 
or  their  representative  body  have  given  their  consent. 

XIII.  No  person  who  is  conscientiously  scrupulous  about  the  lawful- 
ness of  bearing  arms  shall  be  compelled  thereto,  provided  he  will  pay  an 
equivalent. 

XIV.  Every  subject   of  this  state  is  entitled  to  a  certain  remedy,  by 
having  recourse  to  the  laws,  for  all  injuries  he  may  receive  in  his  person, 
property,   or   character,   to   obtain   right   and   justice    freely,    without   being 
obliged   to  purchase  it,  completely,  and  without   any  denial,  promptly,  and 
without  delay,  conformably  to  the  laws. 

XV.  No  subject  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  any  crime  or  offense  until 
the  same  is  fully  and  plainly,  substantially  and  formally  described  to  him,  or 
be  compelled  to  accuse  or  furnish  evidence  against  himself.    And  every  sub- 
ject shall  have  a  right  to  produce  all  proofs  that  may  be  favorable  to  him- 
self, to  meet  the  witnesses  against  him  face  to  face,  and  to  be  fully  heard 
in  his  defence  by  himself  and  counsel.     And  no  subject  shall  be  arrested, 
imprisoned,  despoiled  or  deprived  of  his  property,  immunities,  or  privileges, 
put  out  of  the  protection  of  the  law,  exiled,  or  deprived  of  his  life,  liberty, 
or  estate  but  by  the  judgment  of  his  peers  or  the  law  of  the  land. 

XVI.  No  subject  shall  be  liable  to  be  tried,  after  an  acquittal,  for  the 
same  crime  or  offence.     Nor  shall  the  legislature  make  any  law  that   shall 
subject  any  person  to  a  capital  punishment,  excepting  for  the  government 
of  the  army  and  navy,  and  the  militia  in  actual  service,  without  trial  by 
jury. 


APPENDIX  357 

XVII.  In  criminal  prosecutions  the  trial  of  facts  in  the  vicinity  where 
they  happen  is  so  essential  to  the  security  of  the  life,  liberty  and  estate  of 
the  citizen  that  no  crime  or  offence  ought  to  be  tried  in  any  other  county 
than  that  in  which  it  is  committed,  except  in  cases  of  general  insurrection 
in  any  particular  county,  when  it  shall  appear  to  the  judges  of  the  superior 
court  that  an  impartial  trial  cannot  be  had  in  the  county  where  the  offence 
may  be  committed;  and  upon  their  report  the  Assembly  shall  think  proper  to 
diiect  the   trial  in  the  nearest  county  in   which  an  impartial  trial  can  be 
obtained. 

XVIII.  All   penalties  ought  to  be  proportioned  to  the  nature  of  the 
offence.    No  wise  legislature  will  affix  the  same  punishment  to  the  crimes  of 
theft,  forgery,  and  the  like  which  they  do  to  those  of  murder  and  treason; 
where  the  same  undistinguishing  severity  is  exerted  against  all  offences  the 
people  are  led  to  forget  the  real  distinction  in  the  crimes  themselves,  and  to 
commit  the  most  flagrant  with  as  little  compunction  as  they  do  those  of  the 
lightest  dye ;   for  the  same  reason  a  multitude  of  sanguinary  laws  is  both 
impolitic  and  unjust,  the  true  design  of  all  punishments  being   to  reform, 
not  to  exterminate  mankind. 

XIX.  Every  subject  hath  a   right  to  be  secure  from  all  unreasonable 
searches  and  seizures  of  his  person,  his  house,  his  papers,  and  all  his  pos- 
sessions.   All  warrants,  therefore,  are  contrary  to  this  right  if  the  cause  or 
foundation  of  them  be  not  previously  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and 
if  the  order  in  the  warrant  to  a  civil  officer  to  make  search  in  suspected 
places,  or  to  arrest  one  or  more  suspected  persons,  or  to  seize  their  property, 
be  not  accompanied  with  a  special  designation  of  the  persons  or  objects  of 
search,  arrest  and  seizure;  and  no  warrant  ought  to  be  issued  but  in  cases, 
and  with  the  formalities  prescribed  by  the  laws. 

XX.  In  all  controversies  concerning  property,  and  in  all  suits  between 
two  or  more  persons,  except  in  cases  in  which  it  has  been  heretofore  other- 
wise used  and  practiced,  the  parties  have  a  right  to   a  trial  by  jury;  and 
this  method  of  procedure  shall  be  held  sacred,  unless,  in  causes  arising  on 
the   high  seas,  and  such  as  relate  to  mariners'  wages,  the  legislature  shall 
think  it  necessary  hereafter  to  alter  it. 

XXI.  In  order  to  reap  the  fullest  advantage  of  the  inestimable  privilege 
of  the  trial  by  jury,  great  care  ought  to  be  taken  that  none  but  qualified  per- 
sons should  be  appointed  to  serve;  and  such  ought  to  be  fully  compensated 
for  their  travel,  time,  and  attendance. 

XXII.  The  liberty  of  the  press  is  essential  to  the  security  of  freedom 
in  a  state;  it  ought,  therefore,  to  be  inviolably  preserved. 

XXIII.  Retrospective  laws  are  highly  injurious,  oppressive,  and  unjust. 
No  such  laws,  therefore,  should  be  made,  either   for  the  decision  of  civil 
causes  or  the  punishment  of  offences. 

XXIV.  A  well-regulated  militia  is  the  proper,  natural  and  sure  defence 
of  a  state. 

XXV.  Standing  armies  are  dangerous  to  liberty,  and  ought  not  to  be 
raised  or  kept  up  without  the  consent  of  the  legislature. 

XXVI.  In  all  cases  and   at  all  times  the  military  ought  to  be  under 
strict  subordination  and  governed  by  the  civil  power. 

XXVII.  No  soldier  in  time  of  peace  shall  be  quartered  in  any  house 
without  the  consent  of  the  owner;  and  in  time  of  war  such  quarters  ought 
not  to  be  made  but  by  the  civil  magistrate,  in  a  manner  ordained  by  the 
legislature. 

XXVIII.  No  subsidy,  charge,  tax,  impost,  or  duty  shall  be  established, 
fixed,  laid,  or  levied  under  any  pretext  whatsoever  without  the  consent  of  the 
people,  or  their  representatives  in  the  legislature,  or  authority  derived  from 
that  body. 

XXIX.  The  power  of  suspending  the  laws,  or  the  execution  of  them, 


358  APPENDIX 

ought  never  to  be  exercised  but  by  the  legislature,  or  by  authority  derived 
therefrom,  to  be  exercised  in  such  particular  cases  only  as  the  legislature 
shall  expressly  provide  for. 

XXX.  The  freedom  of  deliberation,  speech,  and  debate  in  either  house 
of  the  legislature  is  so  essential  to  the  rights  of  the  people  that  it  cannot 
be  the  foundation  of  any  action,  complaint,  or  prosecution  in  any  other  court 
or  place  whatsoever. 

XXXI.  The  legislature  ought  frequently  to  assemble  for  the  redress  of 
grievances,  for  correcting,  strengthening,  and  confirming  the  laws,  and  for 
making  new  ones,  as  the  common  good  may  require. 

XXXII.  The  people  have  a  right,  in  an  orderly  and  peaceable  manner, 
to  assemble  and  consult  upon  the  common  good,  give  instructions  to  their 
Representatives,  and  to  request  of  the  legislative  body,  by  way  of  petition  or 
remonstrance,  redress  of  the  wrongs  done  them  and  of  the  grievances  they 
suffer. 

XXXIII.  No  magistrate  or  court  of  law  shall  demand  excessive  bail 
or  sureties,  impose  excessive  fines,  or  inflict  cruel  or  unusual  punishments. 

XXXIV.  No  person  can  in  any  case  be  subjected  to  law  martial,  or  to 
any  pains  or  penalties  by  virtue  of  that  law,  except  those  employed  in  the 
army  or  navy,  and  except  the  militia  in  actual  service,  but  by  authority  of  the 
legislature. 

XXXV.  It  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  every  indi- 
vidual, his  life,  liberty,  property,  and  character,  that  there  be  an   impartial 
interpretation  of  the  laws  and  administration  of  justice.     It  is  the  right  of 
every  citizen  to  be  tried  by  judges  as  impartial  as  the  lot  of  humanity  will 
admit. 

It  is  therefore  not  only  the  best  policy,  but  for  the  security  of  the  rights 
of  the  people,  that  the  judges  of  the  supreme  (or  superior)  judicial  court 
should  hold  their  offices  so  long  as  they  behave  well ;  and  that  they  should 
have  honorable  salaries,  ascertained  and  established  by  standing  laws. 

XXXVI.  Economy  being  a  most  essential  virtue  in  all  states,  especially 
in  a  young  one,  no  pension  shall  be  granted  but  in  consideration  of  actual 
services,  and  such  pensions  ought  to  be  granted  with  great  caution  by  the 
legislature  and  never  for  more  than  one  year  at  a  time. 

XXXVII.  In  the  government  of  this  state  the  three  essential  powers 
thereof,  to  wit,  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  ought  to  be  kept  as 
separate  from  and  independent  of  each  other  as  the  nature  of  a  free  govern- 
ment will  admit,  or  as  is  consistent  with  that  chain  of  connection  that  binds 
the  whole  fabric  of  the  constitution  in  one  indissoluble  bond  of  unity  and 
amity. 

XXXVIII.  A  frequent  recurrence  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
constitution,  and  a  constant   adherence  to  justice,  moderation,   temperance, 
industry,  frugality,  and  all  the  social  virtues  are  indispensably  necessary  to 
preserve  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  good  government;  the  people  ought, 
therefore,  to  have  a  particular  regard  to  all  those  principles  in  the  choice  of 
their  officers  and  representatives;  and  they  have  a  right  to  require  of  their 
lawgivers  and  magistrates  an  exact  and  constant  observance  of  them  in  the 
formation  and  execution  of  the  laws  necessary  for  the  good  administration 
of  government. 

PART  II. 

THE    FORM   OF  GOVERNMENT. 

The  people  inhabiting  the  territory  formerly  called  the  Province  of  New 
Hampshire  do  hereby  solemnly  and  mutually  agree  with  each  other  to  form 
themselves  into  a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  body  politic,  or  state,  by 
the  name  of  the  State  of  New  Hampshire. 


APPENDIX  359 

THE  GENERAL  COURT. 

The  supreme  legislative  power  within  this  state  shall  be  vested  in  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  each  of  which  shall  have  a  negative 
on  the  other.  The  Senate  and  House  shall  assemble  every  year  on  the  first 
Wednesday  of  June,  and  at  such  other  times  as  they  may  judge  necessary; 
and  shall  dissolve  and  be  dissolved  seven  days  next  preceding  the  said  first 
Wednesday  of  June ;  and  shall  be  styled  THE  GENERAL  COURT  OF  NEW  HAMP- 
SHIRE. The  General  Court  shall  forever  have  full  power  and  authority  to 
erect  and  constitute  judicatories  and  courts  of  record  or  other  courts,  to  be 
holden  in  the  name  of  the  state  for  the  hearing,  trying,  and  determining  all 
manner  of  crimes,  offences,  pleas,  processes,  plaints,  actions,  causes,  matters, 
and  things  whatsoever  arising  or  happening  within  this  state,  or  between  or 
concerning  persons  inhabiting  or  residing  or  brought  within  the  same 
whether  the  same  be  criminal  or  civil,  or  whether  the  crimes  be  capital  or 
not  capital,  and  whether  the  said  pleas  be  real,  personal,  or  mixed,  and  for 
the  awarding  and  issuing  execution  thereon.  To  which  courts  and  judica- 
tories are  hereby  given  and  granted  full  power  and  authority  from  time  to 
time  to  administer  oaths  or  affirmations  for  the  better  discovery  of  truth  in 
any  matter  in  controversy  or  depending  before  them. 

And,  farther,  full  power  and  authority  are  hereby  given  and  granted 
to  the  said  General  Court  from  time  to  time  to  make,  ordain,  and  establish 
all  manner  of  wholesome  and  reasonable  orders,  laws,  statutes,  ordinances, 
directions,  and  instructions,  either  with  penalties  or  without,  so  as  the  same 
be  not  repugnant  or  contrary  to  this  constitution,  as  they  may  judge  for  the 
benefit  and  welfare  of  this  state,  and  for  the  governing  and  ordering  thereof, 
and  of  the  subjects  of  the  same,  for  the  necessary  support  and  defence  of  the 
government  thereof ;  and  to  name  and  settle  annually,  or  provide  by  fixed 
laws  for  the  naming  and  settling  all  civil  officers  within  this  state,  such 
officers  excepted,  the  election  and  appointment  of  whom  are  hereafter  in  this 
form  of  government  otherwise  provided  for ;  and  to  set  forth  the  several 
duties,  powers,  and  limits  of  the  several  civil  and  military  officers  of  this 
state,  and  the  forms  of  such  oaths  or  affirmations  as  shall  be  respectively  ad- 
ministered unto  them  for  the  execution  of  their  several  offices  and  places, 
so  as  the  same  be  not  repugnant  or  contrary  to  this  constitution ;  and  also  to 
impose  fines,  mulcts,  imprisonments,  and  other  punishments ;  and  to  propose 
and  levy  proportional  and  reasonable  assessments,  rates,  and  taxes  upon  all 
the  inhabitants  of  and  residents  within  the  said  state,  and  upon  all  estates 
within  the  same,  to  be  issued  and  disposed  of  by  warrant  under  the  hand  of 
the  President  of  this  state  and  for  the  time  being,  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Council,  for  the  public  service  in  the  necessary  defence  and  sup- 
port of  the  government  of  this  state,  and  the  protection  and  preservation  of 
the  subjects  thereof,  according  to  such  acts  as  are  or  shall  be  in  force  within 
the  same. 

And  while  the  public  charges  of  government,  or  any  part  thereof,  shall 
be  assessed  on  polls  and  estates  in  the  manner  that  has  heretofore  been  prac- 
ticed, in  order  that  such  assessments  may  be  made  with  equality  there  shall 
be  a  valuation  of  the  estates  within  the  state  taken  anew  once  in  every  five 
years  at  least,  and  as  much  oftener  as  the  General  Court  shall  order. 

SENATE. 

There  shall  be  annually  elected  by  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants 
of  this  state,  qualified  as  in  this  constitution  is  provided,  twelve  persons,  to 
be  Senators  for  the  year  ensuing  their  election,  to  be  chosen  in  and  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  districts  into  which  the  state  may  from  time  to  time  be 
divided  by  the  General  Court  for  that  purpose;  and  the  General  Court,  in 
assigning  the  number  to  be  elected  by  the  respective  districts,  shall  govern 


360  APPENDIX 

themselves  by  the  proportion  of  public  taxes  paid  by  the  said  districts,  and 
timely  make  known  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  state  the  limits  of  each  district 
and  the  number  of  Senators  to  be  elected  therein,  provided  the  number  of 
such  districts  shall  never  be  more  than  ten  nor  less  than  five. 

And  the  several  counties  in  this  state  shall,  until  the  General  Court 
shall  order  otherwise,  be  districts  for  the  election  of  Senators,  and  shall 
elect  the  following  number,  viz. :  Rockingham,  five ;  Strafford,  two ;  Hills- 
borough,  two;  Cheshire,  two;  Graf  ton,  one. 

The  Senate  shall  be  the  first  branch  of  the  legislature,  and  the  Senators 
shall  be  chosen  in  the  following  manner,  viz. :  every  male  inhabitant  of  each 
town  and  parish  with  town  privileges  in  the  several  counties  in  this  state,  of 
twenty-one  years  of  age  and  upwards,  paying  for  himself  a  poll  tax,  shall  have 
a  right,  at  the  annual  or  other  meetings  of  the  inhabitants  of  said  towns  and 
parishes  to  be  duly  warned  and  holden  annually  forever  in  the  month  of 
March,  to  vote  in  the  town  or  parish  wherein  he  dwells  for  the  Senators  in 
the  county  or  district  whereof  he  is  a  member. 

And  every  person  qualified  as  the  constitution  provides  shall  be  consid- 
ered an  inhabitant  for  the  purpose  of  electing  and  being  elected  into  any 
office  or  place  within  this  state,  in  that  town,  parish,  and  plantation  wherein 
he  dwelleth  and  hath  his  home. 

The  selectmen  of  the  several  towns  and  parishes  aforesaid  shall,  during 
the  choice  of  Senators,  preside  at  such  meetings  impartially,  and  shall  receive 
the  votes  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  such  towns  and  parishes  present  and 
qualified  to  vote  for  Senators,  and  shall  sort  and  count  the  same  in  the  meet- 
ing, and  in  the  presence  of  the  town  clerk,  who  shall  make  a  fair  record 
in  presence  of  the  selectmen  and  in  open  meeting,  of  the  name  of  every  per- 
son voted  for,  and  the  number  of  votes  against  his  name ;  and  a  fair  copy  of 
this  record  shall  be  attested  by  the  selectmen  and  town  clerk,  and  shall  be 
be  sealed  up  and  directed  to  the  Secretary  of  the  State,  with  a  subscription 
expressing  the  purport  thereof,  and  delivered  by  said  clerk  to  the  sheriff  of 
the  county  in  which  such  town  or  parish  lies  thirty  days  at  least  before  the 
first  Wednesday  of  June;  and  the  sheriff  of  each  county,  or  his  deputy, 
shall  deliver  all  such  certificates  by  him  received  into  the  Secretary's  office 
seventeen  days  at  least  before  the  first  Wednesday  of  June. 

And  the  inhabitants  of  plantations  and  places  unincorporated,  qualified 
as  this  constitution  provides,  who  are  or  shall  be  required  to  assess  taxes 
upon  themselves  towards  the  support  of  government,  or  shall  be  taxed  there- 
for, shall  have  the  same  privilege  of  voting  for  Senators  in  the  plantations 
and  places  wherein  they  reside  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  respective  towns  and 
parishes  aforesaid  have. 

And  the  meetings  of  such  plantations  and  places  for  that  purpose  shall 
be  holden  annually  in  the  month  of  March  at  such  places  respectively  therein 
as  the  assessors  thereof  shall  direct;  which  assessors  shall  have  like  author- 
ity for  notifying  the  electors,  collecting  and  returning  the  votes,  as  the  select- 
men and  town  clerks  have  in  their  several  towns  by  this  constitution.  And, 
that  there  may  be  a  due  meeting  of  Senators  on  the  first  Wednesday  of  June 
annually,  the  President  and  three  of  the  Council  for  the  time  being  shall, 
as  soon  as  may  be,  examine  the  returned  copies  of  such  records ;  and  four- 
teen days  before  the  said  first  Wednesday  in  June  he  shall  issue  his  sum- 
mons to  such  persons  as  appear  to  be  chosen  Senators  by  a  majority  of  votes 
to  attend  and  take  their  seats  on  that  day;  provided  nevertheless,  that  for 
the  first  year  the  said  returned  copies  shall  be  examined  by  the  President 
and  five  of  the  Council  of  the  former  constitution  of  government;  and  the 
said  President  shall  in  like  manner  notify  the  persons  elected  to  attend  and 
take  their  seats  accordingly. 

The  Senate  shall  be  final  judges  of  the  elections,  returns,  and  qualifica- 
tions of  their  own  members  as  pointed  out  in  this  constitution,  and  shall,  on 


APPENDIX  361 

the  said  first  Wednesday  of  June  annually,  determine  and  declare  who  are 
elected  by  each  district  10  be  Senators  by  a  majority  of  votes,  and  in  case 
there  shall  not  appear  to  be  the  full  number  returned  elected  by  a  majority 
of  votes  for  any  district,  the  deficiency  shall  be  supplied  in  the  following 
manner,  viz.:  the  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  such  Sena- 
tors as  shall  be  declared  elected,  shall  take  the  names  of  such  persons  as 
shall  be  found  to  have  the  highest  number  of  votes  in  each  district,  and  not 
elected,  amounting  to  twice  the  number  of  Senators  wanting,  if  there  be  so 
many  voted  for,  and  out  of  these  shall  elect  by  joint  ballot  the  number  of 
Senators  wanted  for  such  district;  and  in  this  manner  all  such  vacancies 
shall  be  filled  up  in  every  district  of  the  state,  and  in  like  manner  all 
vacancies  in  the  Senate  arising  by  death,  removal  out  of  the  state,  or  other- 
wise shall  be  supplied  as  soon  as  may  be  after  such  vacancies  happen. 

Provided,  nevertheless,  that  no  person  shall  be  capable  of  being  elected 
Senator  who  is  not  of  the  Protestant  religion,  and  seized  of  a  free- 
hold estate  in  his  own  right  of  the  value  of  two  hundred  pounds  lying  within 
this  state,  who  is  not  of  the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  who  shall  not  have  been 
an  inhabitant  of  this  state  for  seven  years  immediately  preceding  his  elec- 
tion; and  at  the  time  thereof  he  shall  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  district  for 
which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

The  Senate  shall  have  power  to  adjourn  themselves,  provided  such  ad- 
journment do  not  exceed  two  days  at  a  time. 

The  Senate  shall  appoint  their  own  officers  and  determine  their  own 
rules  of  proceedings ;  and  not  less  than  seven  members  of  the  Senate  shall 
make  a  quorum  for  doing  business ;  and  when  less  than  eight  Senators  shall 
be  present  the  assent  of  five  at  least  shall  be  necessary  to  render  their  acts 
and  proceedings  valid. 

The  Senate  shall  be  a  court  with  full  power  and  authority  to  hear  and 
determine  all  impeachments  made  by  the  House  of  Representatives  against 
any  officer  or  officers  of  the  state  for  misconduct  or  maladministration  in 
their  offices ;  but  previous  to  the  trial  of  any  such  impeachment  the  members 
of  the  Senate  shall  respectively  be  sworn  truly  and  impartially  to  try 
and  determine  the  charge  in  question  according  to  evidence. 

Their  judgment,  however,  shall  not  extend  farther  than  removal  from 
office,  disqualification  to  hold  or  enjoy  any  place  of  honor,  trust,  or  profit 
under  this  state;  but  the  party  so  convicted  shall,  nevertheless,  be  liable  to 
indictment,  trial,  judgment,  and  punishment  according  to  laws  of  the  land. 

HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES. 

There  shall  be  in  the  legislature  of  this  state  a  representation  of  the 
people,  annually  elected  and  founded  upon  principles  of  equality ;  and,  in 
order  that  such  representation  may  be  as  equal  as  circumstances  will  admit, 
every  town,  parish,  or  place  entitled  to  town  privileges,  having  one  hundred 
and  fifty  ratable  male  polls  of  twenty-one  years  of  age  and  upwards,  may 
elect  one  Representative;  if  four  hundred  and  fifty  ratable  polls,  may  elect 
two  Representatives;  and  so  proceeding  in  that  proportion,  making  three 
hundred  such  ratable  polls  the  mean  increasing  number  for  every  additional 
Representative. 

Such  towns,  parishes,  or  places  as  have  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty 
ratable  polls  shall  be  classed  by  the  General  Assembly  for  the  purpose  of 
choosing  a  Representative,  and  seasonably  notified  thereof. 

And  in  every  class  formed  for  the  above-mentioned  purpose  the  first 
annual  meeting  shall  be  held  in  the  town,  parish,  or  place  wherein  most 
of  the  ratable  polls  reside,  and  afterwards  in  that  which  has  the  next  high- 
est number,  and  so  on,  annually,  by  rotation,  through  the  several  towns, 
parishes,  or  places  forming  the  district. 

Whenever  any  town,  parish,  or  place  entitled  to  town  privileges  as  afore- 
said shall  not  have  one  hundred  and  fifty  ratable  polls,  and  be  so  situated  as 


362  APPENDIX 

to  render  the  classing  thereof  with  any  other  town,  parish,  or  place  very  in- 
convenient, the  General  Assembly  may,  upon  application  of  a  majority  of  the 
voters  in  such  town,  parish,  or  place,  issue  a  writ  for  their  electing  and 
sending  a  Representative  to  the  General  Court. 

The  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  chosen  annually 
in  the  month  of  March,  and  shall  be  the  second  branch  of  legislature. 

All  persons  qualified  to  vote  in  the  election  of  Senators  shall  be  entitled 
to  vote  within  the  town,  district,  parish,  or  place  where  they  dwell  in  the 
choice  of  Representatives.  Every  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
shall  be  chosen  by  ballot;  and  for  two  years,  at  least,  next  preceding  his 
election  shall  have  been  an  inhabitant  of  this  state,  shall  have  an  estate  within 
the  town,  parish,  or  place  which  he  may  be  chosen  to  represent  of  the  value 
of  one  hundred  pounds,  one-half  of  which  to  be  a  freehold  whereof  he  is 
seized  in  his  own  right ;  shall  be  at  the  time  of  his  election  an  inhabitant  of 
the  town,  parish,  or  place  he  may  be  chosen  to  represent ;  shall  be  of  the 
Protestant  religion ;  and  shall  cease  to  represent  such  town,  parish,  or  place 
immediately  on  his  ceasing  to  be  qualified  as  aforesaid. 

The  travel  of  each  Representative  to  the  General  Assembly,  and  return- 
ing home  once  in  every  session  and  no  more,  shall  be  at  the  expense  of  the 
state,  and  the  wages  for  his  attendance  at  the  expense  of  the  town,  parish, 
or  places  he  represents ;  such  members  attending  seasonably,  and  not  depart- 
ing without  license.  All  intermediate  vacancies  in  the  House  of  Represnta- 
tives  may  be  filled  up  from  time  to  time  in  the  same  manner  as  annual  elec- 
tions are  made. 

The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  the  grand  inquest  of  the  state, 
and  all  impeachments  made  by  them  shall  be  heard  and  tried  by  the  Senate. 

All  money  bills  shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  the 
Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amendments  as  on  other  bills. 

The  House  of  Representatives  shall  have  power  to  adjourn  themselves, 
but  no  longer  than  for  two  days  at  a  time. 

A  majority  of  the  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  a 
quorum  for  doing  business ;  but  when  less  than  two  thirds  of  the  Represnta- 
tives  elected  shall  be  present  the  assent  of  two  thirds  of  those  members  shall 
be  necessary  to  render  their  acts  and  proceedings  valid. 

No  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  or  Senate  shall  be  arrested 
or  held  bail  on  mesne  process  during  his  going  to,  returning  from,  or 
attendance  upon  the  Court. 

The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  own  speaker,  appoint 
their  own  officers,  and  settle  the  rules  of  proceedings  in  their  own  House. 
They  shall  have  the  authority  to  punish  by  imprisonment  every  person  who 
shall  be  guilty  of  disrespect  to  the  House,  in  its  presence,  by  any  disorderly 
and  contemptuous  behavior,  or  by  threatening  or  ill-treating  any  of  its 
members,  or  by  obstructing  its  deliberations ;  every  person  guilty  of  a  breach 
of  its  privileges  in  making  arrests  for  debt,  or  by  assaulting  any  member 
during  his  attendance  at  any  session,  in  assaulting  or  disturbing  any  one 
of  its  officers  in  the  execution  of  any  order  or  procedure  of  the  house,  in 
assaulting  any  witness  or  other  person  ordered  to  attend,  by  and  during  his 
attendance  of  the  House,  or  in  rescuing  any  person  arrested  by  order  of  the 
House,  knowing  them  to  be  such.  The  Senate,  President,  and  Council 
shall  have  the  same  powers  in  like  cases,  provided  that  no  imprisonment  by 
either  for  any  offense  exceed  ten  days. 

The  journals  of  the  proceedings  of  both  houses  of  the  General  Court 
shall  be  printed  and  published  immediately  after  every  adjournment  or 
prorogation ;  and,  upon  motion  made  by  any  one  member,  the  yeas  and  nays 
upon  any  question  shall  be  taken  and  entered  in  the  journals. 

EXECUTIVE    POWER — PRESIDENT. 

There  shall  be  a  supreme  executive  magistrate  who  shall  be  styled  The 


APPENDIX  363 

President  of  the  State  of  New  Hampshire,  and  whose  title  shall  be  His 
Excellency. 

The  President  shall  be  chosen  annually;  and  no  person  shall  be  eligible 
to  this  office  unless  at  the  time  of  his  election  he  shall  have  been  an  inhabi- 
tant of  this  state  for  seven  years  next  preceding;  and  unless  he  shall  be  of 
the  age  of  thirty  years ;  and  unless  he  shall,  at  the  same  time,  have  an  estate 
of  the  value  of  five  hundred  pounds,  one  half  of  which  shall  consist  of  a 
freehold  in  his  own  right  within  the  state;  and  unless  he  shall  be  of  the 
Protestant  religion. 

Those  persons  qualified  to  vote  for  Senators  and  Representatives  shall, 
within  the  several  towns,  parishes,  or  places  where  they  dwell,  at  a  meeting 
to  be  called  for  the  purpose  some  day  in  the  month  of  March  annually,  give 
in  their  votes  for  a  President  to  the  selectmen  who  shall  preside  at  such 
meeting;  and  the  clerk,  in  the  presence  and  with  the  assistance  of  the  select- 
men, shall  in  open  meeting  sort  and  count  the  votes  and  form  a  list  of  persons 
voted  for,  with  the  number  of  votes  for  each  person  against  his  name,  and 
shall  make  a  fair  record  of  the  same  in  the  town  books,  and  a  public  declara- 
tion thereof  in  the  said  meeting;  and  shall,  in  the  presence  of  said  inhabi- 
tants, seal  up  a  copy  of  said  list,  attested  by  him  and  the  selectmen,  and 
transmit  the  same  to  the  sheriff  of  the  county  thirty  days,  at  least,  before  the 
first  Wednesday  of  June,  or  shall  cause  returns  of  the  same  to  be  made  to 
the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State  seventeen  days,  at  least  before  said  day, 
who  shall  lay  the  same  before  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  on 
the  first  Wednesday  of  June,  to  be  by  them  examined ;  and,  in  case  of  an 
election  by  a  majority  of  votes  through  the  state,  the  choice  shall  be  by 
them  declared  and  published;  but  if  no  person  shall  have  a  majority  of  votes 
the  House  of  Representatives  shall  by  ballot  elect  two  out  of  the  four  persons 
who  had  the  highest  number  of  votes,  if  so  many  shall  have  been  voted  for, 
but,  if  otherwise  out  of  the  number  voted  for,  and  make  return  to  the  Sen- 
ate of  the  two  persons  so  elected,  on  which  the  Senate  shall  proceed  by 
ballot  to  elect  one  of  them,  who  shall  be  declared  President. 

The  President  of  the  state  shall  preside  in  the  Senate ;  shall  have  a  vote 
equal  with  any  other  member;  and  shall  also  have  a  casting  vote  in  case  of 
a  tie. 

The  President,  with  the  advice  of  Council,  shall  have  full  power  and 
authority  in  the  recess  of  the  General  Court  to  prorogue  the  same  from  time 
to  time  not  exceeding  ninety  days  in  any  one  recess  of  said  Court ;  and,  dur- 
ing the  session  of  said  Court,  to  adjourn  or  prorogue  it  to  any  time  the  two 
houses  may  desire ;  and  to  call  it  together  sooner  than  the  time  to  which  it 
may  be  adjourned  or  prorogued  if  the  welfare  of  the  state  should  require 
the  same. 

In  cases  of  disagreement  between  the  two  houses  with  regard  to  the  time 
of  adjournment  or  prorogation,  the  President,  with  advice  of  Council,  shall 
have  a  right  to  adjourn  or  prorogue  the  General  Court,  not  exceeding  ninetv 
days  at  any  one  time,  as  he  may  determine  the  public  good  may  require.  Ana 
he  shall  dissolve  the  same  seven  days  before  the  said  first  Wednesday  of 
June.  And  in  case  of  any  infectious  distemper  prevailing  in  the  place  where 
the  said  Court  at  any  time  is  to  convene,  or  any  other  cause  whereby  dangers 
may  arise  to  the  healths  or  lives  of  the  members  from  their  attendance,  the 
President  may  direct  the  session  to  be  holden  at  some  other,  the  most  con- 
venient place  within  the  state. 

The  President  of  this  state  for  the  time  being  shall  be  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army  and  navy,  and  all  the  military  forces  of  the  state  by  sea 
and  land ;  and  shall  have  full  power  by  himself,  or  by  any  chief  commander 
or  other  officer  or  officers,  from  time  to  time  to  train,  instruct,  exercise,  and 
govern  the  militia  and  navy;  and  for  the  special  defence  and  safety  of  this 
state  to  assemble  in  martial  array  and  put  in  warlike  posture  the  inhabitants 


364  APPENDIX 

thereof;  and  to  lead  and  conduct  them,  and  with  them  to  encounter,  ex- 
pulse,  repel,  resist,  and  pursue  by  force  of  arms,  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land, 
within  and  without  the  limits  of  this  state,  and  also  to  kill,  slay,  destroy,  if 
necessary,  and  conquer  by  all  fitting  ways,  enterprise,  and  means  all  and 
every  such  person  and  persons  as  shall  at  any  time  hereafter  in  a  hostile 
manner  attempt  or  enterprise  the  destruction,  invasion,  detriment  or  annoy- 
ance of  this  state ;  and  to  use  and  exercise  over  the  army  and  navy,  and  over 
the  militia  in  actual  service,  the  law  martial  in  time  of  war,  invasion,  and  also  in 
rebellion,  declared  by  the  legislature  to  exist,  as  occasion  shall  necessarily 
require;  and  surprise  by  all  ways  and  means  whatsoever  all  and  every  such 
person  and  persons,  with  their  ships,  arms,  ammunition,  and  other  goods,  as 
shall  in  a  hostile  manner  invade  or  attempt  the  invading,  conquering,  or  an- 
noying this  state;  and,  in  fine,  the  President  hereby  is  intrusted  with  all 
other  powers  incident  to  the  office  of  captain-general,  and  commander-in- 
chief,  and  admiral,  to  be  exercised  agreeably  to  the  rules  and  regulations  of 
the  constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  land ;  provided  that  the  President  shall 
not  at  any  time  hereafter,  by  virtue  of  any  power  by  this  constitution  granted 
or  hereafter  to  be  granted  to  him  by  the  legislature,  transport  any  of  the 
inhabitants  of  this  state,  or  oblige  them  to  march,  out  of  the  limits  of  the 
same  without  their  free  and  voluntary  consent  or  the  consent  of  the  General 
Court,  nor  grant  commissions  for  exercising  the  law  martial  in  any  case 
without  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Council. 

The  power  of  pardoning  offences,  except  such  as  persons  may  be  con- 
victed of  before  the  Senate  by  impeachment  of  the  House,  shall  be  in  the 
President,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  the  Council ;  but  no  charter  of  pardon 
granted  by  the  President,  with  advice  of  Council,  before  conviction,  shall 
avail  the  party  pleading  the  same,  notwithstanding  any  general  or  particular 
expressions  contained  therein  descriptive  of  the  offence  or  offences  intended 
to  be  pardoned. 

All  judicial  officers,  the  attorney-general,  solicitor-general,  all  sheriffs, 
coroners,  registers  of  probate,  and  all  officers  of  the  navy,  and  general  and 
Held  officers  of  the  militia  shall  be  nominated  and  appointed  by  the  President 
and  Council ;  and  every  such  nomination  shall  be  made  at  least  seven  days 
prior  to  such  appointment,  and  no  appointment  shall  take  place  unless  three 
of  the  Council  agree  thereto. 

The  captains  and  subalterns  in  the  respective  regiments  shall  be  nom- 
inated and  recommended  by  the  field  officers  to  the  President,  who  is  to 
is&ue  their  commissions  immediately  on  receipt  of  such  recommendation. 
No  officer  duly  commissioned  to  command  in  the  militia  shall  be  removed 
from  his  office  but  by  the  address  of  both  houses  to  the  President,  or  by 
fair  trial  in  court-martial  pursuant  to  the  laws  of  the  state  for  the  time 
being. 

The  commanding  officers  of  the  regiments  shall  appoint  their  adjutants 
and  quartermasters,  the  brigadiers  their  brigade-majors,  the  major-generals 
their  aids,  the  captains  and  subalterns  their  non-commissioned  officers.  The 
President  and  Council  shall  appoint  all  officers  of  the  continental  army 
whom  by  the  confederation  of  the  United  States  it  is  provided  that  this 
state  shall  appoint,  as  also  all  officers  of  forts  and  garrisons. 

The  division  of  the  militia  into  brigades,  regiments,  and  companies, 
made  in  pursuance  of  the  militia  laws  now  in  force,  shall  be  considered  as 
the  proper  division  of  the  militia  of  this  state  until  the  same  be  altered  by 
some  future  law. 

No  monies  shall  be  issued  out  of  the  treasury  of  this  state  and  disposed 
of  (except  such  sums  as  may  be  appropriated  for  the  redemption  of  bills 
of  credit  or  treasurer's  notes,  or  for  the  payment  of  interest  arising  thereon) 
but  by  warrant  under  the  hand  of  the  President  for  the  time  being,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Council,  for  the  necessary  support  and 


APPENDIX  365 

defence  of  this  state,  and  for  the  necessary  protection  and  preservation  of 
the  inhabitants  thereof,  agreeably  to  the  acts  and  resolves  of  the  General 
Court. 

All  public  boards,  the  commissary-general,  all  superintending  officers  of 
public  magazines  and  stores  belonging  to  this  state,  and  all  commanding 
officers  of  forts  and  garrisons  within  the  same  shall  once  in  every  three 
months  officially,  and  without  requisition,  and  at  other  times  when  required 
by  the  President,  deliver  to  him  an  account  of  all  goods,  stores,  provisions, 
ammunition,  cannon  with  their  appendages,  and  small  arms  with  their 
accoutrements,  and  of  all  other  public  property  under  their  care  respectively, 
distinguishing  the  quantity  and  kind  of  each  as  particularly  as  may  be, 
together  with  the  condition  of  such  forts  and  garrisons ;  and  the  command- 
ing officer  shall  exhibit  to  the  President,  when  required  by  him,  true  and 
exact  plans  of  such  forts,  and  of  the  land  and  sea  or  harbor  or  harbors 
adjacent. 

The  President  and  Council  shall  be  compensated  for  their  services 
from  time  to  time  by  such  grants  as  the  General  Court  shall  think  reason- 
able. 

Permanent  and  honorable  salaries  shall  be  established  by  law  for  the 
justices  of  the  superior  court. 

Whenever  the  chair  of  the  President  shall  be  vacant  by  reason  of  his 
death,  absence  from  the  state  or  otherwise,  the  senior  Senator  for  the  time 
being  shall,  during  such  vacancy,  have  and  exercise  all  the  powers  and 
authorities  which  by  this  constitution  the  President  is  vested  with  when 
personally  present. 

COUNCIL. 

Annually,  on  the  first  meeting  of  the  General  Court,  two  members  of 
the  Senate  and  three  from  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  chosen 
by  joint  ballot  of  both  houses  as  a  Council,  for  advising  the  President  in 
the  executive  part  of  government,  whom  the  President  for  the  time  being 
shall  have  full  power  and  authority  to  convene  from  time  to  time  at  his 
discretion;  and  the  President,  with  the  Councillors,  or  three  of  them  at  least, 
shall  and  may  from  time  to  time  hold  and  keep  a  Council  for  ordering  and 
directing  the  affairs  of  the  state  according  to  the  laws  of  the  land.  The 
qualifications  for  Councillors  shall  be  the  same  as  those  required  for 
Senators.  The  members  of  the  Council  shall  not  intermeddle  with  the 
making  or  trying  impeachments,  but  shall  themselves  be  impeachable  by  the 
House  and  triable  by  the  Senate  for  mal-conduct. 

The  resolutions  and  advice  of  the  Council  shall  be  recorded  in  a 
register,  and  signed  by  the  members  present ;  and  this  record  may  be  called 
for  at  any  time  by  either  house  of  the  legislature,  and  any  member  of  the 
Council  may  enter  his  opinion  contrary  to  the  resolution  of  the  majority. 

And  whereas  the  elections  appointed  to  be  made  by  this  constitution 
on  the  first  Wednesday  of  June,  annually,  by  the  two  houses  of  the  legis- 
lature may  not  be  completed  on  that  day,  the  said  elections  may  be  adjourned 
from  day  to  day  until  the  same  shall  be  completed. 

And  the  order  of  the  elections  shall  be  as  follows:  the  vacancies  in  the- 
Senate,  if  any,  shall  first  be  filled  up;  the  President  shall  then  be  elected, 
provided  there  should  be  no  choice  of  him  by  the  people;  and  afterwards 
the  two  houses  shall  proceed  to  the  election  of  the  Council. 

SECRETARY,  TREASURER,  COMMISSARY-GENERAL,  ETC. 

The  Secretary,  Treasurer,  and  Commissary-General  shall  be  chosen  by 
johit  ballot  of  the  Senators  and  Representatives  assembled  in  one  room. 

The  records  of  the  state  shall  be  kept  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary,  who 
may  appoint  his  deputies,  for  whose  conduct  he  shall  be  answerable ;  and 


366  APPENDIX 

he  shall  attend  the  President  and  Council,  the  Senate  and  Representatives, 
in  person  or  by  deputy,  as  they  may  require. 

COUNTY    TREASURER,    ETC. 

The  county  treasurers  and  registers  of  deeds  shall  be  elected  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  several  towns  in  the  several  counties  in  the  state  according 
to  the  method  now  practiced,  and  the  present  laws  of  the  state;  and,  before 
they  enter  upon  the  business  of  their  offices,  shall  be  respectively  sworn 
faithfully  to  discharge  the  duties  thereof,  and  shall  severally  give  bond, 
with  sufficient  sureties,  in  a  reasonable  sum  for  the  use  of  the  county  for 
the  punctual  performance  of  their  respective  trusts. 

JUDICIARY   POWER. 

The  tenure  that  all  commission  officers  shall  have  by  law  in  their  offices 
shall  be  expressed  in  their  respective  commissions.  All  judicial  officers  duly 
appointed,  commissioned,  and  sworn  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good 
behavior,  excepting  those  concerning  whom  there  is  a  different  provision 
made  in  this  constitution ;  provided,  nevertheless,  the  President,  with  con- 
sent of  Council,  may  remove  them  upon  the  address  of  both  houses  of  the 
legislature. 

Each  branch  of  the  legislature,  as  well  as  the  President  and  Council, 
shall  have  authority  to  require  the  opinions  of  the  justices  of  the  superior 
court  upon  important  questions  of  law,  and  upon  solemn  occasions. 

In  order  that  the  people  may  not  suffer  from  the  long  continuance  in 
place  of  any  justice  of  the  peace  who  shall  fail  in  discharging  the  important 
duties  of  his  office  with  ability  and  fidelity,  all  commissions  of  justices  of 
the  peace  shall  become  void  at  the  expiration  of  five  years  from  their 
respective  dates ;  and  upon  the  expiration  of  any  commission  the  same 
may,  if  necessary,  be  renewed,  or  another  person  appointed,  as  shall  most 
conduce  to  the  well-being  of  the  state.  The  judges  of  probate  of  wills  and 
for  granting  letters  of  administration  shall  hold  their  courts  at  such  place 
or  places,  on  such  fixed  days  as  the  convenience  of  the  people  may  require; 
and  the  Legislature  shall,  from  time  to  time,  hereafter  appoint  such  times 
and  places,  until  which  appointments  the  said  courts  shall  be  holden  at  the 
times  and  places  which  the  respective  judges  shall  direct. 

All  causes  of  marriage,  divorce,  and  alimony,  and  all  appeals  from 
the  respective  judges  of  probate  shall  be  heard  and  tried  by  the  superior 
court,  until  the  legislature  shall  by  law  make  other  provision. 

CLERKS  OF  COURTS. 

The  clerks  of  the  superior  court  of  judicature,  inferior  courts  of  com- 
mon pleas,  and  general  sessions  of  the  peace  shall  be  appointed  by  the 
respective  courts  during  pleasure ;  and  to  prevent  any  fraud  or  unfairness 
in  the  entries  and  records  of  said  courts  no  such  clerk  shall  be  of  counsel 
in  any  cause  in  the  court  of  which  he  is  clerk,  nor  shall  he  fill  any  writ 
in  any  civil  action  whatsoever. 

DELEGATES  TO  CONGRESS. 

The  delegates  of  this  state  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall, 
sometime  between  the  first  Wednesday  of  June  and  the  first  Wednesday  of 
September,  annually,  be  elected  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
in  their  separate  branches,  to  serve  in  Congress  for  one  year  to  commence 
on  the  first  Monday  in  November  then  next  ensuing. 

They  shall  have  commissions  under  the  hand  of  the  President  and  the 
great  seal  of  the  state,  but  may  be  recalled  at  any  time  within  the  year, 
and  others  chosen  and  commissioned  in  the  same  manner  in  their  stead ; 


APPENDIX  367 

and  they  shall  have  the  same  qualifications  in  all  respects  as  by  this  con- 
stitution are  required  for  the  President. 

No  person  shall  be  capable  of  being  a  delegate  to  Congress  for  more 
than  three  years  in  any  term  of  six  years;  nor  shall  any  person,  being  a 
delegate,  be  capable  of  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States  for  which 
he,  or  any  other  for  his  benefit,  receives  any  salary  or  emolum  nt  of 
any  kind. 

ENCOURAGEMENT    OF    LITERATURE,    ETC. 

Knowledge  and  learning  generally  diffused  through  a  community  being 
essential  to  the  preservation  of  a  free  government,  and  spreading  the 
opportunities  and  advantages  of  education  through  the  various  parts  of  the 
country  being  highly  conducive  to  promote  this  end,  it  shall  be  the  duty 
of  these  legislators  and  the  magistrates  in  all  future  periods  of  this  govern- 
ment to  cherish  the  interest  of  literature  and  the  sciences,  and  all  seminaries 
and  public  schools ;  to  encourage  private  and  public  institutions,  rewards 
and  immunities  for  the  promotion  of  agriculture,  arts,  sciences,  commerce, 
trades,  manufactures,  and  natural  history  of  the  country;  to  countenance  and 
inculcate  the  principles  of  humanity  and  general  benevolence,  public  and 
private  charity,  industry  and  economy,  honesty  and  punctuality,  sincerity, 
sobriety,  and  all  social  affections  and  generous  sentiments  among  the  people. 

OATH  AND  SUBSCRIPTIONS;  EXCLUSION  FROM  OFFICES;  COMMISSIONS;  WRITS; 
CONFIRMATION  OF  LAWS;  HABEAS  CORPUS,  THE  ENACTING  STYLE;  CONTIN- 
UANCE OF  OFFICERS  ;  PROVISION  FOR  A  FUTURE  REVISION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION, 

ETC. 

Any  person  chosen  President,  Councillor,  Senator,  or  Representative, 
military  or  civil  officer  (town  officers  excepted),  accepting  the  trust,  shall, 
before  he  proceeds  to  execute  the  duties  of  his  office,  make  and  subscribe 
the  following  declaration,  viz. : 

I,  A  B,  do  truly  and  sincerely  acknowledge,  profess,  testify,  and  declare 
that  the  state  of  New  Hampshire  is,  and  of  right  ought  to  be  a  free, 
sovereign,  and  independent  state,  and  do  swear  that  I  will  bear  faith  and 
true  allegiance  to  the  same,  and  that  I  will  endeavor  to  defend  it  against 
all  treacherous  conspiracies  and  hostile  attempts  whatever;  and  I  do  further 
testify  and  declare  that  no  man  or  body  of  men  hath  or  can  have  a  right 
to  absolve  me  from  the  obligation  of  this  oath,  declaration,  or  affirmation, 
and  that  I  do  make  this  acknowledgment,  profession,  testimony,  and  declara- 
tion honestly  and  truly,  according  to  the  common  acceptation  of  the  fore- 
going words,  without  any  equivocation,  mental  evasion,  or  secret  reservation 
whatever.  So  help  me  God. 

I,  A  B,  do  solemnly  and  sincerely  swear  and  affirm  that  I  will  faith- 
fully and  impartially  discharge  and  perform  all  the  duties  incumbent  on  me 

as —  ,  according  to  the  best  of  my  abilities,  agreeably  to 

the  rules  and  regulations  of  this  constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  state  of 
New  Hampshire.  So  help  me  God. 

Provided  always,  when  any  person  chosen  or  appointed  as  aforesaid 
shall  be  of  the  denomination  called  Quakers,  or  shall  be  scrupulous  of 
swearing,  and  shall  decline  taking  the  said  oaths,  such  shall  take  and  sub- 
scribe them  omitting  the  word  "swear"  and  likewise  the  words  "So  help 
me  God,"  subjoining  instead  thereof,  "This  I  do  under  the  pains  and  pen- 
alties of  perjury." 

And  the  oaths  or  affirmations  shall  be  taken  and  subscribed  by  the 
President  before  the  senior  Senator  present,  in  the  presence  of  the  two 
houses  of  assembly;  and  by  the  Senate  and  Representatives  first  elected 
under  this  constitution  before  the  President  and  three  of  the  Council  of 
the  former  constitution,  and  forever  afterwards  before  the  President  and 


368  APPENDIX 

Council  for  the  time  being;  and  by  the  residue  of  the  officers  aforesaid 
before  such  persons  and  in  such  manner  as  from  time  to  time  shall  be 
prescribed  by  the  legislature. 

All  commissions  ;hall  be  in  the  name  of  the  state  of  New  Hampshire, 
signed  by  the  President,  and  attested  by  the  Secretary  or  his  deputy,  and 
shall  have  the  great  seal  of  the  state  affixed  thereto. 

All  writs  issuing  out  of  the  clerk's  office  in  any  of  the  courts  of  law 
shall  be  in  the  name  of  the  state  of  New  Hampshire,  shall  be  under  the 
seal  of  the  court  whence  they  issue,  and  bear  test  of  the  chief,  first,  or  senior 
justice  of  the  court;  but  when  such  justice  shall  be  interested,  then  the 
writ  shall  bear  test  of  some  other  justice  of  the  court  to  which  the  same 
shall  be  returnable,  and  be  signed  by  the  clerk  of  such  court. 

All  indictments,  presentments,  and  informations  shall  conclude  against 
the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  state. 

The  estates  of  such  persons  as  may  destroy  their  own  lives  shall  not 
for  that  offence  be  forfeited,  but  descend  or  ascend  in  the  same  manner  as 
if  such  persons  had  died  in  a  natural  way.  Nor  shall  any  article  which  shall 
accidentally  occasion  the  death  of  any  person  be  henceforth  deemed  a 
deodand,  or  in  any  wise  forfeited  on  account  of  such  misfortune. 

All  the  laws  which  have  heretofore  been  adopted,  used,  and  approved 
in  the  province,  colony,  or  state  of  New  Hampshire,  and  usually  practiced 
on  in  the  courts  of  law,  shall  remain  and  be  in  full  force  until  altered  and 
repealed  by  the  legislature ;  such  parts  thereof  only  excepted  as  are  repugnant 
to  the  rights  and  liberties  contained  in  this  constitution ;  provided  that 
nothing  herein  contained,  when  compared  with  the  twenty-third  article  in 
the  bill  of  rights,  shall  be  construed  to  affect  the  laws  already  made  respect- 
ing the  persons  or  estates  of  absentees. 

The  privilege  and  benefit  of  the  habeas  corpus  shall  be  enjoyed  in  this 
state  in  the  most  free,  easy,  cheap,  expeditious,  and  ample  manner,  and 
shall  not  be  suspended  by  the  legislature  except  upon  the  most  urgent  and 
pressing  occasions,  and  for  a  time  not  exceeding  three  months. 

The  enacting  style  in  making  and  passing  acts,  statutes,  and  laws  shall  be, 
Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in  General  Court 
convened. 

No  President  or  judge  of  the  superior  court  shall  hold  any  office  or 
place  under  the  authority  of  this  state  except  such  as  by  this  constitution 
they  are  admitted  to  hold,  saving  that  the  judges  of  the  said  court  may 
hold  the  offices  of  justices  of  the  peace  throughout  the  state ;  nor  shall  they 
hold  any  place  or  office,  or  receive  any  pension  or  salary  from  any  other 
state,  government,  or  power  whatever. 

No  person  shall  be  capable  of  exercising  at  the  same  time  more  than 
one  of  the  following  offices  within  this  state,  viz.,  judge  of  probate,  sheriff, 
register  of  deeds;  and  never  more  than  two  offices  of  profit  which  may  be 
held  by  appointment  of  the  President,  or  President  and  Council,  or  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  or  superior  or  inferior  courts,  military  offices 
and  offices  of  justices  of  the  peace  excepted. 

No  person  holding  the  office  of  judge  of  the  superior  court,  Secretary, 
Treasurer  of  the  state,  judge  of  probate,  attorney-general,  commissary- 
general,  judge  of  the  maritime  court,  or  judge  of  the  court  of  admiralty, 
military  officers  receiving  pay  from  the  continent  or  this  state,  excepting 
officers  of  the  militia  occasionally  called  forth  on  an  emergency,  judge  of 
the  inferior  court  of  common  pleas,  register  of  deeds,  president,  professor, 
or  instructor  of  any  college,  sheriff,  or  officer  of  the  customs,  including 
naval  officers,  shall  at  the  same  time  have  a  seat  in  the  Senate,  or  House  of 
Representatives,  or  Council;  but  their  being  chosen  or  appointed  to,  and 
accepting  the  same,  shall  operate  as  a  resignation  of  their  seat  in  the  Senate, 


APPENDIX  369 

or  House  of  Representatives,  or   Council;  and  the  place  so  vacated  shall 
be  filled  up. 

No  person  shall  ever  be  admitted  to  hold  a  seat  in  the  legislature,  or 
any  office  of  trust  or  importance  under  the  government,  who  in  the  due 
course  of  law  has  been  convicted  of  bribery  or  corruption  in  obtaining  an 
election  or  appointment. 

In  all  cases  where  sums  of  money  are  mentioned  in  this  constitution  the 
value  thereof  shall  be  computed  in  silver  at  six  shillings  and  eight  pence 
per  ounce. 

To  the  end  that  there  may  be  no  failure  of  justice  or  danger  arise  to 
this  state  from  a  change  of  the  form  of  government,  all  civil  and  military 
officers  holding  commissions  under  the  government  and  people  of  New 
Hampshire,  and  other  officers  of  the  said  government  and  people,  at  the 
time  this  constitution  shall  take  effect,  shall  hold,  exercise,  and  enjoy  all 
the  powers  and  authorities  to  them  granted  and  committed  until  other 
persons  shall  be  appointed  in  their  stead.  All  courts  of  law  in  the  business 
of  their  respective  departments,  and  the  executive  and  legislative  bodies 
and  persons  shall  continue  in  full  force,  enjoyment,  and  exercise  of  all  their 
trusts  and  employments  until  the  General  Court  and  the  supreme  and 
other  executive  officers  under  this  constitution  are  designated  and  invested 
with  their  respective  trusts,  powers,  and  authority. 

This  form  of  government  shall  be  enrolled  on  parchment  and  deposited 
in  the  Secretary's  office,  and  be  a  part  of  the  laws  of  the  land;  and  printed 
copies  thereof  shall  be  prefixed  to  the  books  containing  the  laws  of  this 
state  in  all  future  editions  thereof. 

To  preserve  an  effectual  adherence  to  the  principles  of  the  constitution, 
and  to  correct  any  violations  thereof,  as  well  as  to  make  such  alterations 
therein  as  from  experience  may  be  found  necessary,  the  General  Court  shall, 
at  the  expiration  of  seven  years  from  the  time  this  constitution  shall  take 
effect,  issue  precepts,  or  direct  them  to  be  issued  from  the  Secretary's  office, 
to  the  several  towns  and  incorporated  places  to  elect  delegates  to  meet  in 
convention  for  the  purposes  aforesaid;  the  said  delegates  to  be  chosen  in 
the  same  manner  and  proportioned  as  the  representatives  to  the  General 
Assembly;  provided  that  no  alteration  shall  be  made  in  this  constitution 
before  the  same  shall  be  laid  before  the  towns  and  unincorporated  places, 
and  approved  by  two-thirds  of  the  qualified  voters  present  and  voting  upon 
the  question. 

IN  CONVENTION  HELD  AT  CONCORD, 

The  3ist  Day  of  October,  1783. 

The  returns  from  the  several  towns  being  examined,  and  it  appearing 
that  the  foregoing  bill  of  rights  and  form  of  government  were  approved  of 
by  the  people,  the  same  are  hereby  agreed  on  and  established  by  the  dele- 
gates of  the  people,  and  declared  to  be  the  civil  constitution  for  the  state 
of  New  Hampshire,  to  take  place  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  June,  1784; 
and  that  in  the  meantime  the  General  Court  under  the  present  government 
make  all  the  necessary  arrangements  for  introducing  this  constitution  at 
that  time,  and  in  the  manner  therein  described. 

NATHANIEL  FOLSOM, 

President  P.  T. 
Attest : 

J.  M.  SEWALL,  Secretary. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Index  of  Subjects  and  Places 


Abolitionists — 129-43 

Academies — 153,   222-29 

Agricultural  College — 161 

American  Party — 154 

Amherst — 70 

Anti-Slavery    Societies — 133,    136 

Banks— 72,  94,  97-8,  115,  125 

Berlin — 185,   351 

Betterment  Law — 7 

Blind  Aided — 116 

Boots  and  Shoes — 189 

Boscawen — 55 

Bounties — 89 

Bowdoin  College— 138,  160,  217,  232, 

255.  294 

Brewster  Free  Academy — 227 
Canterbury — 90 
Capital  Punishment — 119 
Chester — 70,  87 
Cities— 339-51 
Coe's  Academy — 228 
Colby  Academy — 223 
Commerce — 8-9 

Compromise   Measures — 253,  261 
Concord — 8,   14,   69,   78,   79,  92,   149, 

185-9 
Constitution     of     Indian     Stream — 

106-9 
Constitution    of    New    Hampshire — 

151  and  Appendix 
Constitution    of    United    States — 48, 

75-  88,  131 

Congressional  Library — 88,   187 
Congress  Criticized — 95 
Copper — 122 
Cotton  Factories — 4 
Corporations — 13,  71,  82,  96,  116,  119, 

120 


Courts — 14 

Creameries — 190 

Crime — 75,  90,  92 

Cyclone — 74 

Dartmouth  College — 41-9,  54,  70,  76, 

89,  90,  118,  124,  135-8,  148-9,  156, 

161,  203,  229,  232-6,  241,  245,  291, 

296,  300,  301,  303-5 
Deaf  Mutes — 73 
Democrats — 7,   42,   85,   94,    113,    129, 

139,  253ff,  153 

Dover— 69,  79,  152,  184,  335,  344 
Dow  Academy — 228 
Durham — 229 
En  field — 69 

Era  of  Good  Feeling — 75 
Exeter— 45,   91,    139,    155,   228,    255, 

303 

Farming — 194 
Federalists— 4,  II,  12,  14,  18,  33,  35, 

56,  65,  77,  85,  "4 
Financial  Panic — 116 
Fitzwilliam — 7,  188 
Franklin — 349-50 

Francestown — 70,  76,  160,  188,  255 
Free  Soil   Party— 138,  139,   153 
Fryeburg  Academy — 55 
Gag  Law — 134 
Geologic  Survey — 114,  122 
Granite  Quarries — 185-9 
Great  Britain — 34,  105,  121 
Hail  Columbia — 46 
Hartford  Asylum — 23,  116 
Hartford  Convention — 35,  65 
Harvard  College— 114,  156,  239,  289, 

302,  308,  311 
Haverhill — 113,   122 
Hillsborough — 4,   86 


373 


374 


INDEX 


Hinsdale — 160 

Holderness — 226 

Hopkinton — 8 

Immigrants — 191-2 

Impressment   of   Americans — 22-3 

Imprisonment  for  Debt — 7,  89 

Indian   Stream — 103 

Industries — 3 

Insanity — 91-2 

Internal    Improvements — 75,   96,    116 

Inventors — 197-206 

Iron  Ore — 122 

Jaffrey— 4 

Jackson — 122 

Keene — 77,  91,  113,  150,  160,  185,  221, 

350 

Kimball  Union  Academy — 222 
Know-Nothings — 154,  156,  157 
Labor  Organizations — 191 
Laconia — 348-9 
Lebanon — 188 
Literary  Fund — 75,  211 
Littleton— 185 
Londonderry — 228 
Lundy's  Lane — 30 
Machinery — 193-4 
Manchester — 182,  191,  341  ff 
Manufactures — 65,   74,    181-94 
Mexican  War — 124,  148,  257 
Mica — 123 
Milford— 188 
Militia— 93,  117,  148,  150 
Miniature  Republic — 103 
Nashua— 183,  343 
New  Hampton  Academy — 224 
New  Ipswich — 183,   197 
New  London — 223 
New  Hampshire  College — 229 
New  Hampshire  Historical  Society — 

77,  187 

New  Hampshire  Granite — 88,  185-9 
New  Hampshire  Observer — 78 
New  Hampshire  Patriot — 17-8,  95 
New  Hampshire   Statesman — 78 
Normal  School — 161,  218-21 
North  Conway— 188 


Nottingham — 26 

Party  Machine — 5,  77 

Pauperism — 74 

Peterborough — 4,  9,  119 

Pembroke — 4,  216,  228 

Pension  Act — 118 

Phillips    Academy — 10,    54,    78,    114, 

203,  227,  291,  297 
Pinkerton   Academy — 227 
Pittsburgh — 105,  no 
Plymouth — 46,  219,  220 
Plumbago — 123 
Politics— 4-6,  8sff,  113 
Population — 3,  181 

Portsmouth — 9,  15,  56,  136,   185,  342 
Privateers — 26 
Prohibition — 157 
Proctor  Academy — 226 
Quartz — 123 

Railroads— 95,    114,    150,    153,    165-78 
Reform  School — 161 
Republicans— 6,  9,  18,  65,  78,  85,  135, 

160 

Robinson  Seminary — 228 
Rollinsford — 184,  345-6 
Rochester — 346-8 
Roman    Catholic    Church — 154,    159, 

229 

Rumford  Press — 189 
Salaries — 96 
Schools — 7,  2O9ff 
Somersworth — 345-6 
Slavery— 72,  95,  121,  130,  271 
St.  Paul's  School — 225 
State  House — 67 
State  Militia — 24 
State  Prison — 14,  89 
State  Rights — 24 
Stewartstown — 25 
Tariff— 97-8,  118,  120 
Taxation — 97,    119 
Teachers'  Association — 216 
Teachers'  Institutes — 215 
Textiles— 182 
Tin — 122 


INDEX 


375 


Tilton   Seminary — 223 
Toleration  Act — 71 
Tornado — 67 

Voters  Disfranchised — 81 
Wages — 190,  210,  253 
War  of  1812 — 13,  21  ff 


Warner — 25 

Warren — 122-3 

Whigs  85,  113-4,  126.  233,  264 

vVoolen    Mills— 184 

Women,  How  Taxed — 119 

Zinc — 122 


Index  of  Names 


Abbott,  Daniel,  183 
Adams,  George  E.,  311 

John  Q.,  258 

Isaac,  347 

Nehemiah,  135 

Seth,  347 
Aldrich,  Edgar,  no 

Thomas   B.,   343 
Allen,  William,  44 
Anderson,  Ola,   188 
Andrews,  Elisha  B ,  241 
Appleton,  Jane  M.,  256 

Jesse,  256 

Nathan,  311 
Ashley,  Henry,  311 
Atherton,   Charles  G.,   134,   151,  257, 
289,  343 

Charles  H.,  311 

Joshua,  289 

Atkinson,  William  K.,  69 
Atwood,  David,  311 

Rev.  John,  261 

Babbitt,  Clinton,  311 
Badger,  Joseph,  7 

William,  93-4 
Bailey,   Edwin  C,  299 

George,  299 

Goldsmith  F.,  312 

Moses,   299 
Baker,  Henry  M.,  312 

Nathaniel  B.,  155 
Baldwin,  Josephus,  343 
Bancroft,  Cecil  P.  P.,  244 


Barnard,  Daniel,  350 
Barker,  David,  347 
Barry,  Garret,  186 

Bartlett,    Ichabod,    44,    77,    91,    151, 
154-5,  312 

Josiah,  Jr.,  312 

Levi,  7 

Samuel  C.,  234 
Batchelder,  Herman,  106 

D.  Homer,  155 
Batterson,  James  G.,  186-7 
Bean,   Benning  M.,  312 

Curtis  C.,  313 

Nehemiah  S.,  205 
Bedel,  John,  125 

Moody,  24,  104 
Beebe,  Daniel  G.,  214 
Bell,  Charles  H.,  76,  86 

James,  151,  155,  160 

John,  70,  86-7 

Samuel,  70,  72-3,  75,  86,  94,  96 

Samuel  D.,  160 
Benton,  Thomas  H.,  280 
Berry,   Nathaniel   G.,   123 
Betton,  Silas,  313 
Blair,  Henry  W.,  290 
Blanchard,  David,  no,  186 

Jonathan,  313 
Bliss,  W.  W.  S.,  125 
Blodgett,  Isaac  N.,  350 
Bouton,  Nathaniel,  134 
Bowers,  George,  125 
Branch,  Oliver  E.,  259 
Brewster,  John,  227 


376 


INDEX 


Briggs,  James  F.,  313 
Brigham,  Levi,  68 
Bridgman,  Laura  D.,  245 
Brodhead,  John,  314 
Brown,  Elisha,  344 

Francis,  43,  232 

Jacob,  31 

Titus,  314 

Buchanan,  James,  254,  267,  283-4 
Burke,  Edmund,  314 
Buffum,   David,  346 
Burleigh,  Henry  G.,  314 

Micajah,  346 

William,   314 
Burnham,  Eben  E.,  291 

Josiah,  7 
Burr,   Aaron,   291 
Busiel,  Charles  A.,  349 
Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  247 

Prof.  J.  J.,  224 
Butterfield,   Martin,   315 

Ralph,  235 

Campbell,  James,  272-3 

Carrigain,  Philip,  67 

Carr,  Moses,  345 

Carter,  Edgar  A.,  346 

Cass,  Lewis,  26,  193,  253-4,  291-2 

Chamberlain,  Levi,  154 

John  C,  315 

W.  B.,  301 

William  E.,  351 
Chandler,  Abial,  233 

Deborah,  299 

John,  293-4 

Thomas,  315 

William  E.,  143,  292-3 

Zachariah,  294 
Chase,  Aquila,  296 

Dudley,  295 

Philander,   241,  296 

Salmon  P.,  142 
Cheney,  Oren  B.,  248 
Chickering,  Abner,  197 

Jonas,    197 
Choate,  Rufus,  37,  46 


Christie,  Daniel  M ,  138,  154,  344 
Cilley,  Bradbury  L.,  248 
Claggett,  Clifton,  315 
Clay,  Henry,  299 
Clarke,   Frank   G.,  316 

Daniel,  160,  295 
Cochrane,  Frank  B.,  316 
Coit,  Henry  A.,  225 
Colbath,  Jeremiah  J.,  306 

Winthrop,  306 
Cole,  Benjamin  J.,  349 
Colby,  Anthony,  119,  123-6,  132,  223 
Comstock,  Charles  C.,  316 
Crosby,  Alpheus,  249 
Currier,  David,  155 

Frank  D.,  316 
Gushing,  Caleb,  272,  279 

Jonathan   P.,  347 
Cushman,    Samuel,   316 
Cutler,  Carroll,  249 
Cutts,  Charles,  n,  296 

Thomas,   104 
Dame,  Jabez,  347 
Damrell,  William  S.,  316 
Dana,  Daniel,  232 

Samuel,  70 

Daniell,  Warren  F.,  350 
Dartmouth,   Earl  of,  235 
Davis,  Aquila,  25 

George  H.,   186 

Jefferson,  272,  277 

Noah,  317 

Dearborn,   Henry   S.,  26-8,  317 
Debree,  John,  142 
Dinsmoor,  Samuel,  77,  91,  93,  351 

Samuel,    Jr.,    149 
Dix,  John  A.,  268-9,  296-8 

Timothy,  296 

Dobbin,  James  C.,  272,  278 
Donagan,  James  A.,  186 
Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  254,  281 
Downs,  Charles  A.,  214 
Durant,  Henry  T.,  247 
Durgin,  William  B,   189 
Durrell,  Daniel  M.,  69,  317,  344 


INDEX 


377 


Eames,  Jeremiah,  103 
Eastman,  Ira  A.,  318 

Ebenezer,  349 

Nehemiah,  318 
Eaton,  John,  246 
Edgerly,  James  A.,   346 
Edwards,  Thomas  McK.,  318 
Ela,  Jacob  H.,  318,  347 
Ellis,  Caleb,  14,  318 
Esterbrook,    Experience,    317 
Everett,   Edward,  283 

Fairchild,  Edward  T,  231 
Farmer,  John,  37,  134 

Moses  G.,  203 
Farnsworth,  B.  F.,  224 
Farr,  Evarts  W.,  318 
Farrington,  James,  318,  347 
Felker,   Samuel  D.,  347 
Fessenden,  Samuel,  298-9 

Thomas,  209 

William,  298 

William  P.,  138,  298-300 
Fish,   Jonathan,    319 
Fisher,  John,  319 
Fillmore,  Millard,  253-4,  2^4 
Flanders,  Alvan,  319 

Benjamin  F.,  319 
Fletcher,  Ebenezer,  104 
Floyd,  Charles  M.,  341 
Folsom,   Channing,  214 

Nathaniel,  319 
Fogg,  George,  155 

George  G.,  300 
Foster.  Stephen  S.,   135,  137 

John  G.,  343 
Forney,  John   W.,  273 
Fowler,  Ruth,  299 
Freeman,  Edmund,  25 

Russell,  7 

French,  Augustus  C,  240 

Ezra   B.,  320 

John  B.,  320 

John  S.,  241 
Fremont.  John  C.,   155,   160 


French,  Augustus  C.,  240 

Ezra  B.,  320 

John   B.,  320 

John  S.,  241 
Frost,   Rufus  S.,  320 
Fuller,  Luther,  103 
Fullonton,  John,  224 

Gallagher,  Thomas,  320 
Gallinger,  Jacob  H.,  301 
Garfield,  Samuel,  131 
Garrison,  William  L.f  129,  135 
Gibbs,  David,  103-4 

William  D.,  231 
Gilman,  Charles  J.,  320 

John  T.,  5,  ii,  14,  33 

Nicholas,  6 
Goodenow,  Robert,  321 

Rufus  K.,  321 
Goodwin,  Ichabod,  342 
Goodrich,  Chauncey  A.,  46 
Gordon,    William,   321 
Gore,  Christopher,  55 
Gould,  John,  197 
Gove,  Jesse  A.,  125 
Gowing,  Fred,  214 
Goodwin,  Ichabod,  151,  154,  156,  173 
Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  280,  295 
Graves,  Samuel,  248 
Greene,  Nathaniel,  299 

Ruth,  298 
Green,  Peter,  67 
Greeley,  Horace,  155,  301 

John,  301 

Joseph,  183 

Grimes,  James  W.,  301 
Guthrie,  James,  272,  277 
Hackett,   William  H.  Y.,  155,  343 
Haddock,  Charles  B.,  213 
Hadley,  Amos,  214 
Hale,  Horace  M.,  245 

John  P..  i  io,  138-43,  155,  160,  256, 
260,  266,  344,  347 

William,  69,  70,  79,  321 

Salma,  321,  351 

Obed,   322 


378 


INDEX 


Samuel  W.,  351 
Haile,  William,  151,  160,  173 
Hall,   Daniel,   143,  344 

Joshua  G.,  321 

Samuel  R.,  219 
Hammond,  Otis  G.,  no 
Hammons,  Joseph,  322 
Hamlin,  Hannibal,  138,  142 

Cyrus,  217 
Hanson,  B.   F.,  346 
Hardy,  Anthony  C.,  214 
Harper,  Charles  A.,  90 

John  A.,  322 

Joseph  M.,  90,  322 
Harvey,   Jonathan,   322 

Matthew,  89,  90 

William,   89 

Haven,  Nathaniel  A.,  322 
Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  138,  256 
Hayes,  John  L.,  139 
Haynes,  John,  104,  107 

Martin  A.,  322 
Harrison,  Willaim  H.,  113 
Hazelton,  George  C.,  323 

Gerry  W.,  323 
Heath,  James,  104 
Hedding,  Bishop,  135 
Henry,  William,  323 
Hibbard,   Harry,   323 
Hill,   Abraham,  95 

Isaac,  18,  77,  95-9,  160,  256,  200,  266 
Hobbs,  James,  345 
Hollis,  Henry  F.,  302 
Holmes,  John,  46 
Hopkins,  Ernest  M.,  236 
Hopkinson,  Joseph,  46 
Houston,  Samuel,  255 
Howe,  John  W.,  323 
Hubbard,  Henry,  117-8,  156 
Hunt,   Samuel,  323 

John  M.,  343 

Mary  A.,  343 
Jackson,  Andrew,  92,  256 

Charles  T.,  115,  122 

John  H.,  125 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  4,  7,  9,  21,  129 


Jenness,   Benning  W.,  302 
Johnson,  Andrew,  280,  299 

James  H.,  324 
Jones,  Frank,  324 
Judd,  Nathan,  104,  106 

Kendrick,  Henry  L.,  125 
Kent,  William  A.,  79 

George,  134 
Kimball,  Daniel,  222 

Jonathan,  104 
Kittredge,  George  W.,  324 
Knapp,  William  D.,  346 
Knowlton,  Ebenezer,  324 
Koszter,  Martin,  275 

Ladd,  James,  104 

Rhoda  C.,  349 
Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  78 
Lamb,  Fred  W.,  75 
Lane,  Joseph,  255 
Langdon,  John,  6,  7,  9,  n,  69 
Legge,  Lady  Dorothy,  235 
Livermore,  Arthur,   14 

Samuel,  226 

Lodge,  Henry  C.,  45,  57 
Longfellow,  Henry  W.,  138,  256,  311 
Lord,  Nathan,  135,  232 

Oliver  H.,  346 
Lothrop,  Daniel,  347 
Low,  Joseph,   no 
Lowe,  Thaddeus  S.  C.,  202 
Lyon,  John  E.,  169 

Mary,  228 

McClelland,  Robert,  272 
McFarland,  Asa,  154-5 
McKinney,  Luther,  324 
McNeil,   John,   32 
Mahurin,  Ephraim  H.,  25 
Marcy,  Daniel,  324 

William  C.,  254,  272-4 
Marshall,  John  P.,  245 
Marston,  Gilman,  151,  303 
Martin,  Noah,  152,  344 


INDEX 


379 


Mason,   Jeremiah,   14-18,  44,  45,   56, 
67,  68,   72,  77,  118 

John  Y.,  283 

Maynard,    Henry   L.,   324 
Miller,  James,  25-31,  149 
Miner,  Alonzo  A.,  239 
Mitchell,  David,  106-7 
Metcalf,   Ralph,   no,   156 
Molony,  Richard  S.,  325 
Montgomery,   John,  25 
Monroe,  James,  45,  68-9 
Mooney,  James,  40 
Moore,  Jacob  B.,  77 
Morril,  David  L.,  22,  78 
Morrison,  George  W.,  325,  341 

Henry  C,  214,  218 

Nathaniel,  119 
Moulton,   Mace,   325 
Murkland,  Charles   S.,  231 
Nash,  Stephen  G.,  350 
Neal,   Robert,  24 
Newell,  Israel,  222 
Nesmith,  George  W.,  168,  350 
Nichols,  Ernest  F.,  235 
Norcross,  Amasa,  325 
Norris,  Moses,  303 
Noyes,  Joseph,  219,  349 

Parker,  350 
Nute,  Alonzo,  325 

Olcott,  Mills,  37 

Peter,  37 

Orr,    Benjamin,   326 
Osborne,    John,    198 

Samuel,   104 

Page,   Charles  T.,   189 

George  F.,   189 

John,  25,   113-4 

Calvin,  343 
Park,  Stuart  J.,  68 
Parker,  Edmund,  256 

Edward  E.,  343 

Joel,  351 

Luther,  106-7,  no 

Nahum,  7,  296,  304 


Parrot,  John  F.,  205 

Robert  P.,  205 
Parkhurst,  Lewis,  235 

Wilder  L.,  235 
Paul,  Moses,  344 
Parsons,    Frank   N.,   350 
Patterson,  James  W.,  214,  304 

George  W.,  326 

William,  326 
Peabody,    Stephen,  93 

Kendall  O.,  349 
Pearson,  Joseph,  7 
Peaslee,    Charles    H.,   326 
Perkins,  Jared,   155,   326 

Bishop,   326 

Nathaniel,  104-5,  *O7 
Perley,  Judge  Ira,  154 
Perry,  John  J.,  327 

Matthew  G.,  282 

William,  91 

Pettee,  Charles  H.,  231 
Pierce,  Benjamin,  7,  26,  79,  85-8,  255 

Franklin,    33,    86,    125,    138-9,    155, 
254,  285 

Joseph,  327 
Pillsbury,   Charles  T.,   189 

George   A.,    198 

John  S.,  199 
Pilsbury,   Parker,    135 
Pike,  Austin  F.,  304,  350 

James,    327 

Robert  E.,  344 

Rev.  James,  345 
Pinkerton,  John,  227 

James,  227 

Phillips,  Wendell,  135 
Plaisted,  Harris  M.,  327 
Plumer,   William,   5,   n,    14,  46,  56, 
65,  67,  77,  232 

Willaim,  Jr.,   151,  155,  327 
Polk,  James  K.,   149,  256,   280 
Porter,  Henry  K.,  327 
Potter,  Chandler  E.,   125 
Powers,  Samuel  L.,  328 
Pritchard,  Benjamin,  182 
Putnam,  Rev.  Mr.,  69 


380 


INDEX 


Quinby,  Gov.  Henry  B.,  188,  349 
Quincy,  Josiah,   169 
Quint,  Wilder  D.,  48 

Ramsdell,  George  A.,  343 
Rankin,  Jeremiah  E.,  244 
Ray,   Ossian,  328 
Reding,  John  K.,  328 
Reed,   Edward  C,  328 

Thomas  B.,  217 
Richards,  Cyrus  S.,  222 
Richardson,  William  M.,  328 
Ripley,  Gen.  E.  W.,  32,  328 
Robertson,  Peter,  67 
Robinson,  William,  228 
Rogers,  Nathaniel  P.,  136 
Rollins,  Edward  A.,  234 

Daniel  G.,  346 

Edward   H.,  304 

Ichabod,  345 
Rolfe,  Henry  P.,  140 
Roper,   Sylvester  H.,  206 
Rowe,  Theodore  F.,  125 
Rowell,  Jonathan  H.,  329 

Sabine,  Lorenzo,  329 
Sanborn,  Edward  S.,  228 

Edwin  D.,  151 
Sargent,  E.  C.,  187 
Sawyer,  Alfred  I.,  184,  344 

Charles  H.,  344 

Samuel  L.,  329 

Thomas  E.,  151,  154,  344 
Scott,   Winfield,   155,  264,  266 
Shackford,  Samuel,  24 
Shattuck,   George  C.,   225 
Shaw,  Tristram,  329 
Sheafe,  James,  65,  67,  305 
Shirley,  John  M.,  49 
Sherwin,  Thomas,  240 
Simonds,  John  W.,  214 
Simmons,  George  A.,  329 
Showerman,   Grant,    no 
Sise,    Edward,    69 
Small,  Bradbury  S.,  329 


Smith,   Asa   D.,   233 

Francis  O.  J.,  330 

George   L.,   330 

Jedediah,  330 

Jeremiah,  9-11,  14,  44,  56 
Somes,  Daniel  E.,  330 
Soule,   Pierre,  283 
Spaulding,  Rolland  H.,  347 

Oliver   C.,  330 
Sprague,   Eben  C.,  248 
Stanard,  Edwin  O.,  331 
Stanton,    Benjamin,   224 
Stark,   Caleb,   79 

George,  343 
Steele,  John   H.,   119 
Stearns,  Onslow,  168 
Stetson,    Charles,   331 
Stevens,  Aaron  F.,  331,  343 

Bradford  N.,  331 

David,  182 

Ephraim,  182 

Robert,  182 

Sydney  F.,  346 
Stone,  James  A.  B.,  247 
Storer,  Clement,  7,  29 
Storrs,  Rev.  George,  134,  303 
Stowe,   Calvin   E.,  217,   256 
Stuart,  Moses,  135 
Sullivan,  George,  44,  56,  331 

James,  332 

John,  305 

Timothy  P.,  187-8 
Sulloway,  Cyrus  A.,  341 
Sumner,  Charles,  152,  156 
Swenson,  John,  188 

Tabor,  Jeremiah,  105 
Tappan,  Mason  W.,  332,  350 
Taylor,  President,  264 
Thorn,  George,   125 
Thompson,  Benjamin,  229 

George,  133 

Thomas  W.,  69,  305,  350 
Thayer,   Sylvanus,  233 
Tiffany,  Lyman,   182 
Tuck,   Amos,    139,    154-5,  235,   332 


INDEX 


Edward,  235 
Tucker,   William  J.,  234 
Turner,  Charles  H..  332 
Tyler,  Benjamin  M.,  219 

Bennet,  232 

David,  104 

Jesse,   104 

President  John,  280 

Moses,  183 

Upham,  George  B.,  333 
Nathaniel,  333 
Timothy,  33,  89 
Thomas    C,    347 

Van   Buren,  Marti.i,  93,   113 

Wakefield,   Cyrus,  200 
Wales,   Nathaniel,   103-4 
Walker,  Charles  C.  B.,  333 

Isaac,  216 

William  A.,  333 
Wallace,  Rodney,  333 
Wallingford,   Thomas,   395 
Wadleigh,   Bainbridge,  305 
Weare,   Meshech,  153 
Webster,   Daniel,   10,    n,    17,  25,  41, 
43-8,  53-62,  232,  235,  264,  298 

Ebenezer,  53,  349 

Ezekiel,  54 
Weeks,   John   W.,  33,  306 

John  W.,  333 

Joseph,  333 
Wells,  John  S.,  156,  160,  305 

Nathaniel,  346 

Christopher  H.,  346 
Wentworth,  John,   334,  345 

John,  Jr.,  333 


Tappan,  234,  334 
West,  Benjamin,  37 
Wheelock,  John,  41,  44 
Whitcher,  William  F.,  253 
Whittier,   John   G.,   61,    133,   139 

Mary,  294 
Whipple,  Dr.  Thomas,  71 

Thomas  J.,  125 

William,  343 
Whitehouse,  Elias,  334 

John  O.,  334 
Wilcox,  Leonard,  307 
Wilder,  C.  T.,  235 
Willard,  Phineas,   106-7 
Williams,  Jared  W.,  123,  147 

J.  B.,  189 

John,  344 

Willis,  William,  299 
Wilmot,  David,  273 
Wilson,  Elizabeth,  303 

George  F.,  234 

Henry,  306-7 

James,  334,  113-4,  138,  154.  35* 

John,  334 

William,  334 
Wirt,  William,  46 
Witham,  Abigail,  306 
Wingate,  Paine,  308 
Wood,  Rev.  Samuel,  54,  89 

Aaron,  204 

Walter  A.,  204 
Woodbury,  Levi,  74,    76-8 

Peter,   76 

Woodward,  Bezaleel,  43 
Worcester,  Samuel  T.,  335 
Wright,  Carroll  D.,  243 

Young,  Rev.  Dan,  71 
Timothy  R.,  335 


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